oncatenation of proper names must pass rapidly over certain sections, for example the two chapters (v and vi) that analyse

digression. No less than the subject, the tone and treatment calls for explanation. In narrating the central epoch of th

o and about Livy. Yet, in the end, the Principate has to be accepted, for the Principate, while abolishing political freedo

d even abrupt, avoiding metaphors and abstractions. It is surely time for some reaction from the ‘traditional’ and conventi

ded as a guide to the whole subject: it merely contains, put together for convenience, the books and papers mentioned in th

ere expounded owes to the supreme example and guidance of Münzer: but for his work on Republican family-history, this book

most of them will be unfamiliar to any but a hardened prosopographer. For the sake of clearness, conventional labels or tit

repeated, in preference to an elaborate system of cross-references. For assistance in the reading of proofs and for impro

em of cross-references. For assistance in the reading of proofs and for improvements of expression and substance I am dee

t has not been composed in tranquillity; and it ought to be held back for several years and rewritten. But the theme, I fir

the power passed when the dynasty of the Julii and Claudii had ruled for a century. 1 The ascension of Caesar’s heir had b

its length and solidity all human and rational calculation. It lasted for forty years. No astrologer or doctor could have f

inceps, the beneficent magistrate, men have been at a loss to account for the transmutation, and have surrendered their rea

the source and facts of power. Domination is never the less effective for being veiled. Augustus applied all the arts of to

a) Silenus calls Augustus a chameleon: Apollo objects and claims him for a Stoic. PageBook=>003 of the law might ci

ders, passed into the predominance of one man, Caesar’s grand-nephew: for the security of his own position and the conduct

enants of a military leader or subservient agents of arbitrary power. For that reason ‘Dux’ became ‘Princeps’. He did not c

f Triumvir, Dux and Princeps. 2 Whether the Princeps made atonement for the crime and NotesPage=>003 1 Tacitus, in

The Triumviral period is tangled, chaotic and hideous. To take it all for granted, however, and make a clean beginning afte

by which a revolutionary leader arose in civil strife, usurped power for himself and his faction, transformed a faction in

military adventurer who betrayed and proscribed his ally. The reason for such exceptional favour may be largely assigned t

a singular lack of adverse testimony from contemporary sources. Yet for all that, the history of the whole revolutionary

σαρα πἀντα πϵριϵλθϵȋν. PageBook=>005 without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A s

ιϵλθϵȋν. PageBook=>005 without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A section of it w

k=>005 without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A section of it was so written by C

of Libertas and the defeat of the governing class. Though symbolized for all time in the Battle of Philippi, it was a long

been possible. Pollio had powerful enemies on either side. Compelled for safety to a decision, he chose Caesar, his person

of the Rubicon to the last battle in Spain. Then he followed Antonius for five years. Loyal to Caesar, and proud of his loy

005 1 As Pollio has perished, Tacitus and Sallust can be drawn upon for compensation. For example, the fragments of the p

has perished, Tacitus and Sallust can be drawn upon for compensation. For example, the fragments of the preface of Sallust’

ess exacting standards. The great work of Pollio has perished, save for inconsiderable fragments or supposed borrowings i

nis suppositos cineri doloso. 3 Suetonius, Divm Claudius 41, 2, 4 For the fullest discussion of Pollio’s Histones and t

vanquished cause. That would merely substitute one form of biography for another. At its worst, biography is flat and sche

and alone, without allies, without a following. That axiom holds both for the political dynasts of the closing age of the R

both for the political dynasts of the closing age of the Republic and for their last sole heir the rule of Augustus was the

ts. Nor is it only the biography of Augustus that shall be sacrificed for the gain of history. Pompeius, too, and Caesar mu

obiles held office at Rome. Pompeius fought against it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come to terms. Nor could Ca

archy. Subject and treatment indicated, it remains to choose a date for the beginning. The breach between Pompeius and

nce. 4 The menace of despotic power hung over Rome like a heavy cloud for thirty years from the Dictatorship of Sulla to th

2 Plutarch, Caesar 13 ; Pompeius 47. 3 Horace, Odes 2, i, i if. 4 For example, Lucan, Pharsalia r, 84 ff.; Florus 2, 13

of Pompeius, as you will. Caesar the Dictator bears the heavier blame for civil war. In truth, Pompeius was no better ‘occu

and sacking of cities, with proscription and murder of the best men; for the ambitions of the dynasts provoked war between

as revealed in signal and continuous calamities: the gods had no care for virtue or justice, but intervened only to punish.

The consulate did not merely confer power upon its holder and dignity for life: it ennobled a family for ever. Within the S

nfer power upon its holder and dignity for life: it ennobled a family for ever. Within the Senate, itself an oligarchy, a n

it is true, stand like a solid rampart to bar all intruders. No need for that the conservative Roman voter could seldom be

could seldom be induced to elect a man whose name had not been known for centuries as a part of the history of the Republi

Optimates and Populares, nobiles and novi homines, but by the strife for power, wealth and glory. The contestants were the

at de la république romaine I (1878), 427 ff., established this total for the Senate of 55 B.C. 2 Sallust, BJ 63, 6 (cf.

mbered ramifications of the Roman noble clan won concentrated support for the rising politician. The nobiles were dynasts,

. Family influence and wealth did not alone suffice. From ambition or for safety, politicians formed compacts. Amicitia was

ics were the work of families or of a few men. A small party, zealous for reform or rather, perhaps, from hostility to Scip

mpare Münzer’s comments on the deliberate concealment by the nobiles, for their own ends, of the true character of Roman po

c virtue, no share in the splendour and pride of the governing class. For that surrender they were scorned by senators. The

nd office. 4 Equestrian or senatorial, the possessing classes stood for the existing order and were suitably designated a

Senate and knights would therefore arrest revolution or even reform, for these men could not be expected to have a persona

to ruin any politician or general who sought to secure fair treatment for provincials or reform in the Roman State through

tatis, firmamentum rei publicae publicanorum ordine continetur. ’ 3 For example, Fufidius, an ‘eques Romanus ornatissimus

a palace at Tusculum, pointed out that he had a knight and a freedman for neighbours (Cicero, De legibus 3, 30). PageBook

y, were ceasing to feel allegiance to the State; military service was for livelihood, or from constraint, not a natural and

dinary commands in the provinces. The general had to be a politician, for his legionaries were a host of clients, looking t

, for his legionaries were a host of clients, looking to their leader for spoil in war and estates in Italy when their camp

eral in outlook and policy. Moreover, the tribunate could be employed for conservative ends by aristocratic demagogues. 2

d he was dead (78 B.C.). The government which he established lasted for nearly twenty years. Its rule was threatened at t

broken and reduced. But Etruria, despoiled and resentful, rose again for Lepidus against the Roman oligarchy. 1 Lepidus

atrician demagogue L. Sergius Catilina to raise a revolution in Italy for Catilina attacked property as well as privilege.

s but little; and though noble houses suffered defeat in the struggle for power, and long eclipse, they were saved from ext

rprise was compensated by domestic fertility and a tenacious instinct for survival. Some of the patrician clans like the

e Carthaginians: some had maintained it since then, others had lapsed for a time. The Fulvii, the Sempronii and the Livii w

t; and the Claudii Marcelli, in abrupt decadence, had lacked a consul for two generations. 3 But there was a prominent Luta

econd century B.C. 3 Ever since M. Marcellus, cos. III 152 B.C. 4 For example the Aurelii Cottae and the Octavii (with

take action against Lepidus (Sallust, Hist. I, 77 M); and he secured for Pompeius the command in Spain, not ‘pro consule’

te as a wit, cf. Cicero, Brutus 173; as a gourmet, Varro, RR 3, 3, 9. For a stemma of the Marcii, P-W XIV, 1539. 6 For ex

et, Varro, RR 3, 3, 9. For a stemma of the Marcii, P-W XIV, 1539. 6 For example, M. Junius Brutus (tr. pl. 83) and L. Jun

from the alliance with Sulla. Q. Metellus Pius led an army to victory for Sulla and became consul with him in 80 B.C. The D

109 B.C.). Q. Metellus Macedonicus (cos. 143) had four consular sons. For the stemma, see Table I at end. 4 Münzer, RA, 3

oratory. Luxurious without taste or measure, the advocate got a name for high living and dishonest earnings, for his cella

sure, the advocate got a name for high living and dishonest earnings, for his cellar, his game-park and his fish-ponds. 3

his fish-ponds. 3 Of the Senate’s generals, Metellus Pius contended for long years in Spain, and Creticus usurped a cogno

us contended for long years in Spain, and Creticus usurped a cognomen for petty exploits in a pirate-ridden island. Nor wer

ought in Macedonia, where he died; P. Servilius with better fortune for four years in Cilicia. Most glorious of all were

age=>021 1 See, above all, the researches of Münzer, RA, 328 ff. For the stemma, see Table II at end. The other childr

Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos. 78) was married to Q. Hortensius (cos. 69). For the stemma, Münzer, RA, 224; for connexions of Ca

married to Q. Hortensius (cos. 69). For the stemma, Münzer, RA, 224; for connexions of Catulus with the Domitii Ahenobarbi

s with the Domitii Ahenobarbi and the Servilii, P-W XIII, 2073 f. 3 For details of his opulence and villas, P-W VIII, 247

s rem publicam tenent, est factio, sed vocantur illi optimates. ’ 3 For example, in defence of Verres or against the bill

of a younger rival; and L. Licinius Lucullus, thwarted of his triumph for years by the machinations of his enemies, turned

d of his triumph for years by the machinations of his enemies, turned for consolation to the arts and graces of private lei

ts to maintain the dignity of a family left in poverty and to provide for all his brothers and sisters; 3 the second was of

us ambition of the patrician Servilii and ruthless to recapture power for her house. 5 Her brother, Q. Servilius, husband

1 But Servilia would not be thwarted by that accident. She cast about for other allies. About this time Cato married Marcia

iuventutis (In Verrem II, I, 139), and, in 65, an indispensable ally for cicero’s own candidature’ ‘in quo uno maxime niti

oked a breach by making Cicero give testimony at the trial of Clodius for impiety (Plutarch, Cicero 29). 5 Comm. pet. 6:

Capitol or advocating the restoration of the proscribed, Caesar spoke for family loyalty and for a cause. But he did not co

he restoration of the proscribed, Caesar spoke for family loyalty and for a cause. But he did not compromise his future or

cause. But he did not compromise his future or commit his allegiance for all time. Caesar possessed close kin in certain h

). 3 His mother was an Aurelia, of the house of the Aurelii Cottae. For the stemma, showing also a connexion with the Rut

in him the blood of the Marcii Reges (Suetonius, Divus Iulius 6, 1). For the stemma of the Julii, P-W x, 183. 4 Pompeia

iled by force of character. Cato extolled the virtues that won empire for Rome in ancient days, denounced the undeserving r

elusive Crassus, who had supported Catilina as far as his candidature for the consulate, was a perpetual menace; and the Me

ndidature for the consulate, was a perpetual menace; and the Metelli, for survival or for power, would ally themselves with

e consulate, was a perpetual menace; and the Metelli, for survival or for power, would ally themselves with the strongest m

the Italian insurrection in Picenum, used his influence and his army for personal ends and played an ambiguous game when c

rabo was a sinister character, ‘hated by heaven and by the nobility’, for good reasons. 4 There were no words to describe C

d his army to liberate Rome from the domination of the Marian faction for Sulla’s interests and for his own. 6 The career

e from the domination of the Marian faction for Sulla’s interests and for his own. 6 The career of Pompeius opened in fra

dis ac nobilitati perinvisum. ’ 5 Plutarch, Pompeius 6. Prosecuted for peculations committed by his father, he was saved

a break the conduct of the Mithridatic War, voted by the Lex Manilia, for the financial interests were discontented with Lu

ng home from the East, as before from Spain, his lieutenants to stand for magistracies and intrigue in his interest. His na

’s general. 2 Among the ambitious politicians who had publicly spoken for the Lex Manilia were Cicero and Caesar, not ceasi

the constitution of Sulla. 4 The soldier L. Afranius commanded armies for Pompeius in Spain and in the war against Mithrida

e partisans may be reckoned T. Labienus, and perhaps A. Gabinius. 6 For primacy in Rome Pompeius needed support from the

e poet. On his fish- ponds, Varro, RR 3, 17, 3; Pliny, NH 9, 171. 2 For example, M. Atius Balbus from Aricia, who married

s ‘humili loco Picens, loquax magis quam facundus’. He hoped to stand for the consulate in 67 (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3) and again

rosius 5, 23, 14. Against Mithridates: Plutarch, Pompeius 34, &c. For his origin note the dedication nr. Cupra Maritima

iance with the Metelli, by no means unequivocal or unclouded, endured for some fifteen years after Sulla’s death. Provinc

rovinces and armies gave resources of patronage and mutual obligation for political ends. Men went out to serve under Pompe

nd even threatened to depose him. 8 Nepos fled to Pompeius, a pretext for intervention to vindicate the sacred rights of th

cos. 95) and uterine sister of Celer and Nepos (Ad Jam. 5, 2, 6). 3 For the full lists of Pompeius’ legates in. the two w

3. PageBook=>033 Pompeius on his return, lacking valid excuse for armed usurpation, tried to reinforce his predomin

f-sister of Celer and Nepos, a woman of flagrant infidelity, he asked for Cato’s niece in marriage. 1 Cato rebuffed him.

was won by Metellus Celer, who, to get support from Pompeius, stifled for the moment an insult to the honour of his family.

ned against Pompeius, and Afranius was a catastrophe, his only talent for civil life being the art of dancing. 7 The Optima

Att. 2, 1, 8). PageBook=>034 an ambitious bill providing lands for the veterans of Pompeius. Celer opposed it. More

of both consuls. Caesar, returning from his command in Spain, asked for a triumph. Cato blocked the triumph. To wait for

mand in Spain, asked for a triumph. Cato blocked the triumph. To wait for it would be to sacrifice the consulate. Caesar ma

o discredit to either. Caesar’s choice was still open had it not been for Cato; and Caesar’s daughter was betrothed to Serv

his official name, ‘Q. Caepio Brutus’ (Cicero, Phil. 10, 25, &c). For a discussion of other views, cf. Münzer in P-W 11

5 ff. PageBook=>035 Cato had private grounds as well as public for hating Caesar, the lover of Servilia. 1 There w

and praetor, Caesar worked with Pompeius’ tribunes, devising honours for the absent general and trouble for the government

mpeius’ tribunes, devising honours for the absent general and trouble for the government. 2 He had also prosecuted an ex-co

f he enhanced his price. Now, in the summer of the year, Caesar stood for the consulate backed by Crassus’ wealth, and in c

itas, with his acta needing ratification and loyal veterans clamorous for recompense, was constrained to a secret compact.

ruled, though modified in various ways, and impaired as time went on, for some ten years. 7 This capture of the NotesPage

s at Rome. Certain armies were already secured. But Pompeius required for his ally more than an ordinary proconsulate. To t

ar was granted the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which dominated Italy, for five years. Pompeius’ purpose was flagrant there

urpose was flagrant there could be no pretext of public emergency, as for the eastern commands. 1 Transalpine Gaul was soon

ine Gaul was soon added. Further, the three rulers designated consuls for the next year, L. Calpurnius Piso, a cultivated a

erents of the dynasts, whose influence decided the consular elections for the next two years as well. 2 Despite patronage

δϵ τὴν Kϵλτιĸὴν ἀĸρóπoλιν πὶ σϕίσιν ἡγoυµ νƞ δυσχ ραινϵ. 2 Attested for Lentulus Spinther, one of the consuls of 57 (Caes

the consuls of 57 (Caesar, BC 1, 22, 4), and plausibly to be inferred for his colleague Nepos: Nepos got the province of Hi

f. Pius died c. 64 B.C. PageBook=>037 Pompeius in reply worked for the restitution of Cicero, and at length achieved

eply worked for the restitution of Cicero, and at length achieved it. For himself, after a famine in Rome, perhaps delibera

Rome, perhaps deliberately enhanced, he secured a special commission for five years to purchase and control corn for the c

ured a special commission for five years to purchase and control corn for the city. The powers were wide, but perhaps fell

ight hope to persuade Pompeius, making him sacrifice Caesar in return for alliance with the oligarchy. Cicero took heart. H

he three met at Luca and renewed the compact, with a second consulate for Pompeius and Crassus and, after that, Spain and S

or Pompeius and Crassus and, after that, Spain and Syria respectively for five years; Caesar’s command was also to be prolo

o support his predominance at Rome. The enemies of the dynasts paid for their confidence or their illusions. Ahenobarbu

potestas were the two pillars of the edifice. The principes strove for prestige and power, but not to erect a despotic r

ame social as well as political. The remedy was simple and drastic. For the health of the Roman People the dynasts had to

d. Ahenobarbus had become consul at last, with Ap. Claudius Pulcher for colleague (54 B.C.). Neither was strong enough to

nough to harm Pompeius; and Ap. Pulcher may already have been angling for an alliance. 1 The consuls achieved their own dis

wn disgrace by bargaining to procure the election of their successors for money. 2 Pompeius caused the scandal to be shown

, the dissolute daughter of Sulla. 2 His enemy P. Clodius was running for the praetorship. When Milo killed Clodius, the po

praetorship. When Milo killed Clodius, the populace of Rome, in grief for their patron and champion, displayed his body in

en they streamed out of the city to the villa of Pompeius, clamouring for him to be consul or dictator. 3 The Senate was

cted Pompeius to hold military levies throughout Italy. 4 The demands for a dictatorship went on: to counter and anticipate

ing electoral corruption, but in fact provided resources of patronage for the party in control of the government. Nor was i

M. Cato,. Faustus Sulla. ’ PageBook=>040 Pompeius looked about for new alliances, in the hope perhaps to inherit som

measure of Crassus’ influence with the aristocracy. Of the candidates for the consulate, Milo had been condemned and exiled

d him from a due and deserved prosecution, and chose him as colleague for the remaining five months of the year. A new co

esar and towards Cato. Pompeius prolonged his own possession of Spain for five years more and sought by a trick to annul th

ed by the tribunes of the year conceding to Caesar the right to stand for the consulate in absence. Detected, he made tardy

ends. The dynast was not yet ready to drop his ally. He needed Caesar for counterbalance against the Catonian party until h

nian party until he made final choice between the two. Cato, standing for the consulate, was signally defeated, to the sati

right. In every class of society the defeated and dispossessed, eager for revenge, looked to Caesar’s consulate, or Caesar’

n office which was a patent rebuke to his own private conduct, worked for his party by ejection of undesirable senators, an

ther leader, the consular Ahenobarbus, had suffered defeat in contest for an augurship against M. Antonius, sent from Gaul

e. Moreover, Antonius and other adherents of Caesar, elected tribunes for the next year, promised to continue the tactics o

began to speak of an inevitable war. Fortune was arranging the scene for a grand and terrible spectacle. 4 1 Ser. Sulpic

ry rational hopes of purchasing L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, cos. des. for 49, a man loaded with debts, avid and openly vena

ts, avid and openly venal (Ad Att. 11, 6, 6; Caesar, BC 1, 4, 2). 2 For the full details, cf. P-W 11 A, 870 ff.; 111, 126

gnum etiucundum tibi Fortuna spectaculum parabat’ (Ad fam. 8, 14, 4). For a clear and dispassionate statement of the issue,

t, when consul and proconsul, of the domination of Pompeius, who now, for supreme power, seemed likely to throw over his al

ce was taken from him. The Caesarian tribunes NotesPage=>041 1 For this precise formulation, Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 125

is precise formulation, Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 125 f.; Florus 2, 13, 14. For Pompeius’ jealousy, Caesar, BC 1, 4, 4; Velleius

For Pompeius’ jealousy, Caesar, BC 1, 4, 4; Velleius 2, 29, 2; 33, 3. For Caesar’s ambition, Plutarch, Antonius 6 (cf. Suet

αὶ πϵριµανὴς πιθυµία τo πρ τoν ϵ ναι ĸαὶ µ γιστoν (from Pollio?). 2 For the order of events in December 50 and January 49

he feud was not bitter or beyond remedy: the Metelli were too politic for that. Three years later Nepos was consul, perhaps

udii Marcelli, who emulated the Scipiones in their great age: obscure for a century, they emerge again into sudden prominen

airly be surmised. 1 The patrician Cornelii Lentuli were noted more for pride of birth and political caution than for pub

Lentuli were noted more for pride of birth and political caution than for public splendour or conspicuous ability in war an

to, Ahenobarbus and Brutus joined a sacred vendetta against Pompeius. For Cato or for the Republic they postponed vengeance

bus and Brutus joined a sacred vendetta against Pompeius. For Cato or for the Republic they postponed vengeance, but did no

n to power. The Pact of Luca blocked him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had another grievance Caesar’s tenure

obbed him of a province to which he asserted a hereditary claim. 4 As for Bibulus, he smarted still beneath the humiliation

lus Crus (cos. 49), cf. Ad Att. 9, 7b, 2; 8, 15a, 2. This is evidence for the origin of Balbus’ gentilicium and for Lentulu

8, 15a, 2. This is evidence for the origin of Balbus’ gentilicium and for Lentulus’ service in Spain. 3 Namely Clodianus

4 Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 122) had been largely responsible for the conquest and organization of that province. H

hat province. Hence the spread of the name ‘Domitius’ there, attested for example by the inscr. ILS 6976 from Nemausus, and

of a Caecilia Metella and husband of a Servilia, he gave one daughter for wife to Pompeius’ elder son, another to Cato’s ne

alpable and painful testimony. The party of the Republic was no place for a novus homo: the Lentuli were synonymous with ar

It was the oligarchy of Sulla, manifest and menacing in its last bid for power, serried but insecure. Pompeius was playing

otesPage=>044 1 Cicero, Phil. 13, 28 f.: not veracious, however, for two of the alleged Pompeian consulars (‘quos civi

os. 57) and Crus (49); the Marcelli, Marcus (cos. 51) and Gaius (49). For the kinship between these two families, above, p.

ed as integrity what was often conceit or stupidity and mistook craft for sagacity. They might have known better Cato’s stu

t have known better Cato’s stubborn refusal to agree to the land bill for Pompeius’ veterans only led to worse evils and a

and insight derived secret strength from the antipathy which he felt for the person and character of Caesar. The influen

eius Magnus (stationed already on Italian soil or now being recruited for the government and on the plea of legitimacy), a

ne from the beginning, in the knowledge that monarchy was the panacea for the world’s ills, and with the design to achieve

the Senate were moderate and may not be dismissed as mere manoeuvres for position or for time to bring up his armies. 2 Ca

moderate and may not be dismissed as mere manoeuvres for position or for time to bring up his armies. 2 Caesar knew how sm

3 A rash and factious minority prevailed. NotesPage=>047 1 As, for example, by Mommsen, and recently by Carcopino, P

gt;048 The precise legal points at issue in Caesar’s claim to stand for the consulate in absence and retain his province

nd his associates in power had thwarted or suspended the constitution for their own ends many times in the past. Exceptions

a private citizen, Caesar would at once be prosecuted by his enemies for extortion or treason. They would secure lawyers r

s enemies for extortion or treason. They would secure lawyers reputed for eloquence, high principle and patriotism. Cato

uted for eloquence, high principle and patriotism. Cato was waiting for him, rancorous and incorruptible. A jury carefull

the court, would bring in the inevitable verdict. After that, nothing for Caesar but to join the exiled Milo at Massilia an

hat university city. 3 Caesar was constrained to appeal to his army for protection. NotesPage=>048 1 What is commo

Republic in danger, sceptical about its champions. The very virtues for which the propertied classes were sedulously prai

Insecurity and the feeling of guilt, added to inadequate preparation for war, may have impaired his decision. 3 Yet his pl

r as he gazed upon the Roman dead at Pharsalus, half in patriot grief for the havoc of civil war, half in impatience and re

sar of the true glory of a Roman aristocrat to contend with his peers for primacy, not to destroy them. His enemies had the

of legality. Many of Caesar’s partisans were frank adventurers, avid for gain and advancement, some for revolution. Yet

partisans were frank adventurers, avid for gain and advancement, some for revolution. Yet for all that, in the matter of

dventurers, avid for gain and advancement, some for revolution. Yet for all that, in the matter of Caesar’s party the con

fused even to ask. 3 Under these unfavourable auspices, a Sulla but for clementia, a Gracchus but lacking a revolutionary

ue est’; ib.: ‘uterque regnare vult. ’ 2 Below, c. V and c. VI. 3 For example, Ahenobarbus’ son (Cicero, Phil. 2, 27).

m of hope that the emergency period would be quite short flickered up for a moment, to wane at once and perish utterly. 1 I

erish utterly. 1 In January 44 B.C. Caesar was voted the Dictatorship for life. About the same time decrees of the Senate o

e to repair the ravages of civil war and promote social regeneration. For that there was sore need, as both his adherents a

he rapacity or the idealism of certain of his partisans who had hoped for an assault upon the moneyed classes, a drastic re

rdering of the State. It was too difficult. Instead, he would set out for the wars again, to Macedonia and to the eastern f

tainty. The acts and projects of his Dictatorship do not reveal them. For the rest, the evidence is partisan or posthumous.

us. No statement of unrealized intentions is a safe guide to history, for it is unverifiable and therefore the most attract

his adopted son who assumed the title of Divi filius as consecration for the ruler of Rome. That was all he affected to in

us, the conqueror of the East and of every continent, did not exploit for his own vanity the resemblance to Alexander in wa

ulla and the arbitrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from Arpinum was derided as ‘the firs

name nor the diadem. But monarchy presupposes hereditary succession, for which no provision was made by Caesar. The heir t

his first appearance in Rome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and make his own way along the road to po

nist. In the short time at his disposal he can hardly have made plans for a long future or laid the foundation of a consist

s the Dictator was on the point of departing in the spring of 44 B.C. for several years of campaigning in the Balkans and t

, or of reconciled Pompeians whose good sense should guarantee peace. For that period, at least, a salutary pause from poli

m and laudations of dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘ For all his genius, Caesar could not see a way out’,

question of ultimate intentions becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The

intentions becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The assumption of a Dicta

was, not for what he might become. 6 The assumption of a Dictatorship for life seemed to mock and dispel all hope of a retu

m se quae concupisset, proinde ex eo insultaturum omnium capitibus. ’ For awareness of his unpopularity cf. Ad Att. 14, 1,

eriebat, quis nunc reperiet? ’ 3 As the Historia Augusta, pertinent for once but not perhaps authentic, reports of an Emp

ing; and posterity has seen fit to condemn the act of the Liberators, for so they were styled, as worse than a crime a foll

sius, was of the Epicurean persuasion and by no means a fanatic. 2 As for the tenets of the Stoics, they could support doct

tisans of Pompeius. Servilia reared her son to hate Pompeius, schemed for the Caesarian alliance and designed that Brutus s

Metellus. Caesar was captured by Pompeius: Julia, the bride intended for Brutus, pledged the alliance. After this the pa

ance. After this the paths of Brutus and of Caesar diverged sharply for eleven years. But Brutus, after Pharsalus, at onc

s nephew more powerfully than ever in life. Brutus came to feel shame for his own disloyalty: he composed a pamphlet in hon

to Cato, who stood by the ancient ideals, it seemed that Caesar, avid for splendour, glory and power, ready to use his birt

assin’s dagger to slay a Roman aristocrat, a friend and a benefactor, for better reasons than that. They stood, not merely

nd a benefactor, for better reasons than that. They stood, not merely for the traditions and the institutions of the Free S

traditions and the institutions of the Free State, but very precisely for the dignity and the interests of their own order.

Dictator, the generals of the Gallic and Civil Wars, rewarded already for service or designated to high office. 2 Their coa

o high office. 2 Their coalition with Pompeians and Republicans calls for explanation. NotesPage=>059 1 On L. Junius

nd Catilina went on, to his ruin. When Caesar took the Dictatorship for life and the sworn allegiance of senators, it see

had escaped from the shackles of party to supreme and personal rule. For this reason, certain of the most prominent of his

t by the assassination of the Dictator none the less survived, joined for a few months with Republicans in a new and precar

ater they clustered around Pompeius, from interest, from ambition, or for the Republic. The coalition party was the head an

the camp and counsels of Pompeius,4 and strengthening Caesar’s hands for action, gave his rule as party-leader a personal

6). 3 Above, p. 41 4 Caesar, BC 3, 83 (especially the competition for Caesar’s office of pontifex maximus between Scipi

o better than his colleague Messalla or his illustrious predecessors, for all four had been involved in flagrant electoral

s, for all four had been involved in flagrant electoral scandals. 2 For the rest, elderly survivors, nonentities, neutral

did not abate his sincere efforts in the cause of concord. So much for the principes: before long, most of the Pompeian

nators and winning the support of daring agents. There was no scope for talent or ideas on the other side. The newer move

grand-nephew, see below, p. 128. PageBook=>063 power and noted for their attacks upon Caesar, when Caesar was an all

ny former opponents, sons of the nobiles or of Roman knights, and not for the worst of reasons. A huge bribe decided C. Scr

, so history records and repeats but that was not the only incentive, for Clodius’ widow, Fulvia, was his wife, Antonius hi

ried motives, ideals and loyalties combined in his party. Some played for gain and a place on the winning side for discerni

ed in his party. Some played for gain and a place on the winning side for discerning judges like Caelius assessed the true

without any strong political ties to explain NotesPage=>063 1 For example, the young Q. Cornificius (Catullus 38),

(Ad Att. 10, 4, 6). It will hardly be necessary to quote the evidence for Catullus’ attacks upon Caesar, Vatinius, Mamurra

ut to death by Q. Metellus Scipio in Africa (Bell. Afr. 46, 3). 2 For a reasoned judgement, cf. Münzer, P-W II A, 870

appeared negligible or tenuous were faithfully recorded and honoured, for example, by the sons of the proconsuls with whom

th with Crassus; the younger son was dead, the elder followed Caesar, for all that his wife was a Caecilia Metella. 6 Not

r all that his wife was a Caecilia Metella. 6 NotesPage=>064 1 For example, L. Nonius Asprenas (Bell. Afr. 80, 4). Q

77, 2) had been a legate of L. Piso in Macedonia (In Pisonem 54). As for A. Allienus and Sex. Peducaeus, attested in 48 b.

to a family on friendly terms with M. Cicero, cf. P-W XIX, 45 ff. 2 For example, a son of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcelli

tus Albinus, a distant relation, had been a legate of Caesar in Gaul. For his pedigree, showing connexions with the Postumi

Julius Caesar (cos. 64) was a legate (BC 1, 8, 2), but his son fought for the Republic in Africa and was killed there. Anot

ted with Caesar in 49 (BC 2, 20, 7). On Q. Pedius, cf. below, p. 128. For the stemma of the Julii, P-W X, 183 f. L. Aureliu

oppression and murder: cum duce Sullano gerimus civilia bella. 1 For revenge and as an example to deter posterity from

aesar, advocating clemency from humanity and class-feeling as well as for political effect, secured the restitution of Norb

had once been a popularis, using tribunes and the advocacy of reform for his personal ambition. Like his father before him

im, Pompeius could not be described as a consistent party politician, for good or for evil. Caesar the proconsul was faithf

could not be described as a consistent party politician, for good or for evil. Caesar the proconsul was faithful to the ca

ul was faithful to the cause. In his company emerge ex-tribunes noted for past legislation or for opposition to the Senate,

ause. In his company emerge ex-tribunes noted for past legislation or for opposition to the Senate, a steady source of recr

rian general. On Norbanus, cf. below, p. 200; on Carrinas, p. 90. 3 For nobiles of the Marian faction, above, p. 19. 4

stood with Caesar and commanded the right wing at Pharsalus, renewing for Caesar the luck of Sulla. 3 The third consulate o

B.C. (when he protected Clodius), praetor in 59, cf. P-W VI, 204 ff. For a defence of that much-maligned character P. Vati

o the hands of the Syrians and the Jews, nations born to servitude. 1 For that enormity Gabinius himself was sacrificed to

nded commands of Pompeius in the West and in the East furnished scope for political patronage as well as for military exper

st and in the East furnished scope for political patronage as well as for military experience. His numerous legates might h

nus. Honoured and enriched by Caesar, Labienus was encouraged to hope for the consulate. 7 Other Pompeians and other men fr

desirous of conciliating the financial interests at this time. 3 For the list, Drumann-Groebe, Gesch. Roms IV2, 420 ff

y plausibly be discovered in the consilium at Asculum (ILS 8888). 5 For a full list, Drumann-Groebe, Gesch. Roms III2, 70

8). 5 For a full list, Drumann-Groebe, Gesch. Roms III2, 700 f. 6 For the provincial governors of that period, E. Letz,

and Labienus in 48 B.C., with the auctoritas of Pompeius behind them. For this interpretation, cf. JRS XXVIII (1938), 113 f

nst the party in power, had been a Marian and a popularis, was feared for a time by contemporaries and often believed by po

n. The plebs would not have given preference and votes against Caesar for one of themselves or for a mere municipal dignita

ve given preference and votes against Caesar for one of themselves or for a mere municipal dignitary. In the traditional wa

of the patricians, Caesar exploited his family and the state religion for politics and for domination, winning the office o

, Caesar exploited his family and the state religion for politics and for domination, winning the office of pontifex maximu

g other patricians, the worthy Ti. Claudius Nero, whom Cicero desired for son-in-law, and the debauched P. Cornelius Dolabe

story of Rome, patrician houses which seem to have formed an alliance for power with the plebeians when the latter were adm

s had influence but no party, ambition but not the will and the power for achievement. Caesar, offering the consulate, had

he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caesar designated him for the consulate of 44: he cannot then have been onl

erving friends to the station he had himself so arduously attained. For protection against his enemies Caesar appealed to

our and loyalty of the centurions. 6 Pay, booty and the opportunities for traffic and preferment made military service remu

ions, their social inferiors the knight C. Volusenus Quadratus served for some ten years continuous under Caesar NotesPag

is obsistere sed etiam caelum diruere possent? ’ 5 BC 3, 91, 2. 6 For example, BC 3, 53, 4 f., cf. Cicero, Ad Att. 14,

staff officers were Mamurra, an old Pompeian from Formiae, notorious for wealth and vice,2 and the phenomenal P. Ventidius

s secretaries, counsellors and political agents, many of them notable for literary tastes and production as well as for apt

s, many of them notable for literary tastes and production as well as for aptitude in finance. The secretariat of the proco

urmet: it was a danger to ask him to dinner. 5 Pansa was also in Gaul for a time. Hirtius was later to complete the Bellum

death of Caesar; and he produced less unobtrusive works of propaganda for his friend and patron, attacking the memory of Ca

professes to derive from Suetonius. 4 C. Vibius Pansa Caetronianus ( for the full name, ILS 8890) is said by Dio (45, 17,

Cornelius Balbus was not a citizen by birth he received the franchise for service to Rome in the Sertorian War, through the

uca reunited the dynasts and saved their agent. When the case came up for trial, both Pompeius and Crassus defended the man

uch eminent citizens, could surely have no enemies. 4 Balbus won. But for the failure of certain political intrigues, the f

vocacy proclaims that this person conducted financial operations, not for any personal profit, but to acquire the means for

ial operations, not for any personal profit, but to acquire the means for bounty and benevolence. 5 No details confirm the

will not have been forgotten that his father had secured Latin rights for the Transpadane communities. But Caesar had the a

were more potent than benefits conferred. The Transpadani were eager for the full Roman citizenship. Caesar had championed

was a chieftain of the Vocontii who had led the cavalry of his tribe for Pompeius against Sertorius, receiving as a reward

. But in Africa the adventurer P. Sittius, who had built up a kingdom for himself, was mindful of old Catilinarian memories

ies of Roman veterans NotesPage=>075 1 BG 1, 47, 4, cf. 19, 3. For the correct form of the name, cf. T. Rice Holmes,

ourt; and an able adventurer, Mithridates of Pergamum, raised an army for Caesar and relieved the siege of Alexandria; he w

l, grant or divide up the estates of his adversaries. Land was seized for his veteran colonies, in Italy and abroad. At auc

, cf. Cato’s words to Pompeius’ son, ib. 22, 4 f. 2 SIG3 751 ff. As for Theophanes, Cicero speaks of his auctoritas with

d his intrigues there is abundant evidence, cf. P-W V A, 2090 ff. 3 For example, in Thessaly (BC 3, 34, 4; 35, 2; Cicero,

rs as diverse as Servilia and P. Sulla1 who had acquired an evil name for his acquisitions thirty years before. Balbus was

s thirty years before. Balbus was notorious already, envied and hated for his princely pleasure-gardens in Rome, his villa

nciled Pompeians were rapidly advanced to magistracies without regard for constitutional bar or provision. From six hundred

rtisans of all categories secured admission to the Senate by standing for quaestorship or tribunate or by direct adlection

g nor novel. In theory, every free-born citizen was eligible to stand for the quaestorship: in fact, the wealth and standin

n of the census of a Roman knight. Caesar’s centurions were notorious for their loyalty, and for the rewards of loyalty. Th

man knight. Caesar’s centurions were notorious for their loyalty, and for the rewards of loyalty. The Senate was full of th

; Phil. 11, 12; 13, 27; Seneca, Controv. 7, 3, 9; Macrobius 2, 3, 11. For a fuller discussion, see R. Syme, BSR Papers XIV

ellation of ‘Gaul’. Catullus’ family would perhaps have been eligible for senatorial rank, if not Virgil’s as well. Among C

ld be trusted, P. Alfenus Varus (cos. suff. 39) came from Cremona. As for Helvius Cinna, cf. fr. 1 of his poems; for Helvii

39) came from Cremona. As for Helvius Cinna, cf. fr. 1 of his poems; for Helvii at Brixia, CIL v, 4237; 4425 f.; 4612; 487

s Asiaticus (cos. II A.D. 46). The gentilicia derive from proconsuls. For Domitii in Narbonensis, cf. above, p. 44; for Val

derive from proconsuls. For Domitii in Narbonensis, cf. above, p. 44; for Valerii note C. Valerius Troucillus, Caesar, BG 1

element is more conspicuous in Spain, which had been a Roman province for a century and a half. The Peninsula contained sev

hom Caesar defended (Tacitus, Dial. 21, 6, cf. Pro Cluentio 161)? 2 For his services to Caesar, Velleius 2, 51, 3. Balbus

m Spain may be Titius, Bell. Afr. 28, 2, cf. Münzer, P- W VI A, 1557. For the possibility that there were one or two provin

high proportion the sons of Roman knights. 1 The same arguments hold for Caesar’s Senate, with added force, and render it

pressure from the masters of Rome, but from choice, from gratitude or for profit. The patrician P. Sulla was joined by the

of paramount station and dignity, once a devoted adherent of Cicero, for activities in whose cause he had been NotesPage

es, vexing Cicero: he commanded them. 2 Above all, Caesar recruited for his new Senate the propertied classes of the Ital

venit nihil nisi classes loquens et exercitus. ’ Rabirius even hoped for the consulate (Ad Att. 12, 49, 2). For his servic

ercitus. ’ Rabirius even hoped for the consulate (Ad Att. 12, 49, 2). For his service in taking troops to Africa, Bell. Afr

ed at Narnia. 4 Vespasian laughed when adulation invented as ancestor for the Flavii a companion of Hercules: but a place,

tempts were made to create a senatorial and even a patrician pedigree for certain Octavii. Trouble for nothing: there was s

senatorial and even a patrician pedigree for certain Octavii. Trouble for nothing: there was solid and authentic testimony

river of the vicinity. 7 The Cilnii were dominant in Arretium, hated for their wealth and power. Centuries before, the cit

ings were their rivals and heirs in power, the patricians, themselves for the most part of alien origin. When Alba Longa fe

omen sometimes recalled their local and alien provenance. 4 In strife for power at Rome, the patricians were ready to enlis

eign dynasts were taken up and brought in by certain patrician houses for their own political ends and for Rome’s greater p

ought in by certain patrician houses for their own political ends and for Rome’s greater power; though NotesPage=>084

ration in the sixth year of the Republic, others in the regal period. For the evidence, P-W III, 2662 ff. Doubt about the d

W III, 2662 ff. Doubt about the date need not prejudice the fact. 2 For the Valerii, cf. Val. Max. 2, 4, 5. The Fabii cer

, 2663), probably indicates the village of origin of the Claudii. 5 For a Claudius who ‘Italiam per clientelas occupare t

temptavit’ (probably the despotic censor), cf. Suetonius, Tib. 2, 2. For their intermarriage with a dynastic house of Capu

xclusive. Marius, the knight from Arpinum, was helped by the Metelli. For merit and military service he might enter the sen

and Paeligni down to Samnium and Lucania rose against Rome and fought for freedom and justice. 3 They were all hardy, ind

triumph had ever been celebrated whether they fought against Rome or for her. 4 The Marsi provided the first impulsion to

the Samnite army at the Colline Gate and made a desolation of Samnium for ever. Etruria suffered sieges, massacre and expro

eneral Q. Silo which shows eight warriors swearing a common oath. 2 For example, Q. Poppaedius Silo, cf. Plutarch, Cato m

ant which had never been sincerely made; and many Italians had no use for it. Loyalties were still personal, local and regi

two sons became praetors at Rome. 1 A certain Statius fought bravely for Samnium. In recognition of valour, wealth and fam

us’ son inherited: he secured senatorial rank or subsequent promotion for partisans such as the orator and intriguer Lolliu

ilitary men Afranius and Labienus. 4 The defeated still had to wait for a champion. Cicero was lavish with appeals to the

man from remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate, no novus homo for whom he strove in defiance of the nobiles to secu

of Cicero’s policy to flood the Senate with municipal men and capture for imported merit the highest dignity in the Roman S

Roman State. He glorified the memory of Cato and of Marius but it was for himself, as though they were his own ancestors. 3

e and of the best, namely his own person. Italy was held to be firm for conservative interests. No doubt: the propertied

corded bitter discontent all over Italy, broken men and debtors ready for an armed rising, but also, and perhaps more disqu

is found among NotesPage=>090 1 BC 1, 15, 2. 2 ILS 877. 3 For ‘tantis rebus gestis’ (BC 1, 13, 1) cf. Caesar’s

1817 ff. They were a noted commercial family, trading with the East ( for Granii at Delos see BCH XXXI (1907), 443 f; XXXVI

ing contradictory record, may be presumed to owe their status to him, for example three of the praetors of 44 B.C., dim fig

s Asinius, the first man among the Marrucini, fell in battle fighting for Italia. 9 But the family did not perish or lapse

early fame as a speaker NotesPage=>091 1 Plutarch, Caesar 16. For another Caesarian Granius, cf. BC 3, 71, 1 2 CI

ulze: compare, however, the early inscrr. CIL I2, 338 f. (Praeneste). For M. Cusinius, ILS 965: for another member of the f

e early inscrr. CIL I2, 338 f. (Praeneste). For M. Cusinius, ILS 965: for another member of the family, PIR2, C 1628. 4 I

ας έξέβαλ∊. 7 ILS 885, nr. Sulmo of the Paeligni, but not his home, for the first Paelignian senator comes later (ILS 932

name on an early dedicatory inscr. beside Lake Fucinus, CIL I2, 387. For other new senators of non-Latin stock, Calvisius

s, cf. below, p. 199 and p. 237. 8 Poppaedius Silo commanded troops for Ventidius in 39 B.C., Dio 48, 41, 1. On‘Poppaediu

closely defined: an origin from the towns of Picenum can be surmised for certain of Caesar’s partisans, whether ex-Pompeia

us 15, 4, 3), cf. above, p. 71. 4 Plutarch, Pompeius 6. 5 Perhaps for Gabinius (above, p. 31). L. Nonius Asprenas may w

Caesar’s Dictatorship meant the curbing of the oligarchy, promotion for merit. Yet there is nothing revolutionary about t

Yet there is nothing revolutionary about the choice of his candidates for the consulate the same principle holds as for his

hoice of his candidates for the consulate the same principle holds as for his legates in the Gallic campaigns. 5 Nine consu

all signalized by military service in Gaul. 7 NotesPage=>094 1 For examples, P. Willems, Le Sénat 1, 181; R. Syme, B

s Rebilus (cos. suff. 45). PageBook=>095 With the designations for the next year, Hirtius and Pansa, the level of so

the promotion of the most efficient of their partisans without regard for law or precedent, appointing numerous suffect con

rd for law or precedent, appointing numerous suffect consuls as well. For all their admitted talents, it is by no means lik

on of a Roman knight), consul in 45, and D. Junius Brutus, designated for 42, owed honours and advancement to the Dictator.

6231. 3 Phil. 8, 27 and other evidence, cf. Gelzer, P-W X, 987. 4 For the list of the conspirators, Drumann-Groebe, Ges

sch. Roms 1112, 627 ff.; P- W X, 254 f. 5 An unsuccessful candidate for 49 B.C. (BG 8, 50, 4). 6 Dio 43, 47, 5. On his

38 ff.; on Trebonius, ib. 2274 ff. 8 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 83, 2. For his connexions, above, p. 64, n. 2 PageBook=>

the young P. Cornelius Dolabella arrayed in the insignia of a consul; for Caesar had intended that Dolabella should have th

s, the Dictator’s secretary and confidant, Hirtius, designated consul for the next year, and Lepidus the Master of the Hors

h he occupied the Forum with armed men. Lepidus and Balbus were eager for vengeance; 1 Antonius, however, sided with the mo

n the Temple of Tellus. In the meantime, the Liberators, descending for a brief space from the citadel, had made vain app

W, Supp. v, 375 f.), is certainly attractive. A case can be made out for March 21st or 22nd, cf. S. Accame, Riv. di fil. L

rting the proposal of Ti. Claudius Nero, who demanded special honours for the tyrannicides. Yet Antonius did not strive to

th cool skill. The Liberators and their friends had lost, at once and for ever, the chance of gaining an ascendancy over th

Rome, the crowd broke loose and burned the body in the Forum. In fear for their lives, the Liberators barricaded themselves

emselves in their houses. Nor, as the days passed, did it become safe for them to be seen in public. The mob set up an alta

left the consul Antonius alive. But there was no pretext or desire for a reign of terror. Brutus had insisted that Anton

s not to be had, Dolabella an uncertain factor. The consuls designate for the next year, NotesPage=>099 1 Ad Att. 14

ees of the Dictator, lacked prestige and confidence. The majority was for order and security. They were not to be blamed. O

few Caesarians, of little weight, and some discredited beyond remedy: for the rest, the aged, the timid and the untrustwort

lished order. His past career showed that he could not be depended on for action or for statesmanship; and the conspirators

His past career showed that he could not be depended on for action or for statesmanship; and the conspirators had not initi

epublican Brutus, this motley and excitable rabble turned a deaf ear; for the august traditions of the Roman Senate and the

. 3 Debauched by demagogues and largess, the Roman People was ready for the Empire and the dispensation of bread and game

lash with the champions of the People. Symptoms only, no solid ground for optimistic interpretation. Yet even after the fun

ed. Though Rome and the army were degenerate and Caesarian, respect for liberty, for tradition, and for the constitution

Rome and the army were degenerate and Caesarian, respect for liberty, for tradition, and for the constitution might appear

ere degenerate and Caesarian, respect for liberty, for tradition, and for the constitution might appear to survive in Italy

red adherents’ from the local aristocracies. 2 The degree of sympathy for the Republican cause defies any close estimate: i

nobbish young men from the towns possessed the will and the resources for action, and eventually for civil war, is another

towns possessed the will and the resources for action, and eventually for civil war, is another question. Their generous ar

of the Republican partisans excited disquiet among those responsible for the maintenance of public order and the new gover

all success the men from the municipia, were notorious and proverbial for parsimony. Then the financier C. Flavius, Brutus’

voiding all political entanglements, refused and wrecked the venture. For friendship, however, or for safety, it was advisa

lements, refused and wrecked the venture. For friendship, however, or for safety, it was advisable to maintain or contract

owed no delay, no attempt to secure a majority of the army commanders for their cause and they did not think that it was ne

XLVII (1912), 321 ff.). The views of Sternkopf will here be accepted for the most part. PageBook=>103 and before th

ve been allotted on March 18th. Early in April Decimus Brutus set out for Cisalpine Gaul; about the same time, it may be pr

legions at all in Asia and in Bithynia, only two in the Cisalpina. For the rest, the only support in the provinces was d

ons; and Apamea was closely invested by Caesarian generals. So much for provinces and armies. Had the Liberators plotted

ts and with personal interests, it was not altogether foolish to hope for normal and ordered government when the storm had

ly tribune of the plebs, and after Pharsalus, as Master of the Horse, for more than a year. The task was delicate, and Caes

he Horse: no evidence, however, that Caesar prized him above Antonius for loyalty or for capacity. Lepidus was the elder ma

idence, however, that Caesar prized him above Antonius for loyalty or for capacity. Lepidus was the elder man and a patrici

pidus was to take over a province in 44, and Antonius, elected consul for that year, would be left in charge of the governm

bundance. The frank and chivalrous soldier was no match in statecraft for the astute politicians who undermined his predomi

rvices of conspicuous ability or the most disinterested patriotism. For such men, the most austere of historians cannot a

nd the verdict of conventional history must be constrained to silence for a time. With the suppression of the Dictator an

promise even to a spirit of concord. The degree of his responsibility for the turn which events took at the funeral will be

tainly in his interest to alarm the Senate and reinforce the argument for firm concord in the governing class and a firm co

f affairs by the consuls. To this end Antonius the consul tolerated for a time the popular cult in the Forum and the sedi

’magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus’. PageBook=>106 secured for Brutus and Cassius (who were praetors) a dispensa

as long before he abandoned it. On his lips the profession of respect for Brutus was something more than a conventional or

be paradoxical to assert that Antonius felt respect and understanding for Brutus, a Roman noble embodying the virtues of hi

14, 10, 2). PageBook=>107 Roman State had much to be thankful for , as partisan testimony was prepared to concede at

or, as partisan testimony was prepared to concede at a later date and for abusive comparisons. 1 The consul was firm but

d a specious measure the name of the Dictatorship was to be abolished for ever. Thoughtful men reflected that its powers co

end of March or early in April the Senate allotted consular provinces for the following year2 probably in accordance with

had ample reserves of patronage. Their employment in the first place for his own political interests calls neither for sur

ment in the first place for his own political interests calls neither for surprise nor for excuse. Rumours circulated befor

place for his own political interests calls neither for surprise nor for excuse. Rumours circulated before long, to be rei

aturn. If the mysterious hoard was the Dictator’s war-chest, intended for the Balkan and eastern wars, it might be doubted

and eastern wars, it might be doubted whether much was still at Rome for Antonius to take. The character and fate of the f

the debatable money must have been expended in the purchase of lands for the veterans, in pursuance of the provisions of t

ual the first consulate of Caesar. Nor are there sufficient grounds for the partial and exaggerated view that posterity h

us. In the light of his subsequent Caesarian policy and final contest for the dominion of the world, it was easy to pretend

oreover, Antonius may have lacked the taste, and perhaps the faculty, for long designs: the earlier months of his guidance

ry of legality can only be branded as high treason. So far the plea for Antonius. Security and aggression are terms of pa

thereby absolved from ambition, considered or reckless, and the lust for power. There were surely alternatives to Caesar’s

consul along with the diplomatic and unreliable L. Munatius Plancus. For self-preservation, Antonius must build up support

natius Plancus. For self-preservation, Antonius must build up support for the settlement of March 17th and the legislation

settlement of March 17th and the legislation passed in his consulate. For the sake of peace, the predominance of Antonius m

onius might have to be admitted by neutrals even by Republicans. As for the Caesarian party, there were rivals here and p

trife of faction, veiled at first under honourable names and confined for a time to the scramble for honours and emolument,

first under honourable names and confined for a time to the scramble for honours and emolument, to break out at the last i

the Liberators, the lack of leaders in the Senate was a strong factor for concord. The surviving consulars kept quiet. The

roud and tortuous Ap, Claudius, was yet merciful to the Roman People, for it suppressed along with the principes a source o

a source of intrigue and feuds. Pompeius they might have tolerated for a time, or even Caesar, but not Antonius and youn

labella, still less the respectable nonentities designated as consuls for the next year. Cato too was dead. Averse from com

le, he would have been a nuisance to any government: not less so, but for different reasons, the Caesarian young men Curio

reasons, the Caesarian young men Curio and Caelius, had they survived for so long the inevitable doom of brilliant talent

nlisted the services of the veterans in the cause of public order. As for the provinces, D. Brutus held Gallia Cisalpina fo

f public order. As for the provinces, D. Brutus held Gallia Cisalpina for the rest of the year, a territory rich in resourc

. Antonius was ready to parry that danger he would take that region for his own consular province and with it an army ade

intended to propose on June 1st to take another province in exchange for Macedonia, namely Gallia Cisalpina, and Gallia Co

Caesar):1 these lands he would garrison with the Macedonian legions. For how long, no indication. For the present, the oth

ld garrison with the Macedonian legions. For how long, no indication. For the present, the other provinces of the West were

each. 3 Q. Hortensius, NotesPage=>110 1 Ad Att. 14, 14, 4 2 For details about all the provinces at this time, cf.

danger. But that province was soon to be stripped of its legions. As for the East, Trebonius and Cimber might have Asia an

ernors of provinces, few of whom possessed family influence or talent for intrigue. Even the consular marshals evaded undue

lotment of lands and the founding of military colonies. He was absent for a month. Various intrigues were devised against h

ce transferred in matrimony to L. Marcius Philippus, a safe candidate for the consulate of 56 B.C. Octavius left three chil

ac locuplete, et in qua primus senator pater suus fuerit’ (ib. 2, 3). For a tessera of his grandfather the banker, see Münz

elleius happily says (2, 59, 2), ‘gravis sanctus innocens dives’. 3 For these relationships, see Table III at end. Balbus

Aug. 4, 1). 4 Cicero, Phil. 3, 15. 5 The young Octavius, in Spain for a time with Caesar in 45 B.C., was enrolled among

grounds. All conventions are baffled and defied by Caesar’s heir. Not for nothing that the ruler of Rome made use of a sign

nturer eludes grasp and definition no less than the mature statesman. For the early years, a sore lack everywhere of person

s actions. One thing at least is clear. From the beginning, his sense for realities was unerring, his ambition implacable.

1 Perhaps from 40 B.C. The earliest clear and contemporary evidence for the praenomen comes from coins of Agrippa, struck

upied in the study of oratory and the practice of military exercises, for he was to accompany the Dictator on the Balkan an

s family inherited the remnant of his private fortune mattered little for the power rested with the leaders of the Caesaria

into a policy that alarmed the Senate and gave his enemies a pretext for action. Thus he was to find himself attacked on t

two fronts, by a radical demagogue and by respected conservatives. For the moment, however, Caesar’s heir was merely a n

e upon the policy of Antonius. The consul had already decided to take for himself a special provincial command. Further, al

he Senate appointed Brutus and Cassius to an extraordinary commission for the rest of the year: they were to superintend th

omplimentary in appearance, the post was really an honourable pretext for exile. Brutus and Cassius were in doubts whether

er influence to get the measure revoked. No other decision was taken. For the present, the Liberators remained in Italy, wa

ic arts that must have reinforced his native distrust and Roman scorn for the mob. The enterprises of Herophilus had shown

to Caesarian propaganda. Games and festivals were customary devices for the organization of popular sentiment. Already, a

3, 2 (May 22nd). PageBook=>117 Antonian tribune; then, waiting for a better opportunity, he derived encouragement fr

uld be criticism of the consul at the meeting of the Senate announced for August 1st; it may also have been known who was t

with Octavianus. The ceremony was staged on the Capitol. In revenge for the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as all men kno

nd of the year and be added to Italy. That would preclude competition for a post of vantage and armed domination. A fair pr

e intrigue against the consul had been brought to nought. Antonius, for his part, had been constrained to an unwelcome de

Rome and the Republic. 2 Cassius, however, lingered in Italian waters for some time. As for Antonius, pressure from a com

c. 2 Cassius, however, lingered in Italian waters for some time. As for Antonius, pressure from a competitor was now begi

h Octavianus could scarcely last. On any count, the outlook was black for the friends of settled government. Octavianus did

urces of political power at Rome. They were patent to contemporaries. For the ambitious Octavianus, the gradual advancement

extra-constitutional resources, bribery, intrigue, and even violence; for the short and perilous path that Octavianus inten

hough a patrician, had designs upon this office. 1 Nothing came of it for the moment: at need, he would always be able to p

nd the veterans, he possessed the means to split the Caesarian party. For his first designs he needed funds and a faction.

ke a national party. So it was to be in the end. But this was no time for an ideal and patriotic appeal. Such were the re

s allies. Caesar, more consistent in his politics, had to wait longer for distinction and power. The sentiments which the y

from the cultivation of the plebs and the soldiers. Not less the need for faithful friends and a coherent party. For lack o

oldiers. Not less the need for faithful friends and a coherent party. For lack of that, the great Pompeius had been forced

s associates, so it was recorded, were ever thrown over, and that was for treachery. 2 NotesPage=>121 1 For example

er thrown over, and that was for treachery. 2 NotesPage=>121 1 For example Pollio, Ad fam. 10, 31, 2f., quoted above

circumspect: he knew that personal courage was often but another name for rashness. But the times called for daring and the

courage was often but another name for rashness. But the times called for daring and the example of Caesar taught him to ru

ool of politics. The failure of Cicero as a statesman showed the need for courage and constancy in all the paths of duplici

led through the insistence of the soldiery. To Antonius, no grounds for satisfaction. Alert and resilient among the visib

silient among the visible risks of march and battle, he had no talent for slow intrigue, no taste for postponed revenge. Th

sks of march and battle, he had no talent for slow intrigue, no taste for postponed revenge. Though able beyond expectation

e immortal gods; and he had already promulgated a bill which provided for an appeal to the citizen body in cases of breach

t public appearance since March 17th. The Curia did not see him again for more than three months. The importance of his spe

the provincial armies. Brutus and Cassius had left Italy, ostensibly for their provinces of Crete and Cyrene; of their whe

nt that Dolabella, without awaiting the end of his consulate, set out for the East to secure the province of Syria. Anton

his command. The threat of force would be necessary. Antonius set out for Brundisium on October 9th, proposing there to pic

rch on Rome himself? 2 Octavianus took the supreme risk and set out for Rome. With armed men he occupied the Forum on Nov

. With armed men he occupied the Forum on November 10th. He had hoped for a meeting of the Senate and public support from s

d to fight. Many deserted and returned to their homes, none the worse for a brief autumnal escapade. With weakened forces a

ns marching up the eastern coast of Italy, the legio Martia, declared for Octavianus and turned westwards. Antonius confron

s to terms) and carried through the allotment of praetorian provinces for the following year. Crete and Cyrene were taken f

many private persons swore an oath of allegiance,2 the consul set out for the north to join the remaining legions and occup

s a public enemy, nor did he now turn his military strength, superior for the moment, in the direction of Arretium. The vet

ar had begun, but winter enforced a lull in hostilities, with leisure for intrigue and diplomacy. With Antonius out of the

tical counsel which he derived was never recorded. Philippus wished for a quiet old age. So did Marcellus. But Marcellus,

ge. So did Marcellus. But Marcellus, repenting of his ruinous actions for Pompeius and for the Republic, and damaged in rep

lus. But Marcellus, repenting of his ruinous actions for Pompeius and for the Republic, and damaged in repute, surviving a

mpeius and for the Republic, and damaged in repute, surviving a cause for which better men had died, will none the less hav

y anxious not to be openly compromised. They would have to go quietly for the present but their chance might come. Octavian

d consulate: yet he gave his daughter Marcia (by an earlier marriage) for wife to Cato. Philippus was a wealthy man and a ‘

have helped his step-son to pay the legacies (Appian, BC 3, 23, 89): for his later services, attested or conjectural, belo

randnephews of the Dictator. Possibly true of Pinarius, most unlikely for Pedius, cf. Münzer, Hermes LXXI (1936), 226 ff.;

B.C. and 20 B.C. respectively. PageBook=>129 Octavianus turned for help to friends of his own, to loyal Caesarian ad

s Agrippa, ignoble names and never known before. 1 They were destined for glory and for history. When Salvidienus tended fl

oble names and never known before. 1 They were destined for glory and for history. When Salvidienus tended flocks upon his

ot be established: on names in ‘-anius’, cf. Schulze, LE, 531 ff. 4 For the grandfather, Pro Cluentio 153. The Maecenas p

‘Maecenas’ is a gentilicium, not merely a cognomen (cf. ‘Carrinas’). For the Cilnii of Arretium, Livy 10, 3, 2; for Maecen

cognomen (cf. ‘Carrinas’). For the Cilnii of Arretium, Livy 10, 3, 2; for Maecenas’ regal ancestry, Horace, Odes 1, 1, 1, &

desperate men in his party terrified the holders of property. But not for long they were a minority and could be held in ch

s land, money and power, the estates and prerogatives of the nobility for their enjoyment, and the daughters of patricians

of the nobility for their enjoyment, and the daughters of patricians for their brides. The men of action in the party li

or farther, a part at least of the reserves of money which he needed for his campaigns. It would be folly to leave a large

ogist reveal the awkward fact that Octavianus at Brundisium in April, for a time at least, had control both of certain fund

pril, for a time at least, had control both of certain funds destined for the wars of the Dictator and of the annual tribut

nheritance was sufficient. 3 His own patrimony he was soon to invest ‘ for the good of the Commonwealth’ and much more than

his services to Caesar’s heir. After November he slips out of history for four years: the manner of his return shows that h

ny shady transaction. Along with Matius and Saserna he advanced money for the celebration of the games in July. 6 Oppius wa

ier. In November he is discovered on a familiar errand, this time not for Caesar, but for Caesar’s heir a confidential miss

he is discovered on a familiar errand, this time not for Caesar, but for Caesar’s heir a confidential mission to ensnare a

in the first years of his revolutionary career is deplorably scanty. For sufficient reasons. History, intent to blacken hi

3 These were the earliest of his senatorial associates and (except for C. Rabirius Postumus) the only such recorded for

sociates and (except for C. Rabirius Postumus) the only such recorded for a long time. What remained of the Caesarian facti

promoted to senatorial rank by Caesar. He commanded the legio Martia for Octavianus at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 33, 4): who imp

amily influence. In public Cicero professed warm and eager admiration for their loyalty, their patriotism, their capacity.

was accessible to the sinister influence of Balbus3 no good prospect for the Republicans, but a gain for Octavianus. Less

influence of Balbus3 no good prospect for the Republicans, but a gain for Octavianus. Less is known about Pansa. Yet Pansa

ade a secret compact with Cicero, Cicero to provide political support for Octavianus while enjoying the protection of his f

rs were now showing their hand. In November they were clearly working for their young kinsman. 4 But the situation was comp

ehalf of the young Pompeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an early consula

ith Antonius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an early consulate for his own son. 5 Nor was the devious Marcellus whol

e neglected he had family connexions that could be brought into play, for the Caesarian cause or for the Republic. 6 What

onnexions that could be brought into play, for the Caesarian cause or for the Republic. 6 Whatever the rumours or likelih

and Cassius out of the consulate of 41 B.C. and get one of the places for his son, praetor in 44. 6 His mother was a Juni

: and he was also connected with Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51 B.C.). For a table of these relationships, Münzer, RA, 407.

ntence and consequences of exile. Cicero remembered and attacked Piso for his conduct of the governorship of Macedonia, bot

e to the easy and conventional reproach of neglecting the public good for the pursuit of selfish pleasure, might still be

robust conviction. Piso, a patriotic Roman, did not abandon all care for his country and lapse into timorous inactivity un

mminent threat of civil war or during the contest. He exerted himself for mediation or compromise then and later, both duri

ay not have been a man of action yet he governed the province of Asia for Caesar with some credit in 46-44 B.C. On his retu

ange of side to their credit. No politician could compete with Cicero for versatility, as the attacks of his enemies and hi

nt of an extraordinary command to Pompeius, from honest persuasion or for political advancement, afterwards became more con

profess loyalty, despite harsh rebuffs and evidences of cold perfidy, for which, through easy self-deception, he chose to b

ngs that might have brought Cicero and Caesar together a common taste for literature, to which Pompeius was notoriously ali

which Pompeius was notoriously alien, and common friends, a hankering for applause on the one side and a gracious dispositi

lirtation with neutrality drove him to join Pompeius, without waiting for news of the decision in Spain. 2 It was not passi

uggle with the last remnants of the Pompeians and the sometimes hoped for but ever delayed return to settled conditions thr

ate in the Temple of Tellus, when Cicero, like other statesmen, spoke for security and concord. Peace calls for constant vi

ro, like other statesmen, spoke for security and concord. Peace calls for constant vigilance. Cicero later claimed that fro

h and September 2nd, a period of nearly six months, the most critical for the new and precarious concord, Cicero was never

unshakable. At last, after long doubt and hesitation, Cicero set out for Greece. He sailed from Pompeii on July 17th. Co

Velia on August 17th he met Brutus, occupied in the last preparations for leaving Italy. L. Piso, he learned, had indeed sp

e day of September 2nd would be a turning- point in Roman politics. For the moment, a lull in affairs. Early in October t

made the acquaintance of Caesar’s heir in April. 2 Then nothing more for six weeks. In June, however, he recognized that t

ianus and doubting his capacity to stand against Antonius. Octavianus for his part exerted every art to win the confidence

=>142 of three thousand veterans in Campania. He pestered Cicero for advice, sending to him his trusty agent Caecina o

e, sending to him his trusty agent Caecina of Volaterrae with demands for an interview, for Cicero was close at hand. 1 Cic

his trusty agent Caecina of Volaterrae with demands for an interview, for Cicero was close at hand. 1 Cicero refused to be

trouble, the secret agent Balbus might be detected in the background. For Cicero, in fear at the prospect of Antonius’ retu

9 Ib. 16, 14, 1. PageBook=>143 professed the utmost devotion for Cicero and called him ‘father’ an appellation whi

recall with bitter rebuke. 1 Octavianus has sometimes been condemned for cold and brutal treachery towards a parent and a

alth could still muster. In public pronouncements Cicero went sponsor for the good conduct and loyalty of the adventurer,3

ious against a consul. As they were both acting on private initiative for the salvation of the State, they clamoured to hav

public life of Cicero. Summoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle against Antonius, eager for war and

oratory and all his energies for the struggle against Antonius, eager for war and implacable, he would hear no word of peac

y knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieved for the Republic despite his talent and his professio

ghtened aristocrats. 1 There was place in the NotesPage=>144 1 For this conception of the De re publica (a book abou

Römertums (1938), 142 ff. PageBook=>145 ranks of the principes for varied talent, for civil as well as military dist

42 ff. PageBook=>145 ranks of the principes for varied talent, for civil as well as military distinction; access lay

ambition of unscrupulous principes is strongly denounced. 2 The lust for power ends in tyranny, which is the negation of l

he negation of liberty, the laws and of all civilized life. 3 So much for Caesar. But the desire for fame is not in itsel

aws and of all civilized life. 3 So much for Caesar. But the desire for fame is not in itself an infirmity or a vice. Amb

ciis. 4 Cicero defined the nature of glory, no doubt showing how far, for all their splendour and power, the principes Cras

military dynasts: but he needs fame and praise to sustain his efforts for the Commonwealth and he deserves to receive them

lory inspired the veteran statesman in his last and courageous battle for what he believed to be the Republic, liberty and

imates. It might fairly be claimed that Cicero made ample atonement for earlier failures and earlier desertions, if that

uestion at issue. It is not: a natural and indeed laudable partiality for Cicero, and for the ‘better cause’, may cover the

. It is not: a natural and indeed laudable partiality for Cicero, and for the ‘better cause’, may cover the intrusion of sp

nd Philippic, though technically perfect, is not a political oration, for it was never delivered: it is an exercise in pett

t Piso. The other speeches against Antonius, however, may be counted, for vigour, passion and intensity, among the most spl

ld be surmised: yet Caesarians themselves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavianus, or for peace. The new

: yet Caesarians themselves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a

emselves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their ow

nceal. But certain topics, not the least important, may never come up for open debate. The Senate listened to speeches and

fanatical and dangerous champion, boldly asserting his responsibility for the actions of Octavianus. 2 His policy violated

3 Ad Att. 16, 8, 2: δ Brute, ubi es? quantam ∈ὐκαιρίαν amittis! ’ 4 For his views about the alliance between Cicero and O

tus was far away. Winter held up warfare in the north, with leisure for grim reflections. When Hirtius brought to complet

critical or edifying. Persons, not programmes, came before the People for their judgement and approbation. The candidate se

prerogative, of his own merits. Again, the law-courts were an avenue for political advancement through prosecution, a batt

avenue for political advancement through prosecution, a battle-ground for private enmities and political feuds, a theatre f

, a battle-ground for private enmities and political feuds, a theatre for oratory. The best of arguments was personal abuse

as are the civic and moral paragons of early days; which is fitting, for the evil and the good are both the fabrication of

ive African extraction, a baker or seller of perfumes at Aricia. 4 As for Piso, his grandfather did not come from the ancie

a blended and enigmatic individual, he possessed many virtues, which for a time had deceived excellent and unsuspecting pe

lled a ‘vir fortis’, a pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his stand against Antonius, acquires the temporar

temporary label of a good citizen, only to lapse before long, damned for a misguided policy of conciliation; and casual ev

than the unimpeachable Philodemus from Gadara, a town in high repute for literature and learning. 10 Antonius had attacked

Municipal origin becomes not merely respectable but even an occasion for just pride why we all come from the municipial! 5

discredit or damage. On the contrary. The Romans possessed a feeling for NotesPage=>151 1 Phil. 2, 99. 2 lb. 11,

could give as good as he got he seems to have borne Cicero no malice for the speech In Vatinium. 2 It was a point of honou

gracefully. Caesar was sensitive to slander: but he requited Catullus for lampoons of unequalled vigour and indecency by in

to be regretted more than political freedom when both were abolished. For the sake of peace and the common good, all power

d been more abundantly preserved, it might be discovered that respect for law, tradition and the constitution possessed a s

People’s rights or the Senate’s, were acting a pretence: they strove for power only. 1 Sallustius soon went deeper in his

ble lay a century back, after the fall of Carthage, Rome’s last rival for world-empire. Since then a few ambitious individu

uals exploited the respectable names of Senate and People as a mask for personal domination. The names of good citizens a

purpose of propaganda was threefold to win an appearance of legality for measures of violence, to seduce the supporters of

pponents to claim and demonstrate that a gang (or factio), in control for the moment of the legitimate government, was oppr

n of a faction’. 3 The term was not novel. Nobody ever sought power for himself and the enslavement of others without inv

g. 3 The friends of peace had to abandon their plea when they spoke for war. Peace should not be confused with servitude;

and benefactor. Pietas and a state of public emergency was the excuse for sedition. But the Antonii at least kept faith amo

ever, played havoc with the most binding ties of personal allegiance. For profit or for safety it might be necessary to cha

avoc with the most binding ties of personal allegiance. For profit or for safety it might be necessary to change sides. Sui

m private enmities should be composed, private loyalties surrendered, for the public good. Cicero had descended to that lan

. 2 Octavianus, to secure recognition and power, was ready to pospone for the moment a sacred vendetta: his sincere love of

leaders like Caesar or Antonius: they had no mind to risk their lives for intriguers such as Plancus or Lepidus, still less

isk their lives for intriguers such as Plancus or Lepidus, still less for liberty and the constitution, empty names. Roman

osed a propaganda-letter, addressed to Balbus and Oppius but destined for wider circulation: the gist of it was to announce

ompelled him, so he explained in his despatch to the Senate, to plead for the lives and safety of a great multitude of Roma

ars the victor proclaimed that he had killed no citizen who had asked for mercy:1 his clemency was published on numerous co

asuists. The party in control of the government could secure sanction for almost any arbitrary act: at the worst, a state o

he protection of his army. A youth inspired by heroism levies an army for himself. So Caesar and Pompeius, the precedents f

sm levies an army for himself. So Caesar and Pompeius, the precedents for Caesar’s heir. When an adventurer raised troops i

State was coolly described as the generous investment of a patrimony for the public good; 4 when the legions of a consul d

dinance enacted by Heaven itself, namely that all things advantageous for the State are right and lawful’. 7 Extraordinary

ere was a remedy. The private enterprise of citizens, banded together for the good of the Commonwealth, might then organize

the term coniuratio is more revealing. If it was thought inexpedient for the moment or even outworn and superfluous to app

ll of Army and People could be expressed, immediate and imperative. For the present, however, legitimate authority still

by tribunes on the specious pretext of taking precautions in advance for the personal safety of the new consuls on the fir

ius was still consul, Cicero seized the chance to develop a programme for future action. Octavianus had no standing at all

gnition, the soldiery recompense in land and money. The claim urged for D. Brutus might perhaps be defended: he was at le

In brief, Cicero proposed to secure legitimation, punlica auctoritas, for the privatum consilium, the illicit ventures of O

t prospect was cheerfully envisaged. What resources might be enlisted for the struggle? The authority of the Senate was n

d the survivors of the Marcelli, Marcii and Calpurnii make a firm bid for leadership in the Commonwealth. Two political g

t and bitter complaint of Cicero through the months when he clamoured for war. 4 ‘The consuls are excellent, the consulars

dus and Vatinius. Fourteen remained, but few of note in word or deed, for good or evil, in the last effort of the Senate. O

vilius. 8 From the rest nothing was to be expected. Cicero distrusted for different reasons both Paullus, the brother of Le

nerals, a clever politician and an orator of some spirit. 1 So much for Senate and senior statesmen. Without armed aid fr

nd the generals in the West held the ultimate decision of the contest for the Cisalpina. Despite the assertions and the exh

ependence. L. Munatius Plancus held Gallia Comata, consul designate for 42 B.C., the most polished and graceful of the co

racter. A nice calculation of his own interests and an assiduous care for his own safety carried him through well-timed tre

ius Messalla Rufus, who lived on obscure and unrecorded (he was augur for the space of 55 years), and Cn. Domitius Calvinus

or the space of 55 years), and Cn. Domitius Calvinus, lost to history for thirty months after the Ides of March, but still

us he was the most hated of the Caesarian leaders, hated and despised for lack of the splendour, courage and ability that w

ously courted the favour of Lepidus, now in an advantageous position, for he had recently induced the adventurer Sex. Pompe

n his arms and come to terms with the government in Rome a heavy blow for the Republicans. Antonius secured him a vote of t

ies at variance or out of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all. The pessimisti

hose oratory he found so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his part for peace, if not for the Republic: his uncompromisin

und so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his part for peace, if not for the Republic: his uncompromising honesty was welc

he had sent legates in advance, the one to Syria, the other to secure for him the legions in Egypt. Yet the East was not al

the legions in Egypt. Yet the East was not altogether barren of hope for the Republic. Of the whereabouts of the Liberator

lished and made public on December 20th. On January 1st came the time for action. Hirtius and Pansa opened the debate. It l

e the time for action. Hirtius and Pansa opened the debate. It lasted for four days. Calenus spoke for Antonius, Cicero for

s and Pansa opened the debate. It lasted for four days. Calenus spoke for Antonius, Cicero for war; 1 and L. Piso twice i

e debate. It lasted for four days. Calenus spoke for Antonius, Cicero for war; 1 and L. Piso twice intervened on the plea

nd L. Piso twice intervened on the plea of legality, with arguments for compromise. The result was hardly a triumph for

ity, with arguments for compromise. The result was hardly a triumph for Cicero. One point, indeed, he carried the troops

the authority of the Senate. This covered Brutus in the Cisalpina. As for Octavianus, Cicero, bringing abundant historical

na. As for Octavianus, Cicero, bringing abundant historical parallels for the honouring of youth, merit and patriotism, fou

. 2 Further, by a special dispensation, he was to be allowed to stand for the consulship ten years before the legal age. Oc

om Dio (46, 1, ff.). 2 Res Gestae 1; Livy, Per. 118; Dio 46, 29, 2. For Cicero’s proposal, Phil. 5, 46. PageBook=>16

fer senatorial rank upon a private citizen. It had not been done even for Pompeius. That the free vote of the People, and t

ard. At the very least Antonius should be brought to trial, to answer for his alleged misdeeds. In the end the proposal of

e authority of the government. This was a firm and menacing demand. For the friends of Antonius, however, it meant that a

tonius, however, it meant that a declaration of war had been averted; for the advocates of concord, a respite and time for

ar had been averted; for the advocates of concord, a respite and time for negotiation. Even now the situation was not beyon

til early in February. The arguments invoked by Cicero on January 1st for coolly disregarding the law were by no means adeq

he tenure of a consular province: but that might have been contested, for Antonius’ command was not a normal consular provi

been passed in defiance of the auspicia: but that plea was very weak, for the authority of sacred law had been largely disc

rth winter still held up military operations. At Rome politics lapsed for the rest of the month. But Cicero did not relent.

The State now had spirit and leadership, armies and generals. No need for timidity or compromise. As for the terms that the

adership, armies and generals. No need for timidity or compromise. As for the terms that the adversary would offer, he conj

. 2 Deceptive and dangerous there could be no treating with Antonius, for Antonius was in effect a public enemy and beyond

s, though rising weak and emaciated from his bed of sickness, set out for the seat of war and marched up the Flaminia to Ar

raud and bribery were already loose in the land. All Italy must rally for the defence of the ‘legitimate government’: attem

ns passed decrees. The men of Firmum took the lead in promising money for the war, the Marrucini (or perhaps rather a facti

e Gaul, but insisted on retaining Comata: that province he would hold for the five years following, until Brutus and Cassiu

is dignitas that he had to think of, but his salus. The sole security for that was the possession of an army. To give up hi

Rome and in Italy, he had every reason to demand safeguards in return for compromising on his right to Gallia Cisalpina und

nothing of condoning the rank conferred upon a private adventurer. As for Brutus and Cassius, he appears to have recognized

oposals and passed the ultimate decree the consuls were to take steps for the security of the State. With the consuls was a

stration he proposed on the same day yet another statue in the Forum, for the dead ambassador Sulpicius Rufus, thereby quar

ook=>171 A state of war was then proclaimed. It existed already. For the moment, however, no change in the military si

provinces, were intercepted and persuaded to contribute their funds4 for the salvation of the State, no doubt. By the end

mmoned. Quelling the objections of the Antonian Calenus, Cicero spoke for Brutus and secured the legalization of a usurped

d, loudly invoking the plea of patriotism and the higher legality. As for Cassius, there was as yet no authentic news of hi

n legions was not confirmed until more than two months had elapsed. For the Republican cause, victory now seemed assured

st alarmed the friends of Antonius: there was little time to be lost, for the beginning of hostilities in the north would p

Servilius spoke against it. Cicero supported him, with lavish praises for the good offices of those patriotic and high-mind

aring ‘in my opinion you will be wiser not to make meddling proposals for peace: neither the Senate nor the People approves

loser around Mutina. Octavianus and Hirtius avoided battle, waiting for Pansa to come up with his four legions of recruit

r legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome about March 19th. Antonius for his part planned to crush Pansa NotesPage=>1

rmy into order and set out along the Aemilia towards the west, making for Gallia Narbonensis and the support of Lepidus and

ded. Antonius and his followers were at last declared public enemies. For the victorious champions of the constitution, the

med by Sulla or by Caesar. To a thoughtful patriot it was no occasion for rejoicing. ‘Think rather of the desolation of Ita

in the Senate that the Caesarian veterans were on the wane, no match for the patriotic fervour of the levies of Republican

ing along the Aemilia, on April 22nd. He secured a start of two days, for D. Brutus went to consult Pansa at Bononia, only

consul had succumbed to his wounds; Antonius soon increased his lead, for his army was strong in cavalry. Brutus had none;

the worst. The conduct of the war by the two consuls had overshadowed for a time the person of Octavianus. Hirtius and Pans

biography of Augustus, in self-justification, incriminated the Senate for slights put upon him, exaggerating greatly, cf. F

‘lanista’ was a fair and pointed retort to his favourite appellation for Antonius, ‘gladiator’. 3 According to Velleius

the fleets and sea-coasts of the Roman dominions. It was high time for the Caesarians to repent and close their ranks. O

should have deceived nobody. The two armies lay against each other for a time. A small river ran between the camps. When

s essayed his vigorous oratory on the soldiers of Pompeius. 2 But not for long Labienus NotesPage=>164 M. Junius Sil

surely the reply to Cicero’s firm rejection of his earlier proposals for peace and concord. 2 It was on May 30th that An

ed back and established himself at Cularo (Grenoble). There he waited for D. Brutus to come over the pass of the Little St.

h. 4 A lull followed. Antonius was in no hurry. He waited patiently for time, fear and propaganda to dissolve the forces

. It would be easy and unprofitable to arraign the Caesarian generals for lack of heroism and lack of principle. They had n

and the authority of the Roman State, it was impossible to discover. For the judgement on these men, if judged they must b

ed bitterly the influence of the veterans. 4 The veterans had no wish for war they had NotesPage=>166 1 Ad fam. 10,

mate recompense from their generals without the necessity of fighting for it. Their reluctance to obey the constitutional p

o the West. Men blamed the slowness and indecision of D. Brutus; who, for his part, advocated the summoning of Marcus Brutu

and it would clearly be expedient to give the youth a senior consular for colleague. Of the intrigues concerning this matte

destined colleague? It may well have been the ambiguous P. Servilius, for to this summer, if not earlier, belongs a signifi

not broken off all relations with M. Antonius he may still have hoped for an accommodation:7 the brother of the Caesarian l

willing to provoke a civil war, ready even to go into voluntary exile for the sake of concord. 8 NotesPage=>169 1 Th

h violence. He did not believe in violence. At Athens he looked about for allies, opened negotiations with provincial gover

g on Rome will have convinced him at last that there was no room left for scruple or for legality. 1 Yet even so, the posse

have convinced him at last that there was no room left for scruple or for legality. 1 Yet even so, the possession of Macedo

egality. 1 Yet even so, the possession of Macedonia and an army meant for Brutus not so much an instrument for war as secur

n of Macedonia and an army meant for Brutus not so much an instrument for war as security and a basis for negotiation. He w

for Brutus not so much an instrument for war as security and a basis for negotiation. He was reluctant to force the pace a

ws reached him, Brutus, in anticipation, wrote to Cicero, interceding for his relatives. Cicero answered with a rebuke. 4

d as Salvidienus. Men fear death, exile and poverty too much. Cicero, for all his principles, accommodates himself to servi

commodates himself to servitude and seeks a propitious master. Brutus for his part will continue the fight against all powe

d refused to take over (P-W x, 1000). This date is probably too late, for it does not allow a sufficient margin of time for

probably too late, for it does not allow a sufficient margin of time for the passage of news and movements of troops in wi

of the alliance with Caesar’s heir. He asseverated his responsibility for that policy. But his words belied him he did not

, bearing the mandate of the army and the proposals of Caesar’s heir. For themselves they asked the promised bounty, for Oc

sals of Caesar’s heir. For themselves they asked the promised bounty, for Octavianus the consulate. The latter request they

een exploited by Cicero. 6 The Senate refused. The sword decided. 7 For the second time in ten months Caesar’s heir set o

in Rome. The Senate sent envoys with the offer of permission to stand for the consulate in absence8 a move of conciliation

imate methods. Octavianus was not deflected from his march. And now for a moment a delusive ray of hope shone upon the si

ning came a rumour that the two legions which had deserted the consul for Octavianus in the November preceding, the Fourth

the Martia, ‘heavenly legions’ as Cicero described them, had declared for the Republic. The Senate met in haste. A tribune

tion. Now he was consul, his only danger the rival army commanders. For the moment, certain brief formalities. To bring t

The ambitious or the shameless made show of high loyalty and competed for the right to prosecute. Agrippa indicted Cassius,

ey. 2 Of the jurors, though carefully selected, one man gave his vote for absolution and remained unmolested until the pros

s or shipwreck took the blame. 4 Octavianus had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State, and now the State made req

quital. He seized the treasury, which, though depleted, could furnish for each of his soldiers the sum of two thousand five

ith a devoted army, augmented to eleven legions, the consul left Rome for the reckoning with Antonius, whom he could now fa

consul to revoke the decrees of outlawry against Antonius and Lepidus for Lepidus, too, had been declared a public enemy.

c enemy. The last six months of the consulate of Antonius shattered for ever the coalition of March 17th, and divided for

Antonius shattered for ever the coalition of March 17th, and divided for a time the ranks of the Caesarian party. With the

e three leaders. After elaborate and no doubt necessary precautions for personal security, the dynasts met in conference

the Roman world. Antonius when consul had abolished the Dictatorship for all time. The tyrannic office was now revived und

for all time. The tyrannic office was now revived under another name for a period of five years three men were to hold par

anteed, and the conferment of nobility. The dynasts made arrangements for some years in advance which provide some indicati

e a second consulate in the next year, with Plancus as his colleague. For 41 B.C. were designated P. Servilius Isauricus an

. For 41 B.C. were designated P. Servilius Isauricus and L. Antonius; for 40 B.C., Pollio and Cn. Domitius Calvinus. The Ca

step-daughter of Antonius. 3 Of the provinces of the West, Antonius for the present assumed control of the territories wh

his partisan Pollio as proconsul of the Cisalpina, perhaps to hold it for two years till his consulate (40 B.C.). 4 Lepidus

a Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, augmented with Hispania Ulterior for Pollio gave up that province. To Octavianus fell

ion of Africa at this time was dubious, disputed in a local civil war for several years. 5 As for the islands, it may alrea

me was dubious, disputed in a local civil war for several years. 5 As for the islands, it may already have been feared, and

he maritime command assigned to him by the Senate earlier in the year for the war against Antonius. NotesPage=>189 1

olished the private rights of citizenship no disproportionate revenge for men who had been declared public enemies. Rome

ting the lack of prose fiction among the Romans. PageBook=>191 For the youth of Octavianus, exposed to an iron schoo

to draw fine distinctions between the three terrorists, it was hardly for Octavianus that they invoked indulgence and made

oman noble like Antonius reduced to such company and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when

he had been harried by faction and treason, when proconsul outlawed. For Octavianus there was none, and no merit beyond hi

senators. It is to be regretted that there is such a lack of evidence for the significant category, that of knights. In all

and to inspire terror among enemies and malcontents than from thirst for blood. Many of the proscribed got safely away and

ern seas and in the islands. There had been delay and warning enough. For the Triumvirs it was expedient to drive their pol

rotection in advance. The banker Atticus was not put on the list even for form’s sake or as a warning to others: he had rec

ut trusting his own judgement; and he had already secured a guarantee for the event of a Republican victory by protecting t

local causes everywhere. Under guise of partisan zeal, men compassed, for profit or for revenge, the proscription of privat

verywhere. Under guise of partisan zeal, men compassed, for profit or for revenge, the proscription of private enemies. Man

ge, the proscription of private enemies. Many a long-standing contest for wealth and power in the towns of Italy was now de

eeded, among the propertied classes of the municipia, publicly lauded for the profession of ancient virtue, but avid and un

; cf. ILS 3700 (an aedile of that family). 4 Appian, BC 4, 40, 170: for later enmity of that family towards Plancus, cf.

lution was now carried out, in two stages, the first to provide money for the war, the second to reward the Caesarian legio

isans, astute neutrals and freedmen of the commercial class got value for their money in the solid form of landed NotesPa

t estates. 3 Likewise Lucilius Hirrus, the kinsman of Pompeius, noted for his fish-ponds. 4 Statius, the octogenarian Samni

survived the Bellum Italicum and became a Roman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 so did M. Fidustius, who had been p

lidus had property in Africa. 7 Cicero, though chronically in straits for ready money, was a very wealthy man: his villas i

try and the palatial town house once owned by Livius Drusus cried out for confiscation. 8 But a capital levy often defeat

ted by a deputation of Roman ladies with a great Republican personage for leader, the daughter of the orator Hortensius, th

4 In 45 B.C. he was able to provide Caesar with six thousand muraenae for a triumphal banquet (Pliny, NH 9, 171). 5 Appia

abandon the principle. Other taxes, novel and crushing, were invented for example a year’s income being taken from everybod

and by knights in competition or in complicity, and spent by senators for their own magnificence and for the delight of the

r in complicity, and spent by senators for their own magnificence and for the delight of the Roman plebs; the knights had s

the costs of civil war, in money and land. There was no other source for the Caesarians to draw upon, for the provinces of

and land. There was no other source for the Caesarians to draw upon, for the provinces of the West were exhausted, the rev

y of the Caesarians, which numbered some forty-three legions. So much for present needs. For the future, to recompense the

, which numbered some forty-three legions. So much for present needs. For the future, to recompense the legions which were

s soon introduced the practice of nominating several pairs of consuls for a single year and designating them a long time in

completely from record. Philippus and Marcellus had played their part for Caesar’s heir and served their turn: they departe

dus’ brother, the proscribed Paullus, retired to Miletus and lived on for a time unmolested. 6 Of the supposed dozen surv

ars, only three claim any mention in subsequent history, and only one for long. The renegade from the Catonian party, P. Se

Metelli, the Scipiones, the Lentuli and the Marcelli were in eclipse, for the heads of those families had mostly perished,

ents of equestrian rank, such as the banker C. Flavius, with no heart for war but faithful to the end. 4 At Athens he found

is quaestor P. Lentulus, the son of Spinther, was active with a fleet for the Republic. 10 Most of the assassins of Caesar

98 1 Above, p. 43. 2 C. Marcellus (cos. 50 B.C.) was still alive: for the sons and relatives of the others the only rec

17, 3. He fell in battle, Plutarch, Brutus 51. 5 Ib. 1, 14, 1. 6 For example, the freedman’s son Q. Horatius Flaccus.

61 B.C. His half- brother, L. Gellius Poplicola, was also with Brutus for a time, but acted treacherously (Dio 47, 24, 3 ff

binus goes steadily forward. 5 Others, rising NotesPage=>199 1 For example, M. Livius Drusus Claudianus and Sex. Qui

rtinacious young Pompeian, Cn. Calpurnius Piso (Tacitus, Ann. 2, 43). For the coinage of the Liberators and their lieutenan

their lieutenants, cf. BMC, R. Rep. 11, 471 ff. 2 Above, p. 67. 3 For example, C. Calvisius Sabinus, C. Carrinas and Se

enas or of any person called Marcius. 4 L. Staius Murcus was active for the Republic until killed by Sex. Pompeius. A. Al

disappears completely after 43 B.C. 5 Consul in 39 B.C. and admiral for Octavianus in the Bellum Siculum. Calvisius is th

. Cornificius, whose unknown antecedents endowed him with the talents for success; Q. Laronius, commemorated only as an a

his father married a first cousin of M. Antonius (Val. Max. 4, 2, 6). For the family of T. Peducaeus (cos. suff. 35), cf. b

. Pompeius (cos. 35 B.C.), the grandson of Pompeius Strabo’s brother. For the Vinicii, above, p. 194. PageBook=>201

abo’s brother. For the Vinicii, above, p. 194. PageBook=>201 for victory or defeat in the eastern lands, became th

e holding of senatorial office was not an indispensable qualification for leading armies of Roman legions. But Salvidienus

was not unique: foreigners or freed slaves might compete with knights for military command in the wars of the Revolution. 2

ae 7, 3: ‘vivet inter Ventidios et Canidios et Saxas. ’ 2 Demetrius for Antonius (Dio 48, 40, 5 f.), Helenus for Octavian

os et Saxas. ’ 2 Demetrius for Antonius (Dio 48, 40, 5 f.), Helenus for Octavianus (Dio 48, 30, 8 cf. 45, 5; Appian, BC 5

built to the new deity, Divus Julius; and another law made provision for the cult in the towns of Italy. 2 The young Caesa

r the sign of the avenging of Caesar, the Caesarian armies made ready for war. The leaders decided to employ twenty-eight l

inal charge of Rome and Italy. The real control rested with Antonius, for one of his partisans, Calenus, seems to have comm

against him. 5 Lack of ships frustrated an invasion of the island. As for Antonius, he was held up at Brundisium by a hosti

communications of the Caesarians were cut: they must advance and hope for a speedy decision on land. Antonius pressed on: t

In despair Dolabella took his own life: Trebonius was avenged. Except for Egypt, whose Queen had helped Dolabella, and the

d complete eclipse in the East. Brutus and Cassius now took counsel for war. Even when Antonius joined Lepidus and Plancu

oubtful prospect of a long and ruinous struggle was a potent argument for concord. Brutus and Antonius might have underst

Brutus and Antonius might have understood each other and compromised for peace and for Rome: the avenging of Caesar and th

tonius might have understood each other and compromised for peace and for Rome: the avenging of Caesar and the exterminatio

tary dictatorship and inaugurate a class-war, there was no place left for hesitation. Under this conviction a Roman aristoc

of the end of Cicero, it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome. 2 For good reasons Brutus and Cassius dec

Cicero, it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome. 2 For good reasons Brutus and Cassius decided not to ca

us paid the men fifteen hundred denarii a head and promised more. 1 For the rest, the prospects of Brutus and Cassius lef

ly passed to the Caesarians. Otherwise their situation was desperate, for on the day of the first Battle of Philippi the Re

spots over the corpse of liberty. The men who fell at Philippi fought for a principle, a tradition and a class narrow, impe

principle, a tradition and a class narrow, imperfect and outworn, but for all that the soul and spirit of Rome. No battle

en were recorded the noblest names of Rome. No consulars, it is true, for the best of the principes were already dead, and

th Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he would pay for his folly in the end. 4 When the chief men surv

battle before. 9 The glory of it went to Antonius and abode with him for ten years. The Caesarian leaders now had to satis

he Caesarian leaders now had to satisfy the demands of their soldiers for land and money. Octavianus was to return to Italy

d took Narbonensis from Lepidus. Lepidus was also despoiled of Spain, for the advantage of Octavianus, most of whose origin

ost of whose original portion was by now in the hands of Pompeius. As for Africa, should Lepidus make complaint, he might h

ius. As for Africa, should Lepidus make complaint, he might have that for his share. These engagements were duly recorded i

expense of Italy. Denied justice and liberty, Italy rose against Rome for the last time. It was not the fierce peoples of t

the Sabine country, which had been loyal to Rome then, but had fought for the Marian cause against Sulla. Now a new Sulla s

he blame upon Octavianus, insisting that a final decision be reserved for Antonius for the prestige of the victor of Philip

Octavianus, insisting that a final decision be reserved for Antonius for the prestige of the victor of Philippi was overwh

iting, if not by destroying, the rival Caesarian leader, and thus win for her absent and unsuspecting consort the sole powe

fterwards, from piety or even from perversity, to redeem her memory. ( For a temperate view of Fulvia, the last survivor of

ed round to Octavianus where their interests clearly lay. Octavianus, for his part, divorced his unwelcome and untouched br

om the domination of a faction. But L. Antonius did not hold the city for long. He advanced northward in the hope of effect

ad adopted an ambiguous and threatening attitude earlier in the year. For a time he refused to let Salvidienus pass through

hope. The Triumvir’s own province, all Gaul beyond the Alps, was held for him by Calenus and Ventidius with a huge force of

rches, of skirmishes and sieges. C. Furnius sought to defend Sentinum for Antonius: Salvidienus captured the town and destr

d destroyed it utterly. 4 Nursia, remote in the Sabine land, held out for freedom under Tisienus Gallus, but was forced to

and Pollio were ready to fight. The caution of Plancus was too strong for them. 5 There was no mutual confidence in the c

acute perception of their own interests as well as a strong distaste for war: it would be plain folly to fight for L. Anto

s well as a strong distaste for war: it would be plain folly to fight for L. Antonius and the propertied classes of Italy.

r in Spain, where he shortly died. 6 The city of Perusia was destined for pillage. The soldiery were thwarted by the suicid

d presented Caesar’s heir before the people when he marched upon Rome for the first time. 1 Death was also the penalty exac

ion, it is said, of one man, an astute person who in Rome had secured for himself a seat upon the jury that condemned to de

t an inscription which proclaimed that their dead had fallen fighting for freedom. Octavianus imposed a crushing fine. 4

Greece, deserting his army. Ventidius and Pollio turned back and made for the coast of the Adriatic. Ventidius’ march and m

vements are obscure. Pollio retired north- eastwards and held Venetia for a time against the generals of Octavianus. Then a

Ahenobarbus, whose fleet controlled the Adriatic, and won his support for Antonius. 5 The partnership in arms of the youn

ars, the soldier Ventidius and the diplomatic Plancus, and one consul for the illustrious year of Pollio had begun. Yet O

ime the enemies of Octavianus had a leader. The final armed reckoning for the heritage of Caesar seemed inevitable; for Rom

e final armed reckoning for the heritage of Caesar seemed inevitable; for Rome the choice between two masters. Which of the

1 ff. T. Sextius had at last suppressed Q. Cornificius and won Africa for the Caesarians, cf. above, p. 189, n. 5. Fango ha

ed eastwards in splendour to re-establish the rule of Rome and extort for the armies yet more money from the wealthy cities

of destroying the rival Caesarian leader, might well seem to cry out for an explanation. It was easy and to hand Antonius

lands to the veterans of Philippi were Octavianus’ share in a policy for which they were jointly responsible. The victor o

im, but the Parthians could wait. Antonius gathered forces and sailed for Greece. At Athens he met Fulvia and Plancus. He h

es of the other; he learned the full measure of the disaster. Whether for revenge or for diplomacy, he must be strongly arm

; he learned the full measure of the disaster. Whether for revenge or for diplomacy, he must be strongly armed: he prepared

macy, he must be strongly armed: he prepared a fleet and looked about for allies. From Sex. Pompeius came envoys, with offe

. His admiral was Ahenobarbus, Cato’s nephew, under sentence of death for alleged complicity in the murder of Caesar; his o

a. With this moral support Antonius confronted his Caesarian rival. For war, his prospects were better than he could have

nabled Octavianus to assert himself as the true Caesarian by standing for the interests of the legions. But his errors were

o call off his fleets. Serious conferences began. They were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men, for O

. They were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men, for Octavianus by the diplomatic Maecenas. L. Cocceiu

mvirate was re- established. Italy was to be common ground, available for recruiting to both leaders, while Antonius held a

the inferior Lepidus the dynasts resigned possession of Africa, which for three years had been the theatre of confused figh

s great as that of Alexander, torn asunder by the generals struggling for the inheritance, broke up into separate kingdoms

tion of horrors engendered feelings of guilt and despair. Men yearned for escape, anywhere, perhaps to some Fortunate Isles

new age. 2 Vague aspirations and magical science were quickly adopted for purposes of propaganda by the rulers of the world

he comet and said to be referred to in the Autobiography of Augustus. For Pythagorean doctrines, cf. J. Carcopino, Virgile

y and revealed the credulity or ignorance of scholars and visionaries for two thousand years; it has been aggravated by a h

ndisium united the Caesarian leaders in concord and established peace for the world. It is a fair surmise that the Fourth E

Rome to assume the insignia of his consulate, it was not to wear them for long, for a new pair of consuls was installed bef

sume the insignia of his consulate, it was not to wear them for long, for a new pair of consuls was installed before the en

ce, Antonius revealed the treachery of Salvidienus; who was arraigned for high treason before the Senate and condemned to d

he had held as yet no senatorial office the wars had hardly left time for that. But Octavianus had designated him as consul

ardly left time for that. But Octavianus had designated him as consul for the following year. The next NotesPage=>220

r of Philippi; military repute secured him the larger share of credit for making peace when the fortune of war had been man

Helenus the freedman from Sardinia, which he was trying to recapture for Octavianus,2 and resumed his blockade of the coas

and resumed his blockade of the coasts of Italy. The plebs clamoured for bread and peace. Following the impeccable precede

To recognition was added compensation in money and future consulates for himself and for Libo. The proscribed and the fugi

was added compensation in money and future consulates for himself and for Libo. The proscribed and the fugitives were to re

uch more value than Lepidus to check the power of his ambitious rival for the leadership of the Caesarian party. The young

and more of the leading senators, Caesarian, Republican or neutral. 2 For the present, however, no indication of such a cha

t, however, no indication of such a change. Octavianus went to Gaul for a brief visit, Lepidus to Africa. Antonius depart

went to Gaul for a brief visit, Lepidus to Africa. Antonius departed for the eastern provinces with his young and beautifu

d recreations of a university town. Athens was Antonius’ headquarters for two winters and the greater part of two years (39

rters for two winters and the greater part of two years (39-37). Save for two journeys to the coast of Italy to meet his tr

client kings were disloyal or incompetent. Plancus the proconsul fled for refuge to an Aegean island,5 and the defence of A

4; 508; 524. Not that Sosius was there all the time he governed Syria for Antonius in 38–36. 4 Dio 48, 26, 5; Strabo, p.

ome his paradoxical triumph. 1 Ventidius is not heard of again save for the ultimate honour of a public funeral. 2 Sosius

o settle the affairs of the East upon an enduring basis and make war, for revenge, for prestige and for security, against t

affairs of the East upon an enduring basis and make war, for revenge, for prestige and for security, against the Parthians.

st upon an enduring basis and make war, for revenge, for prestige and for security, against the Parthians. After Samosata,

to make war upon Sex. Pompeius. He invited Antonius to come to Italy for a conference in the spring of the year 38. Antoni

is hands free of western entanglements and needed Italian legionaries for his own campaigns, agreed to meet his colleague.

9, 1 ff. According to Fronto (p. 123 N), Sallust composed an encomium for Ventidius to deliver. 2 Gellius 15, 4, 4. 3 D

would not admit him. Not that he had either the desire or the pretext for war, but he was in an angry mood. Once again for

esire or the pretext for war, but he was in an angry mood. Once again for the benefit of an ambiguous partner he had to def

ar. Nobody had bothered about that. The Triumvirate was now prolonged for another five years until the end of 33 B.C.3 By t

the dictatorial and invidious powers of the Triumvirate. The consuls for 32, designated long in advance, were adherents of

in a revolutionary epoch. Octavianus felt that time was on his side. For the present, his colleague was constrained to sup

menaced and there was work to be done in the East. Antonius departed for Syria. From Corcyra in the late summer of the yea

is partial in every sense of the term. Nero had already left Pompeius for Antonius (Suetonius, Tib. 4, 3). 2 Official phr

er. 2 Likewise an odd Republican or two and certain of the assassins, for whom there could be no pardon from Caesar’s heir,

nius Rufus. 3 To the defeated of Philippi and Perusia it had seemed for a time that the young Pompeius might be a champio

peius could easily be represented as a pirate. 5 Peace was not kept for long upon the Italian seas. Before the year was o

ad, heart and senses, and endured unimpaired to the day of his death. For once in his life he surrendered to emotion: it wa

us Drusus),2 she married a kinsman, Ti. Claudius Nero, who had fought for Caesar against Pompeius, for L. Antonius and the

nsman, Ti. Claudius Nero, who had fought for Caesar against Pompeius, for L. Antonius and the Republic in the War of Perusi

father and a grandfather, not hastening to declare himself too openly for his step-brother Octavianus: his father, through

ht be able to influence Antonius or Lepidus: they had done so before. For Octavianus there subsisted the danger of a revive

or to subvert him. Hence the need to destroy Pompeius without delay. For the moment Antonius was loyal to the Caesarian al

conference, gave him no help. Antonius disapproved, and Sex. Pompeius for his part believed that Antonius would not support

r his admirals L. Cornificius and C. Calvisius Sabinus devised a plan for invading Sicily. The result was disastrous. Pompe

to Octavianus. 2 Lepidus had several children. Their destiny, save for the eldest son, is unknown. They were surely empl

the eldest son, is unknown. They were surely employed at an early age for dynastic alliances. It is not known whom Cn. Domi

ng from Gaul with useful achievements to his credit and the consulate for the next year as his reward, did not choose to ho

here was to be no mistake this time. Agrippa devised a grandiose plan for attacking Sicily from three directions in the sum

private army of three legions in Asia, with which force he contended for a time against the NotesPage=>231 1 Dio 48

nded for a time against the NotesPage=>231 1 Dio 48, 49, 4 2 For Bibulus, Appian, BC 4, 38, 162; 5, 132, 549; and

ian, BC 4, 38, 162; 5, 132, 549; and coins, BMC, R, Rep. 11, 510 ff.; for coins of Oppius, ib. 11, 517 ff. The presence of

Sicily, 61; 95). 3 His misfortunes gave Antonius sufficient matter for ridicule (quoted in Suetonius, Divus Aug. 16).

nus had not acquired and practised the arts of the military demagogue for nothing. He entered the camp of Lepidus, with the

ll as in name. Once again the voice of armed men was heard, clamorous for peace, and once again the plea of averting Roman

recoiled upon Lepidus. His dignitas forfeit, Lepidus begged publicly for mercy. 5 Stripped of triumviral powers but retain

ty legions diverse in history and origin but united by their appetite for bounties and lands. Octavianus was generous but f

n name, calling himself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 8 The Senate and People for these bodies might suitably be convoked for cerem

8 The Senate and People for these bodies might suitably be convoked for ceremonial purposes or governmental proclamations

that the Free State would soon be re-established. 2 It only remained for his triumviral partner to perform his share and s

orm his share and subdue the Parthians, when there would be no excuse for delay to restore constitutional government. Few s

d the sentiments that might serve him later against Antonius, winning for personal domination the name and pretext of liber

scribed by Sulla, but admitted to honours by Caesar, commanded armies for the Dictator, and was the first triumviral consul

an, BC 5, 130, 541 f. 2 Ib. 5, 132, 548. 3 Above, pp. 90 and 188. For Octavianus he fought in Spain in 41 B.C. (Appian,

ent consular until his attempt to bring legions across the Ionian Sea for the campaign of Philippi. Then silence again unti

the campaign of Philippi. Then silence again until he becomes consul for the second time in 40 B.C., with no record of his

in 40 B.C., with no record of his activity, and governor of all Spain for Octavianus the year after. No other nobilis can

cero, Atticus and Balbus. 2 One of them, C. Peducaeus, fell at Mutina for the Republic or for Octavianus. 3 Sex. Peducaeus,

lbus. 2 One of them, C. Peducaeus, fell at Mutina for the Republic or for Octavianus. 3 Sex. Peducaeus, who had served unde

T. Peducaeus, otherwise unknown, became suffect consul in 35 B.C.5 For the rest, his earliest marshals, in so far as def

ex-centurion C. Fuficius Fango, killed while fighting to hold Africa for Octavianus, were among the Dictator’s new senator

229, cf. Groag, PIR2, C 1331. If or when he was consul is uncertain, for Velleius describes him as ‘ex privato consularis’

rative of the Sicilian campaigns reveals on the side of Caesar’s heir for the first time among his generals or active assoc

). The gifted and eloquent Messalla, ‘fulgentissimus iuvenis’, fought for liberty at Philippi and was proud of it. He then

or liberty at Philippi and was proud of it. He then followed Antonius for a time, it is uncertain for how long. 5 The young

as proud of it. He then followed Antonius for a time, it is uncertain for how long. 5 The young Lepidus went with Caesar’s

s. He is not attested with Octavianus before 36 B.C. The reason given for his change of allegiance was naturally disapprova

and. But Cornificius received or usurped the privilege of an elephant for his conveyance when he returned home from banquet

ve parody of Duillius, the author of Rome’s earliest naval triumph. 1 For Agrippa, the greatest of the admirals, was devise

g of 35 B.C.; the upstart Laronius and the noble Messalla had to wait for some years not many. High priesthoods were conf

married a Cornelia, as was fitting, of the stock of the Scipiones. 7 For the novi homines splendid matches were now in pro

leader or taking up an ally not of their own class, from ambition or for survival in a dangerous age. The young revolution

37 B.C. (Nepos, Vita Attici 12, 2). PageBook=>239 remunerated for their daring and their foresight. As yet they w

ian tribes and seized the strong post of Siscia, an advanced buttress for the defence of Italy; in the second he pacified t

d the advantage in the next few years with cheap and frequent honours for his proconsuls from Spain and Africa. Tradition c

Spain and Africa. Tradition consecrated the expenditure of war-booty for the benefit of the populace and the adornment of

ibertatis and equipped it with the first public library known at Rome for to Libertas Pollio ever paid homage, and literatu

monarchy. More artful than Antonius, the young Caesar built not only for splendour and for the gods. He invoked public uti

tful than Antonius, the young Caesar built not only for splendour and for the gods. He invoked public utility. His minister

umphs are provided by the Acta Triumphalia (CIL 12, p. 50 and p. 77). For the buildings of the viri tnumphales, the most im

party grew steadily in strength. In 33 B.C. Octavianus became consul for the second time, and his influence, not total but

wer. L. Vinicius was one of the new consuls: he had not been heard of for nearly twenty years. Complete darkness also envel

opinion gently into acceptance of the monarchy, to prepare not merely for the contest that was imminent but for the peace t

monarchy, to prepare not merely for the contest that was imminent but for the peace that was to follow victory in the last

eration, L. Autronius Paetus presumably of the unsuccessful candidate for 65 B.C. The Antonian, or ex-Antonian, C. Fonteius

te repeated disturbances, the lapse of time permitted the Revolution ( for such it may with propriety be called) to acquire

s of confiscation, rancorous and impotent at the moment, but a danger for the near future, should the Republicans and Pompe

s and Pompeians come back from the East, should Antonius demand lands for the veterans of his legions, should the dynasts,

t the best of seasons: Octavianus created new families of that order, for patronage but with a good pretext. 1 Among the

can or Umbrian, Picene or Lucanian. 4 Rome had known her novi homines for three centuries now, admitted in the main for per

known her novi homines for three centuries now, admitted in the main for personal distinction and service in war. ‘Ex virt

families among the aristocracies of the kindred peoples of Italy. As for the consular Balbus, that was beyond words. The

ng freedmen’s sons and retired centurions. Magistracies, coveted only for the bare distinction, were granted in abundance,

oveted only for the bare distinction, were granted in abundance, held for a few days or in absence. 6 The sovran assembly r

cos. suff. 38. 3 Not only Messalla himself, consul with Octavianus for the year 31, but two Valerii, suffect consuls in

year 31, but two Valerii, suffect consuls in 32 and 29 respectively. For uncertainties about date and identity, PIR1, V 94

Dio 48, 43, 1 f., cf. above, p. 196. PageBook=>245 existence, for the transactions of high policy were conducted by

attachment to eloquence; and such of them as deserved any distinction for peaceful studies earned no honour on that account

s. 2 Neither Brutus nor Calvus found Cicero firm and masculine enough for their taste. 3 Of those great exemplars none ha

. 25, 6 3 Ib, 18, 5 4 Quintilian 10, 1, 113. PageBook=>247 for that system of ritual, act and formula, necessary

or that system of ritual, act and formula, necessary in the beginning for the success of agricultural and military operatio

e curiosity, a tireless industry. Long ago he deserted politics, save for a brief interval of loyal service to Pompeius in

ject all antiquities, human and divine. 1 Caesar had invoked his help for the creation of public libraries. 2 Escaping from

ghty, discovering, as he said, that it was time to gather his baggage for the last journey,3 he proceeded to compose a monu

iciscar e vita. ’ This gives as the date 38 or 37 B.C. Varro lived on for ten years more (Jerome, Chron., p. 164 H). 4 Sa

composed pamphlets, indicating a programme of order and regeneration for the new government that should replace the narrow

tical liberty. Sallustius studied and imitated the classic document for the pathology of civil war, the sombre, intense a

of Thucydides. He could not have chosen better, if choice there was, for he, too, was witness of a political contest that

‖45 B.C. 2 Dio 43, 9, 2 though this may not be convincing evidence, for it may derive from a belief, natural enough, in t

; 1 and he laid down the model and categories of Roman historiography for ever after. Sallustius wrote of the decay of an

y sign of internal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empire, he imitated Greek doctrines of political

ion of Etruscan cities, the desolation of the land of Italy, massacre for revenge or gain and the establishment of despotic

ighly sophisticated, sombre but not edifying. Men turned to history for instruction, grim comfort or political apology, r

an it. Then Caesar the Dictator became a subject of literary warfare, for a time at least, until his heir discountenanced a

reflect upon the death of Alexander the Macedonian, the long contests for power among the generals his successors, the brea

me but feigned devotion to a created divinity, Divus Julius, assuming for themselves the names or attributes of gods, and r

e vulgar alike, that history repeated itself in cyclical revolutions. For Rome it might appear to be the time of Sulla come

, Cornelius Nepos, who compiled brief historical biographies designed for use in schools, that he drew the parallel so clea

History and oratory furnished suitable and indeed laudable occupation for members of the governing class: the retired polit

re poem called Smyrna, was torn to pieces by the Roman mob in mistake for one of the assassins of Caesar; Q. Cornificius, a

er Caesarian, orator and poet, perished in Africa, commanding an army for the Republic; neither Valerius Cato, the instruct

estrian officer on the staff of Pollio when he governed the Cisalpina for Antonius (41-40 B.C.). 4 To Pollio fell the dut

chments have not been recorded. PageBook=>253 abandoned poetry for a career of war and politics, disappearing utterl

with poetry, completing his Eclogues while Pollio governed Macedonia for Antonius. It was about this time, in the absence

re genuine and varied, though not always creditable, was on the watch for talent. He gathered an assortment of poets, offer

e of Caesar’s heir. The heroic and military age demanded an epic poem for its honour; and history was now in favour. Bibacu

. Varro’s books on agriculture had newly appeared; men had bewailed for years that Italy was become a desert; and the har

ok=>254 Italy on imported corn, may have reinforced the argument for self-sufficiency, and called up from the Roman pa

n anachronism to revert from vine and olive to the growing of cereals for mere subsistence. But Virgil intended to compose

Apulia, who believed in the value of education and was willing to pay for the best. The young man was sent to prosecute hig

philosophers into the army of the Liberators. He fought at Philippi, for the Republic but not from Republican convictions:

d hold the petty employ of a scribe, with leisure, however, and scope for literary occupations, in his earliest verses show

gt;255 Horace had come to manhood in an age of war and knew the age for what it was. Others might succumb to black desp

e was later to formulate as a literary theory a healthy distaste both for archaism and for Alexandrianism, a proper regard

rmulate as a literary theory a healthy distaste both for archaism and for Alexandrianism, a proper regard for those provinc

hy distaste both for archaism and for Alexandrianism, a proper regard for those provinces of human life which lie this side

ss. As after Sulla, the colonies of veterans, while maintaining order for the government, kept open the wounds of civil war

the government, kept open the wounds of civil war. There was material for another revolution: it had threatened to break ou

ian War. 1 When public order lapsed, when cities or individuals armed for protection, brigandage became prevalent: the reta

nspired by the first beginnings of a patriotic revival, the new taste for history might be induced to revert to the remotes

ut the rulers of Rome claimed the homage due to gods and masqueraded, for domination over a servile world, in the guise of

e, whatever name the victor chose to give to his rule, because it was for monarchy that the rival Caesarian leaders contend

wealthy of the Roman vassals, the Queen of Egypt: he had not seen her for nearly four years. Fonteius brought her to Antioc

counsel and carouse. 1 The invasion of Media and Parthia was designed for the next summer. The dependent kingdoms of the

ynia. 6 After the expulsion of the Parthians Rome required new rulers for the future in the eastern lands. Antonius disco

Antonius discovered the men and set them up as kings without respect for family or dynastic claims. NotesPage=>259

bo, p. 660. 6 Ib., p. 574. PageBook=>260 He had Caesar’s eye for talent. After the Pact of Brundisium the Triumvir

here were to be three Roman provinces only, Asia, Bithynia and Syria. For the rest, the greater part of the eastern territo

the frontier zone. A Roman province, Cilicia, had disappeared, mainly for the benefit of Amyntas the Galatian, who received

ia Aspera. The donation was not magnificent in extent of territories, for Cleopatra received no greater accession than did

riticism at Rome: only later did they become a sore point and pretext for defamation. For Cleopatra the donations of Antoni

: only later did they become a sore point and pretext for defamation. For Cleopatra the donations of Antonius marked the re

her heritage, now possessing the realm of Ptolemy Philadelphus except for Judaea. The occasion was to be celebrated in Egyp

rom the Egyptian alliance Antonius hoped to derive money and supplies for his military enterprises. Egypt, the most valuabl

ian tetrarch but reputed bastard of the king of Pontus, raised troops for Caesar and won a kingdom for his reward; 2 and An

ard of the king of Pontus, raised troops for Caesar and won a kingdom for his reward; 2 and Antipater the Idumaean, who had

IOSPE I2, 691), but mentioning other caesarian partisans in the East. for Theopompus and Callistus, cf. SIG3 761 and eviden

for Theopompus and Callistus, cf. SIG3 761 and evidence there quoted; for Potamo, SIG3 754 and 764. 2 P-W xv, 2205 f. Cae

as to marry Polemo, King of Pontus. PageBook=>263 will. Regard for Hellenic sentiments would reinforce peace and con

nge the disaster of Crassus, display the prestige of Rome and provide for the future security of the Empire, not by annexat

ϛ καì ’Aϕρὸδє[ὶ]τηϛ θεòν πιϕανῆ καì κoιὸν τὸῦ ἀνθρωπὶνὸυ βὶὸυ σωτῆρα. For other cities, cf. L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of t

ies of the client princes above all the Armenian horse of Artavasdes, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Anto

have seen service in this war on the staff of Antonius, though known for talents of another kind. 2 Sosius was left in cha

adversity. From Armenia he marched without respite or delay to Syria, for Armenia was unsafe. He postponed the revenge upon

er estimates can be discovered the failure in Media was soon taken up for propaganda and the survivors were not loath to ex

ganda and the survivors were not loath to exaggerate their sufferings for political advantage, to the discredit of their ol

far as Athens. Her husband told her to go back to Rome, unchivalrous for the first time in his life. He was dealing with O

ar witnessed a turn of fortune in the northeast and some compensation for the disastrous invasion of Media. Antonius marche

he tried general Canidius. With Media Antonius was now on good terms, for Mede and Parthian had at once quarrelled after th

o, p. 523; Plutarch, Antonius 59), possibly a very influential source for these transactions. 3 As in the matter of the c

Median monarch. 1 Then in the early spring of 33 B.C Antonius, alert for the care of his dominions and allies, marched out

iss. Strassburg, 1892), 31 ff. In the years 40–32 B.C., Ganter gives, for Syria, Saxa, Ventidius, Sosius, Plancus and Bibul

uleius and Canidius Crassus): Proculeius, however, was surely coining for Octavianus on Cephallenia after Actium, cf. BMC,

his uncle as an admiral and governor of provinces, already designated for a consulate. 4 Prominent, too, in the counsels of

in 35 B.C. (Appian, BC 5, 144, 599). Plancus had a certain following, for example, M. Titius and C. Furnius; and a Nerva, p

was cos. suff. in 31 B.C. 5 P-W VII, 375 ff. He was governing Asia for Antonius in 35 (Dio 49, 17, 5; Appian, BC 5, 137,

on of Pompeius, recognized a greater danger and hoped to use Pompeius for the Republic against Caesar. Failing in that, it

iatic, striking coins with family portraits thereon. 1 Pollio won him for Antonius, and he served Antonius well. The allian

nius, and he served Antonius well. The alliance was firm with promise for the future his son was betrothed to the elder dau

pian, BC 5, 139, 579) fought as an admiral at Actium (Dio 50, 13, 5); for Turullius, cf. BMC, R. Rep. 11, 531; for Cassius

l at Actium (Dio 50, 13, 5); for Turullius, cf. BMC, R. Rep. 11, 531; for Cassius of Parma, see Appian, 1. c, and Velleius

The admiral Atratinus served in Sicily in 36 B.C., sent by Antonius; for his coins, BMC, R. Rep. ii, 501; 515 f.; above, p

the victors is palpably fraudulent; the truth cannot be disinterred, for it has been doubly buried, in erotic romance as w

ppression of the Pirates vanished the principal (and original) reason for a provincial command in the south of Asia Minor.

the eastern lands. The agents and beneficiaries were kings or cities. For Rome, advantage as well as necessity; and the pop

e that in Egypt he changed the dynasty and substituted his own person for the Ptolemies. Caesar Augustus was therefore at t

istorians. It might be represented that Antonius was making provision for the present, not for a long future, for the East

e represented that Antonius was making provision for the present, not for a long future, for the East but not for Italy and

Antonius was making provision for the present, not for a long future, for the East but not for Italy and the West as well.

rovision for the present, not for a long future, for the East but not for Italy and the West as well. 2 To absolute monarch

Antonius met Cleopatra at Tarsus, it was Aphrodite meeting Dionysus, for the blessing of Asia, so one account goes; 1 and

s might have moved farther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas swer

s designed and contrived by the party of Octavianus. It was not a war for domination against Antonius Antonius must not be

must not be mentioned. To secure Roman sanction and emotional support for the enterprise it was necessary to invent a forei

true cause of the War of Actium ; 4 they were a pretext in the strife for power, the magnificent lie upon which was built t

he supremacy of Caesar’s heir and the resurgent nation of Italy. Yet, for all that, the contest soon assumed the august and

PageBook=>276 THE year 33 B.C. opened with Octavianus as consul for the second time: with its close, the triumviral p

ts close, the triumviral powers were to expire. The rivals manoeuvred for position: of compromise, no act or thought. Octav

ntonius would surely be more than enough to provide bounties or lands for the armies of the East. 4 Antonius consigned th

East. 4 Antonius consigned the statement of his acta and the demand for their ratification to a document which he dispatc

rrespondence of the dynasts, frank, free and acrimonious and designed for publicity. The old themes, familiar from reciproc

t always clearly indicated by Dio and Plutarch, the only full sources for the years 33 and 32 B.C., has been satisfactorily

nothing new, but had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As for Octavianus, what about Salvia Titisenia, Rufilla,

s from Hirtius and Pansa. Then the new year had been eagerly awaited, for it brought a chance to secure constitutional sanc

ly awaited, for it brought a chance to secure constitutional sanction for the young adventurer. Once again Octavianus lac

g adventurer. Once again Octavianus lacked standing before the law, for the triumviral powers had come to an end. 6 He wa

to an end. 6 He was not dismayed: he took no NotesPage=>277 1 For the details, K. Scott, Mem. Am. Ac. Rome XI (1933

llegation that Antonius like an oriental monarch used vessels of gold for domestic and intimate purposes. Messalla wrote at

he Triumvirs could continue to hold their powers after the date fixed for their expiry, as in 37 B.C. This was what Antoniu

t and attitude of Octavianus is perfectly clear: he had been Triumvir for ten years (Res Gestae 7). A master in all the art

nations of Antonius to Cleopatra and her children, a vulnerable point for hostile attack if the Senate decided to discuss t

least advertise the show, of support from the Roman aristocracy. 3 For the moment violence had given Octavianus an insec

But violence was not enough: he still lacked the moral justification for war, and the moral support of the Roman People. T

r, as was apparent, not only to Antonius, but to other contemporaries for Antonius, who, more honest, still employed the na

d Cn. Pompeius on the Fasti. These consuls might have been designated for office at an earlier date. L. Cornelius Cinna (pr

tonius stood on the defensive and therefore, it might be represented, for peace. For war his prestige and his power were en

d on the defensive and therefore, it might be represented, for peace. For war his prestige and his power were enormous. It

dering of the north-eastern frontier. Octavianus had to wait and hope for the best. His enemy would soon have to make a rui

vast fleet was disposed along the coasts. He was confident and ready for the struggle but might not open it yet. Here the

ortant things. Under what name and plea was the contest to be fought? For Rome, for the consuls and the Republic against th

ngs. Under what name and plea was the contest to be fought? For Rome, for the consuls and the Republic against the dominati

the consuls and the Republic against the domination of Octavianus, or for Egypt and Egypt’s Queen? Ahenobarbus urged that C

pointing to the men, the money and the ships that Cleopatra provided for the war. 2 Canidius prevailed: it was alleged tha

arch, Antonius 56. 3 On the question of the ‘marriage ‘of Antonius, for a discussion see Rice Holmes, The Architect of th

nder Ahenobarbus still stood firm. Had Ahenobarbus required a pretext for desertion, it lay to hand in Antonius’ refusal to

the Antonian party was already disintegrating. Loyalty would not last for ever in the face of evidence like the defection o

e should be buried beside her in Alexandria. 2 The signal was given for a renewed attack. Calvisius, the Caesarian soldie

er enormities NotesPage=>282 1 The truth of the matter is lost for ever. Octavianus had the first view of the docume

ny thought it atrocious that a man should be impugned in his lifetime for posthumous dispositions. Already a senator of unu

d not fail in its working, at least on some orders of the population, for it confirmed allegations already current and desi

nly asseverated that Antonius was the victim of sorcery. 6 Antonius for his part made no move yet. Not merely because Oct

s enemies. Otherwise the situation appeared favourable: he was blamed for not exploiting the given advantage before his ene

the loyalty of his legions by paying a donative. In desperate straits for money, he imposed new taxation of unprecedented s

iarism. Freedmen, recalcitrant under taxation, were especially blamed for the trouble and heavily punished. 1 Disturbances

turbances among the civil population were suppressed by armed force for the soldiers had been paid. To public taxation wa

. Towns and wealthy individuals were persuaded to offer contributions for the army. The letters that circulated, guaranteed

e of terror and alarm Octavianus resolved to secure national sanction for his arbitrary power and a national mandate to sav

ied that all the land rose as one man in patriotic ardour, clamouring for a crusade against the foreign enemy. Yet, on the

ne signavit. ’ The inscr. ILS 5531 (Iguvium) may attest contributions for the war: note the phrase ‘in commeatum legionibus

en of property, themselves menaced. 4 Aid from Italy could be invoked for revolution, for reaction or for domination, even

themselves menaced. 4 Aid from Italy could be invoked for revolution, for reaction or for domination, even for all three en

ed. 4 Aid from Italy could be invoked for revolution, for reaction or for domination, even for all three ends at once. The

could be invoked for revolution, for reaction or for domination, even for all three ends at once. The tribune Livius Drusus

oath of personal loyalty, and the towns of Italy offered public vows for his safety. 6 NotesPage=>285 1 Suetonius,

mpeius fell ill at Naples in 50 B.C. Italian towns offered up prayers for his safety and passed decrees, creating a false a

Rome by the peoples of Italy, precisely the Italiciy when they fought for freedom and justice in 90 B.C That was the first

on. The Italian peoples did not yet regard Rome as their own capital, for the memory of old feuds and recent wars took long

lla and by the Pompeii: that was a reality. More recently, Perusia. For any contest it would have been difficult enough t

h to enlist Italian sentiment. Italy had no quarrel with Antonius; as for despotism, the threat of oriental monarchy was di

t was personal: it arose from the conflicting ambitions of two rivals for supreme power. The elder, like Pompeius twenty ye

famine and by fear, broke out and prevailed, imposing upon the strife for power an ideal, august and patriotic character. B

in the restrained and lapidary language of official inscriptions. 1 For the present, as Italy loathed war and military de

ce of the oath, see, above all, Premerstein, o.c, 26 ff., esp. 36 ff. For the words and formulation he acutely invokes four

the province of Lusitania). A part of the last of these may be quoted for illustration: ‘ex mei animi sententia, ut ego iis

their patron and defender and were firmly attached to his clientela. For the rest, local dynasts exerted their influence t

dents, just as that wholly admirable character, L. Visidius, had done for Cicero’s consensus Italiae against Antonius. 1 Ma

e city of Aesernia in northern Samnium, that the Vinicii could answer for fervid support from the colony of Cales in Campan

town of Sulmo had opened its gates to M. Antonius when he led troops for Caesar in the invasion of Italy. The adhesion of

sPage=>289 1 Cicero, Phil. 7, 23 f. 2 M. Nonius Gallus, active for Augustus in Gaul about the time of the battle of

t;290 Antonius, the Roman imperator, wishing to secure ratification for his ordering of the East, was in himself no menac

d dwindle into poverty and dishonour. National pride revolted. Was it for this that the legions of the imperial Republic ha

lear. 1 But he refused to support the national movement. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his ow

t he refused to support the national movement. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity

nal movement. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any party, still less

or Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any party, still less for the fraud that was made

his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any party, still less for the fraud that was made to appear above party and

eeded to declare Antonius stripped of his powers and of the consulate for the next year. That office he allotted to an aris

, Valerius Messalla; and he was to wage Rome’s war as consul himself, for the third time. Antonius was not outlawed that wa

number surpassed by no town of Italy save Patavium (Strabo, p. 169). For numerous knights at Corduba, subjected to a levy

have been a man of some substance if he could secure senatorial rank for two of his sons. 4 CIL 12, p. 77. 5 CIL 12, p

ods of Rome and the leadership of Caesar, united in patriotic resolve for the last war of all. Hinc Augustus agens Italos

rene, Syria and Macedonia. 1 Antonius could not take the offensive, for every reason, not merely the political damage of

and communications. The fleet and the army were tied to each other. For their combined needs, Antonius abandoned the Alba

lood, as fitted the character of a civil war in which men fought, not for a principle, but only for a choice of masters.

ter of a civil war in which men fought, not for a principle, but only for a choice of masters. In ships Antonius had the

of masters. In ships Antonius had the preponderance of strength; as for number of legions it was doubtful whether the ene

he survivors of his veteran legions. 1 But would Roman soldiers fight for the Queen of Egypt? They had all the old personal

ear, however, that provincial levies were heavily drawn upon. Brutus, for example, raised two legions of Macedonians (Appia

xample, raised two legions of Macedonians (Appian, BC 3, 79, 324). As for Ántonius, O. Ćuntz(jahreshefte XXV (1929), 70 ff.

ll. It is uncertain whether Antonius designed to fight a naval battle for victory or to escape from the blockade. 5 On the

lockade. 5 On the morning of September 2nd his ships rowed out, ready for action. Of his admirals, the principal were Sosiu

lutarch, Antonius 63. Like Pompeius Magnus (SIG3 762), Antonius hoped for assistance from the Dacians. 5 For the former v

agnus (SIG3 762), Antonius hoped for assistance from the Dacians. 5 For the former view, W. W. Tarn, JRS XXI (1931), 173

er view, W. W. Tarn, JRS XXI (1931), 173 ff.; XXVIII (1938), 165 ff.; for the latter, J. Kromayer, Hernies XXXIV (1899), 1

tarch, Antonius 65; Dio 50, 13, 5; 14, 1. Also Appian, BC 4, 38, 161 ( for Messalla). 7 Virgil, Aen. 8, 680 f. PageBook=

days the legions capitulated, an interval perhaps spent in bargaining for terms: the Antonian veterans subsequently receive

may have been artfully staged. Neither of the rivals in the contest for power had intended that there should be a serious

n the air above, the gods of Rome, contending NotesPage=>297 1 For the hypothesis, largely based on Horace, Epodes 9

sium and appeased their demands. 3 Warfare would provide occupation for some of his legions. Though no serious outbreak h

m. 8, 688. 2 Velleius 2, 88. 3 Dio 51, 4, 3 ff. 4 Ib. 51, 9, 1. For the coins of Scarpus, see BMC, R. Rep. 11, 586, c

perhaps this true son of a loyal and spirited father disdained to beg for mercy :8 his mother Fulvia would have approved. T

8 his mother Fulvia would have approved. There were other victims. As for the Antonians later captured, four were put to de

e first Prefect of Egypt was C. Cornelius Gallus, a Roman knight. 5 For the rest of the year 30 and the winter following

f. devictos praefect[us Alex]andreae et Aegypti primus’, &c. 6 For details of these arrangements, cf. Tarn, CAH X, 1

ight be and whatever they were worth, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the rest, when he had completed his arrangements,

was the sober truth about the much advertised reconquest of the East for Rome. 1 The artful conqueror preferred to leave t

irit of Rome from the alien menace, imposed on Caesar’s heir in Italy for the needs of his war and not safely to be discard

to render it more systematic. Temples dedicated at Nicaea and Ephesus for the cult of the goddess Rome and the god Divus Ju

ut invoked and maintained the traditional Roman practice as an excuse for not turning the land into a Roman province. 3 A

ng the land into a Roman province. 3 Acquiring Egypt and its wealth for Rome, he could afford to abandon Armenia and one

us’ ally, he began by following Antonius’ policy and even granted him for a time the territory of Armenia Minor—for the Med

policy and even granted him for a time the territory of Armenia Minor— for the Mede would hold both Armenia and Parthia in c

Parthian pretender fled to Syria, he preferred to use that advantage for peace rather than for war. Crassus and the nati

ed to Syria, he preferred to use that advantage for peace rather than for war. Crassus and the national honour clamoured

eace rather than for war. Crassus and the national honour clamoured for a war of revenge; and the last of the dynasts mig

of the Republic, Pompeius, Crassus and Antonius, in distant conquest, for glory, for aggrandizement—and to extinguish the r

blic, Pompeius, Crassus and Antonius, in distant conquest, for glory, for aggrandizement—and to extinguish the recent Not

fabric of Roman rule. There were to be no more civil wars. So much for the East. It was never a serious preoccupation to

n may have preceded that of Taurus. He is not mentioned at Actium. As for Gaul, Dio records operations of Nonius Gallus (50

(see Ritterling, Fasti des r. Deutschland unter dem Prinzipat, 3 f.). For Messalla, Tibullus 1, 7, 3 ff.; CIL I2, p. 50 and

ccessive days the imperial city witnessed the pomp of three triumphs, for the campaigns in Illyricum, for the War of Actium

witnessed the pomp of three triumphs, for the campaigns in Illyricum, for the War of Actium and for the War of Alexandria—a

e triumphs, for the campaigns in Illyricum, for the War of Actium and for the War of Alexandria—all wars of Rome against a

ted the ideals of liberty and concord. Peace was a tangible blessing. For a generation, all parties had triven for peace: o

ace was a tangible blessing. For a generation, all parties had triven for peace: once attained, it became the spoil and pre

as proconsul of Asia soon after Actium(Josephus, AJ 16, 171), perhaps for more than one year; and a certain Thorius Flaccus

und himself in the embarrassing possession of nearly seventy legions. For the military needs of the empire, fewer than thir

ty of tenure was to be the watchword of the new order. 4 Italy longed for the final stabilization of the revolutionary age.

t page stands emblazoned the Caesar of Trojan stock, destined himself for divinity, but not before his rule on earth has re

ore his rule on earth has restored confidence between men and respect for the gods, blotting out the primal curse of fratri

d in forms and language once used of Alexander. 2 He was now building for himself a royal mausoleum beside the Tiber; and p

for himself a royal mausoleum beside the Tiber; and public sacrifices for his safety had been celebrated by a Roman consul.

jan ancestry might provoke disquiet. When the Triumvir Antonius abode for long years in the East men might fear lest the ci

ut prevented the citizens from abandoning the destined seat of empire for a new capital. 7 Camillus was hailed as Romulus,

ted. Hopeful signs were not wanting in 28 B.C Octavianus was consul for the sixth time with Agrippa as his colleague. In

med, that he held sovranty over the whole State and the whole Empire, for he solemnly affirmed that in the sixth and sevent

rowning victory of Actium and the reconquest of all the eastern lands for Rome. 2 The consensus embraced and the oath enlis

d not accommodate itself to the wishes of the chief men in his party. For loyal service they had been heavily rewarded with

potestate in senatfus populique Rom]ani [a]rbitrium transtuli. ’ 2 For this interpretation, H. Berve, Hermes LXXI (1936)

umph but claimed more, namely the ancient honour of the spolia opima, for he had slain the chieftain of the enemy in battle

tanding. 3 NotesPage=>308 1 If he received tribunicia potestas for life in 30 B.C. (Dio 51, 19, 6), he seems to have

tavianus disowned him, breaking off all amicitia. After a prosecution for high treason in the law courts the Senate passed

ria, perhaps succeeded there by M. Tullius Cicero (above, p. 303). As for the West, Sex. Appuleius, the son of Octavianus’

ion of amicitia evades conjecture :1 it was hardly trivial or verbal, for Suetonius ranks his fall with that of Salvidienus

nd control these regions directly himself, with proconsular imperium. For the rest, proconsuls might govern, in appearance

eir charge, about which due foresight would be exercised— few legions for garrison, proconsuls of new families rather than

were deemed to be over and gone. The word had too military a flavour for all palates: it would be expedient to overlay the

authority or their power. 1 The name was not always given in praise, for the princeps was all too often a political dynast

l too often a political dynast, exerting illicit power, or ‘potential for personal rule :2 ‘principalis’ also acquired the

ce addresses him, maxime principum. 4 This convenient appellation for the holder of vague and tremendous powers did not

arliest years of the new dispensation unequivocally reveals. Rightly, for the martial glory and martial primacy of the new

Flavians, an Emperor distrustful of the title of ‘princeps’ and eager for warlike glory was flattered when his poets called

s flattered when his poets called him ‘dux’ and ‘ductor’. 4 So much for Rome, the governing classes and Italy. But even i

ius deserves record. 5 Namely ἡγεμών. On the propriety of this term for the ruler of the eastern lands, cf. now E. Kornem

he master of the whole world consented to assume a special commission for a period of ten years, in the form of proconsular

rge provincia, namely Spain, Gaul and Syria. That and nothing more. 1 For the rest, proconsuls were to govern the provinces

reath of laurel should be placed above the door-post of his dwelling, for he had saved the lives of Roman citizens; that in

nd—the Roman State anew. He might therefore have been called Romulus, for the omen of twelve vultures had greeted him long

t Potentia in Picenum).. 3 Dio says that Augustus himself was eager for the name of Romulus (53, 16, 7). Perhaps he was w

e to a generation that knew Dictatorship and Triumvirate. By consent, for merit achieved and for service expected, the Sena

knew Dictatorship and Triumvirate. By consent, for merit achieved and for service expected, the Senate invested the first c

the whole army, but a Roman magistrate, invested with special powers for a term of years. NotesPage=>314 1 Dio 53,

φρουφᾶς. ἔχєɩ χρєίαν See further below, p. 326. PageBook=>315 For the grant of such a mandate there was plenty of j

. Spain, a vast land, had not been properly conquered; Gaul cried out for survey and organization; Syria, distant from Rome

er regions in turn might be subjected to the same salutary treatment, for nobody could believe that the frontiers of Illyri

uinous ambition of politicians who sought power illegally and held it for glory and for profit. Rival dynasts rent the Empi

n of politicians who sought power illegally and held it for glory and for profit. Rival dynasts rent the Empire apart and d

if not to control through consular imperium the proconsuls abroad. 2 For such cumulation of powers a close parallel from t

ot. The Romans as a people were possessed by an especial veneration for authority, precedent and tradition, by a rooted d

dest living senators. Lacking any perception of the dogma of progress— for it had not yet been invented—the Romans regarded

or his critics scanned the records of the past with so anxious an eye for legal precedents as have the lawyers and historia

the art of casuistry and the practice of public debate had languished for long years. Certain precedents of the recent pa

same time he acquired a quasi-dictatorial position in Rome as consul for the third time (52 B.C.), at first without a coll

the Roman State. Very different was Augustus, a ‘salubris princeps’, for as such he would have himself known. 5 Not only

rce, genus qui ducis Olympo, proice tela manu, sanguis meus! 6 Save for that veiled rebuke, no word of Caesar in all the

he future life, on the one side Catilina in hell, tormented by furies for ever, on the other an ideal Cato, usefully legisl

to the government. On the whole, better to say nothing of Caesar, or for that matter of Antonius, save as criminal types.

e glories of Trojan descent and the obsession with Romulus, prevalent for some years in the aftermath of Actium, gradually

he service of the revived Republic. Cicero might be more remunerative for every purpose; and the blame of his proscription

NotesPage=>318 1 Odes I, 12, 47. 2 Plutarch, Cicero 49. 3 For example, and above all, E. Meyer, Caesars Monarch

antly, estimated: Cicero’s Republic has even been regarded as a tract for the times, recommending the establishment of the

even if the primacy of one man in the State were admitted, it was not for a princeps like Pompeius. For the rest, it migh

n the State were admitted, it was not for a princeps like Pompeius. For the rest, it might pertinently be urged that the

R. Heinze, Hermes LIX (1924), 73 ff. = Vom Geist des R mertums142 ff. For a brief, clear and admirable account of the contr

. 3 Cicero professes in De legibus (3, 4, cf. 12) to be legislating for the state depicted in the Republic. The tradition

few and modest, little more than coercion of tribunes and more power for the Senate and for censors: not irrelevant to Cic

ttle more than coercion of tribunes and more power for the Senate and for censors: not irrelevant to Cicero’s own past expe

xperience and future hopes. PageBook=>320 opinion of Augustus, for the Revolution had now been stabilized. Neither t

the present dispensation to be altered is a good citizen. 1 Precisely for that end Augustus laboured, to conserve the new o

nce—he was not the man to advocate assassination or provoke civil war for the sake of a principle. The authentic Cato, howe

ialist. As he pronounced when he attacked the domination of Pompeius, for the sake of empire it was not worth submitting to

nt from Dictatorship, Cicero would be honoured by Princeps and Senate for his eloquence, consulted for his advice on weight

would be honoured by Princeps and Senate for his eloquence, consulted for his advice on weighty matters—and never tempted b

r was the best state of all, more truly Republican than any Republic, for it derived from consensus Italiae and concordia o

liae and concordia ordinum; it commended itself to all good citizens, for it asserted the sacred rights of property; it was

asserted the sacred rights of property; it was Roman and Republican, for power rested upon the laws, with every class in t

from theorists or from aliens. 3 Vain trouble and fruitless search for dim pedigrees to discover in Augustus’ supremacy

as; it was in virtue of auctoritas that Augustus claimed pre-eminence for himself. 1 Auctoritas denotes the influence that

nd enhanced to an exorbitant degree; and he was Divi filius, destined for consecration in his turn. The plebs of Rome was C

n fact though not in law, and provided from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries when they retired from service.

silver in the provinces; and he spent his money with ostentation and for power. The military colonies in Italy and abroad

. Such was no doubt the opinion of the suspicious Tacitus, ever alert for the contrast of name and substance. At Rome, it d

debate in the party councils. Augustus took what he deemed necessary for his designs, the consulate and a group of militar

eiress in the Caesarian party, the daughter of Cornelius Balbus. 4 As for Murena, he was the brother-in-law of Maecenas. 5

was A. Terentius Varro Licinius Murena. PageBook=>326 So much for the consulate. In the manner of controlling the p

comparable in extent and power. The settlement of 27 B.C. gave him for his provincia Spain, Gaul and Syria (with Syria w

s as his subordinates. 2 Provinces so large and so important called for proconsuls of consular rank, with a tenure longer

tead two or three legates, inferior in rank and power. Hence security for the Princeps, and eventually a multiplication of

onal settlement any more conspicuous. Most of them were young enough, for advancement had been swift and dazzling. Yet the

gradually developed; and it is by no means certain that it held good for the public provinces from the beginning. Ultimate

ned the provinces with the rank of proconsuls and celebrated triumphs for victories won in Spain, Gaul, Africa and Macedoni

nger a province, but the Alpine lands, restless and unsubdued, called for attention. A beginning had been made; 3 and the w

had been made; 3 and the work of conquest was to be prosecuted. 4 As for the provincia of the Princeps east and west, six

m alone. It will be conjectured that the Senate’s choice of governors for the military provinces of Illyricum, Macedonia an

ces of Illyricum, Macedonia and Africa, in public law merely a matter for the lot, was no less happy and inspired than if t

ge=>330 1 C. Antistius Vetus (cos suff. 30 b.c.) Governing Syria for Caesar as quaestor in 45 B.C., he joined the Libe

ul of Macedonia c. 24-23 B.C. (Dio 54, 3, 2—misdated to 22 b.c.). 4 For example, no previous military service of the novi

Saturninus (cos. 19 b.c.) and P. Silius Nerva (cos. 20) is known; as for L, Arruntius (cos. 22), only his command at Actiu

ting the powers of the Princeps. The formula then devised would serve for the present, but his New State would require yet

ound, territories to organize. Above all, the Princeps must build up, for Rome, Italy and the Empire, a system of governmen

absentee. That would take time. Augustus’ provincia at once called for attention. He turned first to the provinces of th

intended to spend three years in the Balkans and the East, not merely for warfare and for glory but that consolidation and

d three years in the Balkans and the East, not merely for warfare and for glory but that consolidation and conciliation sho

h triumphs in Rome. Some of these campaigns may have prepared the way for Augustus: if so, scant acknowledgement in history

lterior the brutal P. Carisius, who continued in command, was a match for them. 6 PageNote. 332 1 Dio 53, 25, 2. 2 Ve

war begin in 28 B.C. 4 On these campaigns, AJP LV (1934), 293 ff.; for the legates in Spain in 26-19 B.C., ib. 315 ff. P

tional crisis, in itself of no great moment, arose grave consequences for the Caesarian party and for the Roman State. Late

no great moment, arose grave consequences for the Caesarian party and for the Roman State. Late in 24 B.C. or early in 23 a

ia, a certain M. Primus, gave trouble. He was arraigned in the courts for high treason on a charge of having made war again

ull measure of mutual trust or of mutual affection they knew too much for that, and revolutionaries are not sentimental. Th

s had openly deplored the fate of Gallus; 3 and Proculeius got credit for his efforts on behalf of Murena. 4 What friends o

net-ring. 2 Under their direction the government could have continued for a time. Augustus recovered. He was saved by col

the readiness of old Republican adherents to rally to the new régime, for diverse motives ambition, profit and patriotism.

llness of Augustus were a sudden warning. The catastrophe was near. For some years, fervent and official language had cel

elebrated the crusade of all Italy and the glorious victory of Actium for Actium was the foundation-myth of the new order.

ictator fell, dissension in their ranks, ending in civil war and ruin for Rome. Patriotism conspired with personal intere

his reduced all proconsuls to the function of legates of Augustus. As for Rome, Augustus was allowed to retain his military

s. As early as 36 B.C. he had acquired the sacrosanctity of a tribune for life, in 30 B.C. certain powers in law. No trac

rinceps thought of exerting tribunicia potestas to compensate in part for the consulate and to fulfil the functions, withou

the only evidence). Proconsular imperium was conferred, σαєί καθάπαξ, for life according to A. v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u

s confirmed, if that were needed, by the five edicts found at Cyrene ( for a text of which, cf. J. G. C Anderson in JRS XVII

3). 4 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 56. PageBook=>337 With his keen taste for realities and inner scorn (but public respect) fo

ith his keen taste for realities and inner scorn (but public respect) for names and forms, Augustus preferred indefinite an

and the People. On them stood the military and monarchic demagogue. For Augustus the consulate was merely an ornament or

e course of the year, proconsular imperium was conferred upon Agrippa for five years. The exact nature and competence of th

n Gaul and Spain (Dio 54, 11, 1 ff.). PageBook=>338 It was not for ostentation but for use that the Princeps took a

o 54, 11, 1 ff.). PageBook=>338 It was not for ostentation but for use that the Princeps took a partner and strength

e of Galatia and Pamphylia. 2 Moreover the time might seem to be near for renewing diplomatic pressure upon the King of the

hians to regain the standards of Crassus and so acquire easy prestige for the new government. 3 Not only that. Syria was

ng himself in the island of Lesbos, a pleasant resort and well chosen for one who wished to keep watch over the Balkans as

ished to keep watch over the Balkans as well as the East. 5 So much for the settlement of 23 B.C. It was only twenty-one

rily described, the arguments indicated which might have been invoked for their public and plausible justification, Words a

us Atratinus triumphed from Africa in 21 B.C., Balbus two years later for his raid into the land of the distant and proverb

h vivid and exact anticipations of the reforms that Rome expected and for which Rome had to wait five years longer. Again A

e which he was held to have inspired. He was no puppet: but the deeds for which he secured the credit were in the main the

’s conspiracy and Augustus’ all but fatal illness the secret struggle for influence and power in his entourage grew complic

f their own right, the Claudii and the Livii. She exploited her skill for the advantage of herself and her family. Augustus

ons by her first husband, Ti. Claudius Nero and Nero Claudius Drusus. For them she worked and schemed; they had already rec

ius, Divus Aug. 79, 2. 2 Tiberius was permitted in 24 B.C. to stand for office five years earlier than the legal term (Di

us and Drusus were pledged to a brilliant career in war and politics, for they were the direct heirs of one branch of the p

name and his fortune to whomsoever he pleased, but not his imperium, for that was the grant of Senate and People, nor the

of the Caesarian party were soon made known. The result was a defeat for Augustus and probably for Maecenas as well. Betwe

re soon made known. The result was a defeat for Augustus and probably for Maecenas as well. Between the Princeps’ two stead

nius, Dims Aug. 79, 2. 2 Tiberius was permitted in 24 B.c. to stand for office five years earlier than the legal term (Di

ugustus as to Agrippa. Augustus bore with the vices of his minister for the memory of his services and the sake of his co

; Dial. 1, 3, 10: ‘morosae uxoris cotidiana repudia’. 5 Odes 2, 12. For scandal about Terentia in 16 B.C., Dio 54, 19, 3.

ic ally, triumphed over the Princeps and his nephew. Agrippa received for himself a share in the power. There would be some

eceived for himself a share in the power. There would be some warrant for speaking of a veiled coup d’état. It was bad en

façade of the New Republic men like Agrippa had no great reverence for forms and names. It went beyond the practices of

he ‘fidus Achates’, unobtrusive but ever present in counsel and ready for action. Agrippa had been through all the wars of

oralists. The picture is consistent and conventional. It was destined for exhibition to a docile public. Dispassionate scru

it is rather the sign of a concentrated ambition, of a single passion for real power, careless of decoration and publicity.

fficium’ and ‘fides’). 2 Yet Agrippa did not disdain a golden crown for Naulochus and an azure flag in honour of Actium (

ard, heavy features angry, imperious and resolute. There were grounds for the opinion that, if Augustus died, Agrippa would

easures in private possession should be confiscated by the government for the benefit of the whole people. 3 This was the N

y talent to celebrate a soldier’s exploits. 5 Nor did Agrippa speak for himself. Like the subtle Maecenas and the hard-he

never told his true opinion about the leader whom they all supported for Rome’s sake. The service of the State might be de

. The service of the State might be described as a ‘noble servitude’. For Agrippa, his subordination was burdensome. 6 Like

tute politician whom her great-grandson called ‘the Roman Ulysses’. 1 For her son she might have selected an heiress from t

of 23 B.C. was the work of Livia as well as of Agrippa and a triumph for both. ‘Remo cum fratre Quirinus. ’2 Thus did Vi

to an allusion to the alliance between Augustus and Agrippa. 3 Absurd for the aftermath of Actium, when the lines were comp

o the Principate of Augustus there could be no hereditary succession, for two reasons, the one juristic and the other perso

ces to ensure an heir in his own family as well; he wished to provide for a dynasty and to found a monarchy in the full and

mately Marcellus might become Princeps, when age and merit qualified. For the moment, it did not matter. Whatever the dista

e rivals. It was hardly to be expected that the qualities requisite for a ruler of the world should all be found in one m

cenas was there. Again, Augustus had neither the taste nor the talent for war: Agrippa might be his minister, the organizer

. It was not the only formula or the only system available. Indeed, for the empire of Rome it might be too narrow, especi

t and autonomous municipalities in the West, the Empire was too large for one man to rule it. Already the temporary severan

e to convert the Principate into a partnership, devising a vicegerent for the East and perhaps for the western lands as wel

te into a partnership, devising a vicegerent for the East and perhaps for the western lands as well. Not only this the war

lkans, large regions with arduous tasks to be achieved, might clamour for competent rulers over a long period of years. The

id not escape contemporary observers. There was a very precise reason for reducing the roll of the Senate. Over three hundr

st their fortunes. After Actium certain cities of Italy were punished for Antonian sympathies by confiscation of their land

were punished for Antonian sympathies by confiscation of their lands for the benefit of the veterans. 2 The estates of thr

misguided senators were not all tenderly to be spared out of respect for dignity: local magnates of the Antonian faction i

to the deplorable class of senators unable to keep up their station. For the rest, the high assembly now discarded certain

had perished Salvidienus a traitor to his friend and leader, Canidius for loyalty to Antonius, Saxa slain by the Parthians,

and hated in secret. A sufficient company of their peers was spared for further honours and emolument, in the forefront A

age=>350 1 Namely M. Insteius, Q. Nasidius and M. Octavius. But, for that matter, few Triumviral consuls even are at a

sarian party was installed in power: it remained to secure domination for the future. After the assassination of Caesar ves

not shutting out freedmen. 1 What in Cicero’s advocacy was propaganda for the moment or mere ideal had become palpable real

taxation in Italy, crushingly imposed by all parties in the struggle for power after Caesar’s assassination and augmented

o the Senate was to be made incomparably more easy. The justification for advancement lay in service above all, military se

ng to the social system of the Principate; and senators were eligible for the purple. The passage of time extended the proc

lic: none the less, when offered some prospect that their aspirations for land and security would be recognized, the soldie

e State take charge of the payments, a special fund being established for the purpose (the aerarium militare). 6 NotesPag

Revolution opened, and the New State perpetuated, a path of promotion for the common soldier. Under the military and social

e might be in possession of the equestrian census, and hence eligible for equestrian posts; 5 further, it is by no means un

ns of equestrian families from the towns of Italy entered the legions for adventure, for employment and for the profits of

n families from the towns of Italy entered the legions for adventure, for employment and for the profits of the centurionat

towns of Italy entered the legions for adventure, for employment and for the profits of the centurionate. But the position

e legions and of cavalry commander (praefectus equitum) were reserved for members of the equestrian order, that is to say,

m) were reserved for members of the equestrian order, that is to say, for knights (including senators’ sons who had not yet

r centurions can pass directly into the militia equestris and qualify for posts of considerable importance. 1 Such opportun

lify for posts of considerable importance. 1 Such opportunities arose for service, for distinction and for promotion that i

s of considerable importance. 1 Such opportunities arose for service, for distinction and for promotion that in time knight

portance. 1 Such opportunities arose for service, for distinction and for promotion that in time knights were willing to di

bject, cf. above all A. Stein, Der r. Ritterstand (1927), 136 ff. 2 For example, ILS 2654 and 2656 (not early). 3 Sueto

political nuisance. When at variance with the Senate, they endangered for gain the stability of the Commonwealth: in allian

provinces, blocking reform and provoking revolution. The knights paid for it in the proscriptions for knights were the prin

nd provoking revolution. The knights paid for it in the proscriptions for knights were the principal and designated victims

to their old games. The great companies of publicani die or dwindle. For the most part only minor and indirect taxes in th

d. Centurions had no monopoly of long service certain knights, active for years on end, won merit and experience with the a

aesar’s officer C. Volusenus Quadratus. 1 Moreover, a proconsul chose for his agent and chief officer of intendance and sup

ght years as tribunus militum and praefectus equitum. 2 Others served for even longer T. Junius Montanus is the prime examp

n garrison. 4 Nor was the practice always confined to Egypt elsewhere for the needs of war an equestrian officer might be p

legion. 5 Military merit might also earn commendation or patronage for a post in civil life, namely the position of proc

e | in Hispania annis XVI’. 4 At least to begin with, cf. ILS 2687. For subsequent developments and for certain difficult

At least to begin with, cf. ILS 2687. For subsequent developments and for certain difficult problems concerning these posts

, L’armée romaine d’Égypte d’Auguste à Dioclétien (1918), 119 ff. 5 For example, ‘praef. eq. pro leg. ’ (ILS 2677); ‘tr.

with cohorts enrolled in the main from freed slaves, was responsible for policing and for security from riot or fire. 3

olled in the main from freed slaves, was responsible for policing and for security from riot or fire. 3 The Viceroy of Eg

eianus as an upstart, with solemn rebuke of the princess his paramour for the disgrace she brought upon her family, her anc

us, who was commended by a blameless character and a healthy distaste for political ambition. 4 In itself, the promotion

4 In itself, the promotion of knights to the Senate was no novelty, for it is evident that the Senate after Sulla contain

us clavus on young men of equestrian stock, encouraging them to stand for the office of the quaestorship and so enter the S

ould ultimately bring the consulate and ennoblement of their families for ever. In brief, Augustus’ design was to make pu

willing to exchange the security and the profits of his own existence for the pomp, the extravagance and the dangers of the

Italy with moving tones and with genuine sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will, he lacke

ad he the will, he lacked the power to secure admission to the Senate for numerous Italians. Their chance came with Caesar.

of Italy had not yet reached its term. Augustus was eager to provide for further recruitment and admission to the Senate o

on to Augustus and Tiberius: to Caesar he could not officially appeal for precedent, cf. BSR Papers XIV (1938), 6 ff. For t

not officially appeal for precedent, cf. BSR Papers XIV (1938), 6 ff. For the class of men referred to, compare the phrase

ncient cities of Latium long decayed, like Lanuvium, provide senators for Rome there are remote towns of no note before or

truscan origins, though known and admitted, had been decently masked, for the most part, long ago by assimilation to the La

49) probably comes of a municipal family from Aletrium, cf. ILS 5348. For Treia, ILS 937; Asisium, 947, cf. 5346; Histonium

sometimes the last, with no prospect of the consulate but safe votes for the Princeps in his restored and sovran assembly

a name terminating in ‘-isius’ is C. Calvisius Sabinus (39 B.C.). As for P. Viriasius Naso (ILS 158; 5940), the earliest c

Ferento, familia vetere et honorata atque ex principibus Etruriae. ’ For an earlier member of it, CIL 12, 2511 (67 B.C.).

e period of the Principate of Augustus shows very few new names, save for a Passienus and a Caecina, unmistakable in their

ufus in the museums of Este and Zagreb (CIL V, 811278; III, 1201030): for Tarii in Dalmatia, ib., 2877 f.; in Istria, ib. 3

r of the preceding generation, praetorian in rank (P-W III A, 72). As for M. Lollius, there were Lollii from Picenum (such

?) which show an A. Hirtius and a M. Lollius as censors of that town. For a possibility that Lollius was really of noble ex

abitus (cos. suff. A.D. 8) certainly came from Larinum (CIL IX, 730): for earlier members of this family, Cicero, Pro Cluen

every reason to expect the right kind of senator: equestrian distaste for public life and for politics (the perennial quies

ct the right kind of senator: equestrian distaste for public life and for politics (the perennial quies) often proved too s

rovincial governor: he preferred to be a fashionable poet and he paid for it in the end. Through the recalcitrance of P. Ov

nius, cos. suff. A.D. 8, and C. Visellius Varro, cos. suff. A.D. 12. ( For Their gentilicia, cf. Schulze, LE, 110; 256). Als

of the propertied classes in two ways by creating an official career for Roman knights and by facilitating their entry to

ordia ordinum thus achieved was at the same time a consensus Italiae, for it represented a coalition of the municipal famil

glected in peace. Augustus encouraged the towns to commend candidates for military posts in the equestrian service. 1 Furth

itary posts in the equestrian service. 1 Further, he devised a scheme for making their influence felt in Rome town councill

nce felt in Rome town councillors were to cast their votes in absence for candidates at Roman elections. 2 If the experimen

epublican constitution which permitted any free-born citizen to stand for magistracies but secured the election of members

bility. Yet the Senate had once seemed to represent the Roman People, for it was a ruling aristocracy by no means narrow an

In form, the constitution was less Republican and less ‘democratic’, for eligibility to office was no longer universal, bu

now embracing a whole empire, to the exclusion of rivals. Nor was it for reasons of theory that Caesar and Augustus attach

nasts and kings, Roman citizens and natives. The provincial recruited for service in the auxiliary regiments might receive

rized so highly, Polemo of Pontus or the Thracian dynasts, all worked for Rome, as though provincial governors. Augustus re

eponderance, perhaps already in the time of Augustus, of the recruits for the legions of the West, these lands gradually in

us when extended to colonies of full citizen-rights in the provinces, for they are an integral part of the Roman State, whe

an extraction), held a minor magistracy at least perhaps as promotion for a special service to Augustus (ILS 2676). This pe

a (c. 10 B.C.) may well be provincial, perhaps from Bithynia- Pontus ( for another member of this family, cf. ILS 5883: nr.

y possess the Jus Italicum, they are treated as a part of Italy, even for fiscal purposes. PageBook=>368 Augustus, h

of his adherents. The Princeps was not altogether a frank enthusiast for merit wherever it might be discovered and careles

d on that occasion, also sought to curb Augustus’ ardent predilection for the aristocracy. Like Caesar’s faction, the new

. The minor magistracies were not definitely regulated all at once. 1 For the rest, the practice of the revolutionary perio

liated some of its maladies at least no juvenile consuls are attested for some time. None the less, in the ordinances of Au

wenty-fifth year, the consulate in his thirty-third with alleviations for favoured relatives, modest for the young Claudii,

in his thirty-third with alleviations for favoured relatives, modest for the young Claudii, scandalous for Marcellus. 2 Di

ions for favoured relatives, modest for the young Claudii, scandalous for Marcellus. 2 Distances were preserved. The young

e prescribed term, but the son of a Roman knight commonly had to wait for a number of years. Which was fitting. Knights the

geBook=>370 The Senate had been purged once. That was not enough for Augustus. He may have hoped to renew the work in

ix hundred, there supervened again and again a scarcity of candidates for office, calling for various expedients. 2 The Sen

pervened again and again a scarcity of candidates for office, calling for various expedients. 2 The Senate had been purifie

ibly sovran, the members of a narrow group contended among themselves for office and for glory: behind the façade of the co

e members of a narrow group contended among themselves for office and for glory: behind the façade of the constitution the

ected to use that freedom. On the other hand, the candidate, at least for the consulate, would do well to seek the approbat

lb. 53, 28, 4; 54, 30, 2; 56, 27, 1; Suetonius, Divus Aug. 40, 1. 3 For the manner of imperial commendatio and its exerci

went to Gaul and Spain (20-19 B.C.), after a brief sojourn in Rome. For a time the capital city was relieved of the burde

sted in the next best thing, leaving vacant one of the two consulates for the next year, 21 B.C. Two nobiles then contended

irm and without fear. 2 What name the enemies of the government found for his behaviour has escaped record. One of them was

ized his private slaves and other suitable individuals into a company for suppressing outbreaks of fire. 3 He won immense f

praetor. Encouraged by his success, Rufus put forward his candidature for the consulate in 19 B.C. Saturninus blocked him,

el ‘per omnia gladiatori quam senatori propior’ soon paid the penalty for his popularity and his temerity. Arrested with

gustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leaving the other for free election. Compare Caesar’s practice, for all

date, leaving the other for free election. Compare Caesar’s practice, for all magistracies except the consulate (Suetonius,

in 33 B.C. no fewer than eight, with masses of novi homines promoted for merit to a cheap distinction. The suffect consula

bodyguard of the Statilii, perhaps one hundred and thirty strong. 2 For the basis of calculation (which omits certain nam

asis of calculation (which omits certain names), see above, p. 243 f. For the whole Triumviral period (43–33 B.C.) the prop

last effulgence before the war of Pompeius and Caesar. He persevered for a long time, hardly ever admitting a suffect cons

te provinces; many of them by the size of their armies already called for legates of consular standing. Yet this was appare

ntal: the flagrant dynastic policy of Augustus constrained him to bid for the support of the nobiles. Hence a steady cheape

f the Republic. It remains to indicate the ostensible qualification for ennoblement in the Principate and the real work

th of ability drove a group of nobiles to take up a popular candidate for fear of something worse, or a political dynast wa

us, Ann. 1, 15. 2 Cicero, Pro Murena, passim. 3 He hoped to stand for the consulate in 67 B.C. (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3) and

a senior statesman, much in demand on decorative occasions as speaker for the government. It was necessary to be pliable. T

Valgius; on his botanical work, Pliny, NH 25, 4. PageBook=>376 For the upstart of ability, ‘militaris industria’ was

re traditional, Republican and openly advertised as the justification for ennoblement. Nothing could be more fair and hones

ld be more fair and honest. There were also deeper and better reasons for political advancement in the Principate. The game

me of politics is played in the same arena as before; the competitors for power and wealth require the same weapons, namely

e frauds could perhaps evade detection. Certain great houses had sunk for ever. Others, through casualties in the Civil War

erat aliquis virtutum amor. ’ 4 Nobiles who miss the consulate are, for example, Cornelius Sulla Felix, PIR2, C 1463; (Q.

cian, the censor Appius Claudius had been blessed with five daughters for dynastic matches may inspire and baffle conjectur

the first, C. Marcellus and two Marcellas, who soon became available for matrimonial alliances, from the second the two An

as Appius regebat et caecus et senex. ’ 2 See Table III at end. 3 For the evidence about the two Marcellas, PIR2 C 1102

Titius secured Paullina, sister of the patrician Fabius Maximus. 3 As for the upstart Quirinius, his first wife was an Appi

Sisenna, his grandson (cos. A.D. 11) a daughter of Valerius Messalla ( for the stemma, see P-W III A, 2197). One might also

rerogatives of the nobility. The youth who had invested his patrimony for the good of the State found himself the richest m

the richest man in all the world. Like the earlier dynasts, he spent for power and ostentation to gratify soldiers and ple

he gardens of Balbus:3 Cicero himself was still owing money to Caesar for a timely loan when the Civil War broke out. 4 But

m his profits as a political advocate money from P. Sulla went to pay for it. The Antonian L. Marcius Censorinus entered in

mere knights in standing. NotesPage=>380 1 Dio 55, 13, 6. 2 For the details, M. Rostovtzeff, Soc. and Ec. Hist. o

the prey of designing society-ladies. 6 Lollius, officially commended for integrity, left millions to his family, not the b

tal preferment will be conferred, not upon the pious and learned, but for social distinction or for political success. From

ferred, not upon the pious and learned, but for social distinction or for political success. From cult and ritual the pries

poliis partae. ’ Note also the numerous slaves of the Lollii in Rome ( for the details, P-W XIII, 1387). 8 Ib. Pliny had s

henobarbus. 2 Augustus’ revival of ancient colleges that had lapsed for centuries was not merely a sign of his pious care

that had lapsed for centuries was not merely a sign of his pious care for the religion of Rome. The existing colleges had n

Yet beside the great soldiers and politicians there was still a place for nobles in their own right, without special or pub

e 25). 4 ILS 925; 893a. 5 CIL I2, p. 29. 6 Zosimus 2, 4, 2. 7 For example, a C. Mucius Scaevola and a C. Licinius S

43, 6). It belonged, of course, to a period of ‘irregularities’. 9 For details (and conjectures) see H. C. Heiter, De pa

uvres were seldom frustrated by the established practice of balloting for provinces. The lot was retained in the Principate

ce of balloting for provinces. The lot was retained in the Principate for the choice of the proconsuls of the public provin

character of the Roman constitution: his influence, checked no doubt for a long time by Augustus, may be detected in the f

the other, his grandfather had helped Ti. Claudius Nero in the fight for liberty during the Bellum Perusinum and committed

um and committed suicide when all was lost. 4 NotesPage=>383 1 For examples, cf. below, p. 406, n. 3. 2 Below, p.

agius of Capua, and his activities in 89 B.C., cf. Velleius 2, 16, 3; for his son, ILS 5318. M. Magius Maximus certainly ca

ius repaid the debt by composing a history of Rome, fulsome in praise for the government and bitter in rebuke of lost cause

ower and influence followed traditional devices and secured promotion for their friends and their adherents, bringing young

3. 3 Ib. 2, III, 2. 4 M. Vinicius, cos. A.D. 30, cos. II 45. 5 For the son, PIR1, P 109. His full name was C. Sallus

private activities were deep and devious. She secured senatorial rank for M. Salvius Otho, the consulate for M. Plautius Si

vious. She secured senatorial rank for M. Salvius Otho, the consulate for M. Plautius Silvanus, who was the son of her inti

ting studies of A. Alföldi, RM XLIX (1934), 1 ff.; L(1935), 1 ff. 4 For Otho, Suetonius, Otho 1, 1. The influence of Urgu

got on very well with his stepmother, whose name he took and carried for a time (ib., 4, 1), and, like his father, was muc

eated. The power of the People was broken. No place was left any more for those political pests, the demagogue and the mili

the government now rested in the hands of Senate and magistrates not for that, but for another purpose, the solemn and ost

t now rested in the hands of Senate and magistrates not for that, but for another purpose, the solemn and ostensible restor

ndisium, their total and their prestige had sunk still further except for the dynasts Antonius, Octavianus and Lepidus, onl

d could show an imposing roll of consulars, perhaps as many as forty. For the future, the chief purpose of these principes

re, the chief purpose of these principes was to be decorative. Except for Agrippa, only six of them are later chosen to com

o command armies, as legates or proconsuls. 1 There were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy could be firmly held for t

ere were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy could be firmly held for the Princeps in his absence by party- dynasts wit

e governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn from his partisans. For the present, peace and the Principate were thus s

s hard work to be done in the provinces and on the frontiers, calling for a perambulatory Princeps or for consorts in his p

ovinces and on the frontiers, calling for a perambulatory Princeps or for consorts in his powers. In 27 B.C. Augustus had s

inceps or for consorts in his powers. In 27 B.C. Augustus had set out for the West without delay; and of the first fourteen

he provinces of Spain and Gaul, build roads, found cities and provide for the veterans. By 13 B.C. Augustus and his subor

monument called the Ara Pacis was solemnly dedicated. 3 Peace called for new and greater wars. The legions were rejuvenate

r new and greater wars. The legions were rejuvenated and disciplined, for by now the veterans of the Civil Wars had been es

of the legions from the field of politics. Never again was provision for the soldier at the end of service to coerce the g

d a new legion, XXI Rapax, was probably enrolled about this time. 2 For this conception of the foreign policy of Augustus

Piso, summoned from Galatia with an army, was occupied in the Balkans for three arduous years. 3 So it was Tiberius, as leg

at Rhodes. NotesPage=>391 1 Dio 54, 20, 3 f. (under 16 B.C.). For M. Lollius, cf. the fragment of an inscr. from Ph

s, cf. the fragment of an inscr. from Philippi (L’ann. ep. 1933, 85); for L. Tarius, that from the vicinity of Amphipolis (

bie]ci, protulique fines Illyrici ad r[ip]am fluminis | Dan[u]i.’ 5 For the details, CAH x, 358 ff. PageBook=>392

thout the Claudii, however, the situation might well appear desperate for Princeps and for Empire. Who would there be now t

, however, the situation might well appear desperate for Princeps and for Empire. Who would there be now to prosecute the n

was dead and Tiberius in exile. The government resisted the trial. For all his capacity and merits, Tiberius was not the

obles and novi homines. They had hitherto been kept in the background for political or dynastic reasons, for the glory of t

therto been kept in the background for political or dynastic reasons, for the glory of the Princeps and his stepsons. Of th

d. NotesPage=>392 1 Horace, Epp. 2, I, I f. 2 Odes 4, 9. 3 For example, Piso and Ahenobarbus receive no ode from

=>393 Above all, there is a singular lack of historical evidence for the nine years in which Tiberius was absent from

a new constellation of able and distinguished consulars was available for the needs of warfare and government. In the first

ries and armies of his provincia through his legati pro praetore who, for reasons various and cumulative, were almost witho

enough, not a word of Ahenobarbus or even of Quirinius. Dio’s sources for this period were in any case probably not abundan

y Velleius and lost from Dio, or unknown to him, may belong here. 2 For evidence and arguments in support of this theory,

ate a proconsul in an emergency or to take a province into his charge for short or for long periods. Nor were the public pr

ul in an emergency or to take a province into his charge for short or for long periods. Nor were the public provinces class

34, 4), dating the transference to 11 B.C., assigns as cause the need for military protection which fits his conception of

last proconsul, Tiberius the first imperial legate, of Illyricum. 3 For the dating to this period, cf. JRS XXIV (1934), 1

well and mattered little. In 27 B.C., the Senate provided proconsuls for eight provinces; in A.D. 14 for ten. In the app

B.C., the Senate provided proconsuls for eight provinces; in A.D. 14 for ten. In the appointment of governors, the Princ

ience. The young consul of thirty-three did not have to wait too long for a province Africa or Asia might be his by the wor

could secure curtailment of legal prescriptions, and that not merely for princes of the blood. Ahenobarbus was proconsul o

sia after an even shorter interval, perhaps of barely two years. 3 As for his own province, the Princeps was not restricted

s hence the resentment of an Ahenobarbus when Caesar monopolized Gaul for many years. It does not follow that the wars wage

eadening course of professional training. They kept their heads clear for decision and for action. Where native ability and

f professional training. They kept their heads clear for decision and for action. Where native ability and the inherited ha

., when the Princeps himself visited Spain. Two armies still remained for a time in Spain in the two provinces of Ulterior

(cos. 11 B.C.), was proconsul of Asia (OGIS 458), probably in 9 B.C. ( for the arguments, P-W VI, 1782); C. Asinius Gallus (

of continuous service, skilled to lead native cavalry and to provide for commissariat. Not all men of senatorial rank we

t legates; and Cicero in Cilicia was well served. 1 When Pompeius got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus, w

nst Mithridates. 3 He was one of the three legates who governed Spain for Pompeius. Of the others, the obscure Petreius was

ate, like Velleius Paterculus, often had a useful record behind them. For the rest, young sons of senators, aspirants to th

us aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat. ’ 5 For example, ILS 911 f. Cf. Suetonius, Divus Aug. 38.

reat school of admirals had also been created. After Actium, no place for them. 1 But the lesson was not lost. Augustus per

son was not lost. Augustus perpetuated the premium on specialization, for political no less than for military reasons: elde

perpetuated the premium on specialization, for political no less than for military reasons: elderly novi homines were safe.

cos. A.D. 9). During twenty-five years this man had charge of Moesia, for most of the time with the provinces of Macedonia

. 3 But Poppaeus belongs rather to the reign of Tiberius, notorious for long tenures and for an almost undisturbed peace

longs rather to the reign of Tiberius, notorious for long tenures and for an almost undisturbed peace on the frontiers. The

us is fragmentary and capricious. Design has conspired with accident, for the Princeps intended that the military achieveme

the province in absentia; and there may have been no separate legate for Syria during the period of his sojourn as viceger

t in historical record, was not the only Eastern province that called for special treatment. The legates of Galatia are an

Galatia he was summoned to Thrace with an army, where he was engaged for three years; after that, he was proconsul of Asia

M. Titius was legate of Syria on two separate occasions. The argument for assigning to him the inscr. from Tibur (ILS 918)

command is probably 9–6 B.C. (P-W I A, 1519 ff.). There might be room for another legate between Titius and Sentius, but th

roconsul of Asia (ILS 8814). 8 No evidence: but there would be room for him in the period 4–1 B.C. The dedication from Hi

XVIII (1915), Beiblatt 51, would not be sufficient or secure support, for it may belong to another L. Piso at a slightly la

the name of which is lost but which earned him ornamenta triumphalia for a successful war, then proconsul of Asia, then le

ore in the Thracian War of Piso, so now the Balkan lands called again for reinforcement from the armies of the East. In A.D

a Severus, the legate of Moesia, in a great battle all but disastrous for Rome, and remained for two years at the head of h

f Moesia, in a great battle all but disastrous for Rome, and remained for two years at the head of his army till the insurg

always seem to break down somewhere. Though ILS 918 could be claimed for Quirinius (and the war which he fought as legate

f.; SEG VI, 646 (a dedication to Silvanus at Attaleia in Pamphylia). For his proconsulate of Asia, IGRR IV, 1362 (nr. Thya

so’s father, of philhellenic tastes, had been proconsul of Macedonia. For the activity of Plautii in the East, cf. Münzer,

great commands in Illyricum and on the Rhine, a more searching trial for the Princeps and his party when Drusus was dead a

l fit the military situation and the condition of the ancient sources for the period. 2 Cassiodorus, Chron. min. 2, 135.

cius’ command (ILS 8965) is quite uncertain. A. v. Premerstein argues for 14–13 B.C. (when he is in fact attested in Illyri

is the consul of 14 B.C., not, as hitherto believed, of 18 B.C. Dates for Lentulus range from 15–14 B.C. (C. Patsch, o.c, 9

394. 6 Velleius 2, 101, 3 (I B.C.), cf. IGRR 1, 654, from Callatis ( for P. Vinicius). The successor of P. Silius may well

e successor of P. Silius may well be Sex. Aelius Catus (cos. A.D. 4), for a certain aelius Catus transplanted fifty thousan

tes of Moesia, cf. JRS XXIV (1934), 125 ff., with a slight preference for the former alternative: the latter might seem mor

legate of Moesia in the period 9 B.C.–A.D. 6. PageBook=>401 As for the Rhine, it is not certain who followed Tiberiu

some way to the family of the Princeps. The significance of this fact for the secret politics of the period is evident and

f Rome lacked permanent administrative officials or boards to provide for roads, water, police and the food supply. What sl

nish armies had by now been fused into one. Which is not unlikely. As for Varus, his proconsulate of Africa probably belong

6, 21, 18; Dio 55, 28, 3 f.). 5 Below, p. 421. PageBook=>402 For certain services in the city Augustus devised pos

vices in the city Augustus devised posts to be held by Roman knights. For the rest, he called upon senators; and the presid

mmonly men of consular standing. An ancient authority states a reason for these innovations that as many senators as possib

sius Sabinus dealt with the Via Latina. 4 Agrippa’s affectionate care for aqueducts did not lapse with his memorable aedile

even if he had not been forced, to substitute regular administration for private initiative or mere magistracies, like the

In 22 B.C. he secured the appointment of a pair of censors, the first for many years. They were Plancus and Paullus Aemiliu

other senators. 7 Casual or continuous employment was thus devised for a large number of consulars. An anomalous dignity

onae in A.D. 14, Tacitus, Ann. 1, 7. 7 Cyrene Edicts V, II.107 ff. ( for a text of these documents, JRS XVII (1927), 34 ff

ut in charge of appeals from a province, Suetonius, Divus Aug. 33, 3. For a committee of consulars on foreign affairs in A.

tion of special officials or permanent commissions, Augustus provided for the health, the security and the adornment of the

ns. 7 NotesPage=>404 1 Dio 54, 19, 6. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 6, 11. For difficulties about the date, cf. PIR2 C 289. No p

Tib. 9, 2). 7 Suetonius, Divus Claudius 25, 1. PageBook=>405 For the senator no hope or monument of fame was left.

oconsuls who gave them the franchise; the newer Roman, however, bears for the most part the name of the reigning dynasty of

tension partly to combat this practice and gain a monopoly of loyalty for the government. The last proconsul with a priest

e and military command were removed from competition and from profit, for the governor now received a salary in money. 5 Po

rolled but not abolished, ambition curbed but not crushed. The strife for wealth and powrer went on, concealed, but all the

arge of public provinces; he appoints proconsuls, though with respect for forms preserved ; 3 and he conveys requests, mode

Yet not entirely at the expense of the Senate. That body even regains for a time the prerogative of coining in gold and sil

esidency of the consuls. 6 Augustus had frequent resort to the People for the passing of his laws. But the practice of comi

g to Dio (54, 10, 5), in 19 B.C. Augustus was given consular imperium for life: for the interpretation of this, see Premers

54, 10, 5), in 19 B.C. Augustus was given consular imperium for life: for the interpretation of this, see Premerstein (ib.,

suls nominated, not only in A.D. 6 (Dio 55, 28, 2), but much earlier, for example P. Paquius Scaeva again in Cyprus: ‘proco

тικ ν καì Κυρηναϊκ ν παρχήαν καθ- ξοντ∈ςκτλ. 5 In 19 B.C., but only for a few years, after which Augustus established an

high office were no longer an end in themselves but the qualification for a career in the service of the State. The princ

Octavianus inherited the policy and no little part of the personnel, for the names of Balbus, Oppius and Matius soon emerg

neral consent and modest executive powers. It was therefore advisable for the government that is, the Princeps and the part

cks each way in their reciprocal dealings, and gently prepare the way for innovations. The mechanical choice by lot of a

y be employed by the Princeps as a group of counsellors and assessors for judicial business as well. 4 The Princeps possess

o 53, 21, 4; Suetonius, Divus Aug. 35, 3; cf. Cyrene Edicts v, 1. 87, for the description of the consilium: ξ ξνμβονλίου γν

bed as Republic or Monarchy, these advisory bodies were indispensable for the needs of government and administration. Tal

ce of the most varied orders was now available. Knights were eligible for administrative posts that in dignity and power su

and the horror of death. 1 The better sort of Roman voluptuary waited for the end with fortitude and faced it like a soldie

s with living slaves. The scandal of the fish-ponds was too much even for Augustus, notoriously indulgent to the vices of h

nces. But it was a freedman called Licinus who assessed and exploited for Augustus the resources of Gaul. 5 The treasury

rs, granted donations to army and plebs and carried out public works. For the management of the various funds he would have

ministers of State, under Caligula and Claudius: they had been there for a long time. 8 Senators might preside over the

ce, many matters of domestic and foreign policy demonstrated the need for skilled advice and summary decision. A standing c

sponsored by eminent senators if possible by such as had a reputation for independence. The eloquent Messalla may have play

s, who wrote on augury, may still have been alive. Messalla was augur for fifty-five years (Macrobius 1, 9, 14). PageBook

nservative and pliable, was to hand in the person of Ateius Capito. 1 For the promotion of literary talent and the artistic

e lands. Vinicius knew both Gaul and Illyricum. Lollius was not famed for service in eastern provinces only. After his cons

ldier and administrator. Even lawyers could have been dispensed with, for the formulation was of the simplest. Politician

ation of the ‘constitutional’ crisis of 23 B.C. by composing speeches for the principal agents in the secret struggle round

hortatory address, inspired by clemency and appealing to good sense, for the space of two unbroken hours. The malcontent w

rent from its first legitimation, namely, a special mandate conferred for merit and by consent. In 23 B.C., after an open c

s in succession to his nephew Caligula, when Rome lacked a government for two days and in the Senate men debated about a re

ential advisers had given anxious thought to the problem of providing for the succession to the Principate or rather, for t

problem of providing for the succession to the Principate or rather, for the continuity of the government. No less evident

urn were to be the instruments of Augustus in ensuring the succession for heirs of his own blood. Julia was to provide them

of the crisis of 6 B.C. Tiberius was granted the tribunicia potestas for a period of five years yet even this hardly meant

n. The measure would be a visible reminder and check to conspirators. For the rest, Augustus could rely on Tiberius’ submis

the East (no doubt with a special imperium). While Tiberius governed for the Princeps abroad, maintained the stability and

here was no urgent need of him in the East. Augustus wished to remove for a time this unbending and independent character,

in A.D. I); and three years later the same distinction was proclaimed for Lucius, his junior by three years. The Senate vot

y three years. The Senate voted Gaius this unprecedented dispensation for the supreme magistracy: the corporation of Roman

ed only in epitomes; while Velleius records only trouble and disaster for Rome in the absence of Tiberius. For the internal

ecords only trouble and disaster for Rome in the absence of Tiberius. For the internal history cf., above all, E. Groag, Wi

. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He was left in

lean heavily on the loyalty and tried merit of certain novi homines. For many years nothing had been heard of Lollius and

on of the Roman People, the master of the legions, the king of kings. For all that, they might flourish in the shadow of th

ic or more recently ennobled. But nobiles, and especially patricians ( for the latter families were older than the Roman Sta

n ‘nomini ac fortunae Caesarum proximi’. 2 Too much, perhaps, to hope for the power themselves but their descendants might

ginibus suis decori sunt. ’ 2 Cf. Velleius’ designation (2, 114, 5) for M. Aemilius Lepidus, cos. A.D. 6. PageBook=>

ous history of the Ahenobarbi may have inculcated a rational distaste for politics and adventure two members of his family

um near Tibur (ILS 921, &c). PageBook=>423 So Livia worked for power. But it is by no means certain that Silvanu

n of no great note who had been a partisan of Caesar the Dictator. As for the Metelli, the consul of A.D. 7 is a Junius Sil

y, the sojourn with Sex. Pompeius and memories of trials in adversity for the Republic. 5 Cn. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 23 B.C.

rred from 1G 112, 4163. On this problem, cf. E. Groag in PIR2, C 289; for a stemma of the Pisones, ib., facing p. 54. See a

of whatever happened to be the government of Rome now had their turn for nine years. Livia waited and worked for her famil

nt of Rome now had their turn for nine years. Livia waited and worked for her family, patient and unobtrusive. There must b

onships are tortuous and difficult to explain, cf. P-W 11 A, 885 ff.; for the stemma, see Table V at end. L. Scribonius Lib

e punishment went beyond that, and the procedure was probably a trial for high treason. 6 Circumstantial reports of the rev

rave facundus. ’ On his literary accomplishments, P-W 11 A, 1372. 5 For the identity of these persons, cf. E. Groag, Wien

f Augustus struck down Julia and Antonius, it was not from tenderness for Tiberius. It may be that through the ruin of his

house. Tiberius was not consulted; when he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was unrelenting. He at once di

g off the marriage in the name of Tiberius. 3 NotesPage=>427 1 For this view, cf. esp. E. Groag, Wiener Studien XLI

er visiting the Danubian and Balkan armies, now appeared in the East. For some years disturbances in Armenia, a land over w

impairing the interests or the prestige of Rome, none the less called for attention. Moreover it was advisable to display t

f.; Velleius 2, 101 f.; Dio 55, 10, 17 ff. (with no word of Lollius). For events in the East, cf. J. G. C. Anderson in CAH

tonius, Tib. 13, 1. 4 lb. His father had been active in Narbonensis for Caesar (ib. 4, 1). 5 Tacitus, Ann. 2, 42, cf. S

f the legions of Gaul and the glory of the Alpine War. Like P. Silius for the favourite Drusus on the other flank of the co

the other flank of the convergent advance, Lollius may have laboured for another to reap. Lollius was supplanted. Hence a

erat. ’ Shortly after this, probably in A.D. 3, he got Aemilia Lepida for his wife. Groag suspects that Livia had something

years before, but not forgotten. Lollius, he said, was responsible for the evil behaviour of C. Caesar. 1 The position

the game and shattered Augustus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of his own blood. He had surmounted scandal a

ss of personal inadequacy; the young man conceived a violent distaste for the life of active responsibility to which he was

he was doomed by his implacable master:4 it is alleged that he asked for permission to dwell in the East in a private stat

short the ambitious design, fully engaging the attention of Tiberius for three years (A.D. 6-9). Then Germany rose. Varus

se. Varus and three legions perished. Rome did not see her new master for many years. The adoption of Tiberius should hav

roubles, in which, close upon the gravest foreign war since Hannibal ( for so the rebellion of Illyricum was designated)1 th

only surviving grandchildren of the Princeps and they did not survive for long. In A.D. 8 a new scandal swept and cleansed

nd. 2 Her paramour was D. Junius Silanus3 there may have been others, for the charge of immorality was a convenient device

ave been others, for the charge of immorality was a convenient device for removing, as well as for discrediting, a politica

charge of immorality was a convenient device for removing, as well as for discrediting, a political suspect. This Silanus w

. L. Aemilius Paullus could hardly be accused of adultery with Julia, for she was his wife. Connivance in her misconduct ma

nce in her misconduct may have been invoked to palliate his execution for conspiracy. 4 The charges brought against Agrip

ung from his inhuman composure the despairing complaint against Varus for the lost legions. 1 In A.D. 13 the succession was

ucting a census as the colleague of Augustus, Tiberius Caesar set out for Illyricum (August, A.D. 14). The health of Augu

lly canvassed. M. Aemilius Lepidus, he said, possessed the capacity for empire but not the ambition, Asinius Gallus the a

according to whom some authorities substituted Cn. Piso (cos. 7 B.C.) for Arruntius. That is not the only uncertainty here.

a history of the Punic Wars in the manner of Sallustius. 2 The time for such exciting speculations had passed ten years b

ntius, cos. 22 B.C. (PIR2, A 1129); his son, cos. A.D. 6 (ib., 1130). For their Pompeian connexions, which help to explain

He Was Allied With L. Calpurnius Piso And L. Volusius Saturninus. 5 For details of origin about these novi homines, see a

For details of origin about these novi homines, see above, p. 362 f. For the contrary interpretation of this evidence (and

nt is the name of Lucilius Longus, honourably commemorated in history for his loyalty to Tiberius perhaps the son of that L

rto had not risen to the consulate are prominent yet not paradoxical, for this was a Claudian faction. In the background, h

action. In the background, however, stand certain noble houses which, for all their social eminence, do not seem to have be

g tenure of the post of praefectus urbi. 5 His successor, though only for a year, was L. Aelius Lamia, a lively old man who

on is palpable and shameless. 3 At Rome due provision had been made for the peaceful transmission of the Principate. Seiu

6, 39. 7 Coin evidence attests him there from A.D. 12–13 to 16–17 ( for details, PIR2, C 64); for the betrothal of his da

attests him there from A.D. 12–13 to 16–17 (for details, PIR2, C 64); for the betrothal of his daughter, Tacitus, Ann. 2, 4

14, the Princeps died at Nola in Campania. Tiberius, who had set out for Illyricum, was recalled by urgent messages from h

ers were composed or revised, namely, the ceremonial which he desired for his funeral, a list of the military and financial

aken counsel with the chief men of his party, making his dispositions for the smooth transference of the supreme power. As

the Principate should be conferred by consent upon the first citizen for services rendered and expected. The task might ap

n for services rendered and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndicate might

acitus, Ann. 1, 53). Lamia (cos. A.D. 3) is presumably his successor. For the evidence for his proconsulate, PIR2 A 200.

3). Lamia (cos. A.D. 3) is presumably his successor. For the evidence for his proconsulate, PIR2 A 200. 3 Tacitus, Ann. 1

of the State, such as Asinius Gallus, played without skill the parts for which they had been chosen perhaps in feigned and

a secretary of state, in virtue of the provision of the dead Princeps for this emergency, a deed coolly decided eighteen mo

a deed coolly decided eighteen months before. 1 Augustus was ruthless for the good of the Roman People. Some might affect t

oligarchy and system of government. Security of possession, promotion for loyalty or merit and firm rule in Rome, Italy and

but the State, still sorely ailing, looked to its ‘salubris princeps’ for spiritual regeneration as well as for material re

oked to its ‘salubris princeps’ for spiritual regeneration as well as for material reform. Augustus claimed that a national

ot deluded by the outcome of a civil war that substituted one emperor for another and changed the personnel, but not the ch

by the untutored sagacity of Roman statesmen, would stand and endure for ever. The Romans could not compete with Greece fo

d stand and endure for ever. The Romans could not compete with Greece for primacy in science, arts and letters they cheerfu

. 3 But the possession of an empire was something more than a cause for congratulation and a source of revenue. It was a

l wars were only too well grounded. Actium had averted the menace but for how long? Could Rome maintain empire without the

on it? 4 A well-ordered state has no need of great men, and no room for them. The last century of the Free State witnesse

tage over Caesar in Virgil’s solemn exhortation against civil war. As for Antonius, he was the archetype of foreign vices ’

ition (28 B.C.)2 But reform was in the air. The unpopular task called for a statesman of resolution ’iustum et tenacem prop

d under the toga of the First Citizen, guarded him from assassination for plots were discovered in this year, conspirators

on concerning the family, that was a novelty, but the spirit was not, for it harmonized both with the traditional activitie

mers. 4 Augustus claimed both to revive the past and to set standards for the future. In this matter there stood a valid pr

been blessed with either offspring or permanence. Matches contracted for the open and avowed ends of money, politics or pl

;445 Their names were more often heard in public than was expedient for honest women: they became politicians and patrons

ed a rigorous limit upon its size. Augustus therefore devised rewards for husbands and fathers in the shape of more rapid p

ter of inheriting property. The education of the young also came in for the attention of the Princeps. For the formation

ducation of the young also came in for the attention of the Princeps. For the formation of character equal to the duties of

ung men of the officer class. These bodies provided an apprenticeship for military service, opportunities for social and po

bodies provided an apprenticeship for military service, opportunities for social and political advancement and centres for

rvice, opportunities for social and political advancement and centres for the propagation of correct sentiments about the g

freedwomen, though now forbidden to senators, was condoned in others for it was better than no marriage. The Roman People

ry. Temples had crumbled, ceremonies and priesthoods lapsed. No peace for the Roman, but the inherited and cumulative curse

ostentatious in scruple when scruple cost him nothing. He could wait for Lepidus’ death. Better that he should in recent h

War of Actium and the triple triumph Rome witnessed his zealous care for religion ’sacrati provida cura ducis’. 4 In the y

the ancient guild of the Arval Brethren: which meant enhanced dignity for the State and new resources of patronage. In 28 B

s sometimes been believed. 4 It will suffice to observe that Augustus for his part strove in every way to restore the old s

rivileged rank in the empire of all the world. Privilege should stand for service. If the citizen refused to fight, the cit

the Marsi, ‘genus acre virum’, a tribe small in numbers but renowned for all time in war. In the exaltation of ‘Itala virt

n war. In the exaltation of ‘Itala virtus’ Rome magnified her valour, for Rome had prevailed over Italy. PageNotes. 449

legions of Rome to battle against the Parthians; and the Principate, for all its profession of peace, called on Rome and I

its profession of peace, called on Rome and Italy to supply soldiers for warfare all over the world. They were united now,

oriously winning from the cultivation of cereals a meagre subsistence for himself and for a numerous virile offspring: sa

from the cultivation of cereals a meagre subsistence for himself and for a numerous virile offspring: salve, magna paren

there were to be sure, and cereals continued to be grown, though not for profit. 3 Thousands and thousands of veterans had

en. 6, 824 ff. 3 Virgil, Aen. 9, 602 f. 4 Horace, Odes 1, 12, 43. For the type in a contemporary historian, cf. the Sab

tatesman, and the debauched grammarian Q. Remmius Palaemon were noted for the rich return they secured from their vines. 1

as stern and laborious, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the good of the State, cheer

s, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the good of the State, cheerful and robust: angus

the whole world. The release of the capital hoarded by the Ptolemies for ages, or by apprehensive owners of property in th

re provided all fruits without the work of man’s hand, might meditate for a moment on the evils of private property and env

ilitary tribune C. Castricius caused to be engraved on his sepulchre, for the edification of his freedmen (CIL XI, 600: For

>452 The patriotic poet might deplore the seizure of plough-land for princely parks and villas, the encroachment of th

the growth of their fortunes, or dividing up their monstrous estates for the benefit of the deserving and Roman poor, whos

ving and Roman poor, whose peasant ancestors had won glory and empire for Rome. The Revolution was over. Violence and refor

ugged ancestral virtues. But the ancient piety and frugality, respect for the family and loyalty to bonds of sentiment and

ds appears to be deep-rooted and genuine. He admired the aristocracy, for he was not one of them; he chastened them, but wi

or he was not one of them; he chastened them, but with a loving hand. For the respect due to aristocracy was traditional, a

operation and due to other causes than the legislation of Augustus,2 for luxury, so far from being abated, was quite unbri

and virtue. Patavium usurped the proverbial repute of the Sabine land for prudery; 4 and Brixia refused to lag far behind.

r, the Roman nation now transcended the geographical limits of Italy, for it included the descendants of Italian colonists

the greater novi homines, the friends of Augustus: the lesser crawled for favour, ignobly subservient, and practised delati

esser crawled for favour, ignobly subservient, and practised delation for money and advancement. The moralist or the studen

ial commendation. Here too a contrast between appearance and reality. For all the talk about the peasant farmer, all the gl

s of the Roman People. 1 On no interpretation could these aliens pass for Italian peasants, still less for members of the I

terpretation could these aliens pass for Italian peasants, still less for members of the Italian bourgeoisie. 2 But they we

military stock. That was what was wanted. Nor indeed was recruiting for the legions confined to Italy. The practices of t

rbonensis would be discovered in large numbers. 3 There was less need for deception in the armies of the East. Galatians we

ome of the finest fighting material in Europe was now being exploited for Rome’s wars but not as regular troops. The legion

romised term; and ‘Itala virtus’ seemed singularly loath to volunteer for Balkan warfare, eager to evade the levy. 6 Page

he time of Augustus far too high. 3 Indirect arguments can be used. For example, Narbonensis supplies only two auxiliary

ers from Coptos, ILS 2483: two Galatians bear the name of M. Lollius. For another soldier called M. Lollius, IGRR III, 1476

ageBook=>458 No new legions could be raised. As a partial remedy for the lack of legionaries Augustus enrolled numerou

f Augustus. In dejection he thought of making an end of his life. But for that disaster he could have borne the loss of Var

itions of service; and the men of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made to understand that w

riminate, save when there was a government in being. Then it mustered for the attack. Pamphlets and poems assailed the Thre

stematic exploitation of literature on the grand scale. That was left for Augustus. Propaganda outweighed arms in the conte

honoured by Horace in a conspicuous ode. Not so Messalla, however. As for the plebeian military men promoted under the New

ovement upon a firm basis of theory and to claim the rank of classics for the better sort of contemporary literature. As

, being a morally unedifying creed and likely to inculcate a distaste for public service. Stoicism, however, was salubrious

agitat molem et magno se corpore miscet. 1 Stoicism, indeed, stood for order and for monarchy. Catullus, however, could

et magno se corpore miscet. 1 Stoicism, indeed, stood for order and for monarchy. Catullus, however, could not have been

not impair the sceptical realism of his character there is no warrant for loose talk about conversion to Stoicism. None the

less, this Epicurean man appeared to surrender to a romantic passion for frugality and virtue, a fervent sympathy with mar

on, Aeneas is sober, steadfast and tenacious: there can be no respite for him, no repose, no union of heart and policy with

city, established as the old poet recorded ‘augusto augurio’, called for a consecrated word and for commemoration of the f

ld poet recorded ‘augusto augurio’, called for a consecrated word and for commemoration of the founder of Rome ‘deum deo na

Octavianus. It was the fashion to be Pompeian rather than Caesarian, for that was the ‘better cause’. 2 It may be presumed

storian also spoke with respect of Brutus and Cassius they had fought for the constitution; and even with praise of Cato Ca

fought for the constitution; and even with praise of Cato Cato stood for the established order. Virgil, Horace and Livy

er, need not denote an adherent of Pompeius. The Romans lacked a word for ‘Republican’. 3 Macrobius 1, 11, 22. Patavium w

lacked a word for ‘Republican’. 3 Macrobius 1, 11, 22. Patavium was for the Senate in 43 B.C., cf. Phil. 12, 10. PageBo

>465 If Livy, Horace and Virgil had private and material reasons for gratitude to Augustus, that fact may have reinfor

e a heavier emphasis and a fuller emotional content than elsewhere. 3 For all the talk of a united Italy and all the realit

PageBook=>466 Augustus was singularly fortunate in discovering for his epic poet of Italy a man whose verse and sent

ity to unhappy Perusia, from that Italy which paid the bitter penalty for becoming involved in a Roman civil war: si Peru

A relative had fallen in the War of Perusia. 3 Propertius’ distaste for war was well- founded. He claimed to be the poet

ouched by the patriotic theme, or the repeated instances of Maecenas. For all his dislike of war, he could turn away from h

all air of conviction, the War of Actium, or to plead in solemn tones for the avenging of Crassus. 1 Antiquities, however

e dead. Propertius might have been a highly remunerative investment for Maecenas. He died young or abandoned the art alto

f patriotism and morality to spread more widely and sink more deeply. For such as were not admitted to the recitations of t

t admitted to the recitations of the rich, or lacked either the taste for good books or the means of acquiring them, there

pointed out, from the aqueducts which his son-in-law had constructed for the people. 1 He could have added that there were

e genius of the Princeps. 3 Each and every festival was an occasion for sharpening the loyalty of the people and inculcat

nt in honour of a girl who had produced five children at one birth. 5 For reasons less obvious a centenarian actress was pr

ious a centenarian actress was produced at games vowed and celebrated for the health of Augustus; 6 and a rhinoceros was so

ifex maximus. To witness the induction or rather to confer the grant, for Augustus restored election to the People, in poin

and credulous atmosphere of the Revolution portents of divine favour for Caesar’s heir were seen, recalled or invented eve

rog croaked in that place ever again. When Caesar’s heir entered Rome for the first time, the sun was surrounded with a hal

ot a god, though deification would come in due course, from merit and for service, as to Hercules, who had made the world h

rit and for service, as to Hercules, who had made the world habitable for mankind, and to Romulus, the Founder of Rome. In

cation of the cult towards the year 2 B.C. reflects his overt designs for the succession of Gaius and Lucius. He did not ne

ns for the succession of Gaius and Lucius. He did not need it so much for himself. At the colony of Acerrae in Campania a c

to the Roman towns or rather, the towns in sedulous loyalty imitated for the expression of their own sentiments the themes

he deliberate founder of monarchy, the conscious creator of a system. For himself and for the dynasty he monopolized every

under of monarchy, the conscious creator of a system. For himself and for the dynasty he monopolized every form and sign of

ow organized to display gratitude and homage. Galatia builds a temple for the joint worship of Augustus and the Goddess Rom

t the birthday of the Princeps as the beginning of its calendar-year; for that day announced good tidings to the world. 3 A

o and at Narbo. There was as yet no provincial cult in these regions, for the colonies and municipio, were autonomous units

ch Caesar had conquered received special treatment. The justification for Roman intervention and for Roman rule was the def

eived special treatment. The justification for Roman intervention and for Roman rule was the defence of Gaul against the Ge

us. Who could have entured to compete or oppose? PageNotes. 475 1 For examples of these men, ILS 7013 ff. The first hig

Vercondaridubnus, an Aeduan noble (Livy, Per. 139). Note, as fighting for Rome in 10 B.C., Chumstinctus and Avectius, descr

ed as the provinces’ revenge upon Rome. Army and provinces stood firm for the established order. The legions were inspired

rty and social unrest but Rome could not be held directly responsible for the transgressions of the wealthy. Rome seldom in

and greatest man in all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for he was deposed by Augustus and subsequently banis

by Augustus and subsequently banished. 1 Kings and tetrarchs ruled for Rome and for Caesar Augustus, guarding the fronti

and subsequently banished. 1 Kings and tetrarchs ruled for Rome and for Caesar Augustus, guarding the frontiers of empire

the insurrection of Judas the Galilaean. Rome’s rule was hated still, for good reasons. PageNotes. 476 1 Josephus, AJ 1

=>477 In Gaul, where the freedman Licinus extorted huge revenues for Augustus, the introduction of a regular assessmen

m control over provincial governors. He tightened the legal procedure for dealing with cases of extortion. Moreover, the pr

. Moreover, the provincials through their concilia possessed an organ for voicing complaints about their rulers or making r

eBook=>478 Yet on the whole the provinces were contented enough, for they had known worse, and could see no prospect o

r they had known worse, and could see no prospect of a successful war for liberty against the legions and colonies of Rome.

ts and solaced by generous subsidies, the populace might still assert for itself the right of free speech, as no order else

PageBook=>479 Augustus, the patronus of the plebs, could answer for their good behaviour. Disturbances broke out du

sis of 23 B.C., the secession of Tiberius and the mysterious intrigue for which Julia was banished and Iullus Antonius kill

the existence of the new order. A government may invent conspiracies for its own ends: if it cannot entirely suppress the

y of silence about the victims of civil war and proscriptions, except for such as could usefully be revived to adorn legend

the Civil Wars, Antonius and Lepidus with the ultimate responsibility for the proscriptions and the most abominable actions

st when they derived profit and advancement from the present order. For the sake of peace, the Principate had to be. That

His personal courage was not above reproach. With all allowance made for hostile propaganda, it will have to be conceded,

have behaved precisely so in earlier wars, had it been possible. 4 As for Actium, men might remember the killing of young C

believed, would reveal one man at least who was killed though begging for life. 5 It was a commonplace of antiquity that Pr

Caesar. It was no doubt recalled that Caesar’s heir had been willing, for the ends of political ambition, to waive that sol

or. The plea and battle-cry of pietas was resumed when convenient. As for the fourth of the cardinal virtues, justice, it w

n and character of Augustus and of his friends provided rich material for gossip, for the revival of old scandals and the i

ter of Augustus and of his friends provided rich material for gossip, for the revival of old scandals and the invention of

sumed an epic part, many- tongued, inventing new forms and categories for itself. The dissemination of canards was elevated

ate wits preferred to risk their heads rather than forego a jest. 3 For Augustus it was inexpedient to suppress any activ

scandal, too recalcitrant to be won by flattery, Pollio had acquired for himself a privileged position. In the Senate he o

-chamber of the Princeps by mentioning his own manifest unsuitability for such an honour. 6 Of the pre-eminence of Labeo in

y the better reputation. 1 The law courts could still provide scope for oratory, ambition and political intrigue. Augustu

might be the occasion either of a direct attack upon their persons or for occasional and apparently spontaneous criticism o

a relative of the Princeps) happened to be defending a man prosecuted for adultery. They were roughly handled by the prosec

decisions of the Princeps in legislation or to accept his candidates for office, it was virtually excluded. Already in the

o the Battle of Philippi. Of earlier historians, he blamed Sallustius for his style and questioned the veracity of Caesar;

sp, hard, unsentimental men. Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purposes. Yet it may be that his real opi

r in Livy. Pollio, so it is recorded by Quintilian, criticized Livy for ‘Patavinitas’. 3 It is by no means certain that Q

nd infertile region of Italy, knew what Patavium was a city notorious for material prosperity and for moral worth. 4 Page

, knew what Patavium was a city notorious for material prosperity and for moral worth. 4 PageNotes. 485 1 Tacitus, Dial

It was not like Livy. Augustus’ historian of imperial Rome employed for his theme an ample Ciceronian style, strengthened

against noxious literature. 5 Public bonfires were instituted but not for such trifles as the Ars amatoria of Ovid. Contemp

e origin, resembling a gladiator in appearance,8 was hated and feared for his bitter tongue and incorrigible love of indepe

The Transatlantic term ‘uplift’ might give a hint of the meaning. 2 For particulars, cf. Seneca, Controv. 10, praef. 4ff.

a baker’s daughter turned prostitute. 1 It was Cassius who defined for all time the character and capacity of Paullus Fa

on from being stamped as the open enemy of freedom and truth. But not for long. Coerced through official repression, or tai

Principate inherited genius from the Triumviral period and claimed it for its own: it could not produce a new crop. The gen

venal’s poem is not so much a panegyric of plebeian merit as a lament for the decline of aristocratic virtus. Tacitus, a kn

lf, Agrippa the solid and conspicuous monument of military despotism. For the nobiles, no more triumphs after war, no more

their resources and tightened their alliances. Thus did Servilia work for her family, capturing the Aemilian connexion. But

feuds, and the nobiles were involved in the struggles of the dynasts. For many of them it had been hard enough to preserve

and their allies. The Metelli had backed Sulla: they made a final bid for power when, with the Scipionic connexion, they su

r branch of the patrician Cornelii, the Lentuli, who had also decided for Pompeius against Caesar, but were more fortunate

ution had a better fate than some that prolonged an ignoble existence for a generation or two. Depressed by vice or poverty

der Tiberius, a great orator and a man of infamous life,5 fit partner for Quirinius’ Aemilia Lepida, who bore him a son wit

e last Scipio and the last Appius Claudius Pulcher, were put to death for offences against the State. 2 Another noble, a Se

egral part of the history of the Republic. Tiberius, doubly Claudian, for the line ran through both parents, could look bac

branch of the Claudii, the Pulchri, but to the more modest Nerones. For Tiberius the splendid prize was spoiled and tarni

nd his granddaughter were in banishment, confined to islands. So much for the nearest of his kin among the descendants of t

Antonius at Actium, the ultimate result might have been much the same for the Domitii: prominent among the Liberators and h

the last admiral of the Republic, Cn. Domitius stood next to Antonius for leadership in his party. To the Domitii, primac

his party. To the Domitii, primacy might be delayed, but not denied for ever. The complex marriage policy of Augustus tra

hters, all of whom in turn, by death or relegation, paid full penalty for the exiguous trickle of the divine blood of Augus

elegated on a charge of incest with one of her brothers (Ann. 12, 4); for the date of her death, cf. Suetonius, Divus Vesp.

cos. A.D. 58 (cf. Juvenal 1, 107 f.), was the last consular Valerius. For the stemma of Messallina, cf. PIRl V 89. 6 For

t consular Valerius. For the stemma of Messallina, cf. PIRl V 89. 6 For a stemma of the descendants of Sulla, of necessit

escaped alliance with the ruling dynasty, providing no victims at all for the domestic dramas of Augustus’ Principate. Befo

nd political counsellors. 4 The prominence of the Lentuli, threatened for a moment by the fall of their ally Seianus, was s

was shattered by the ruin of Lentulus Gaetulicus, who was suppressed for alleged conspiracy against Caligula, and the fami

h of the Pisones, however, lasted even longer. 9 PageNotes. 497 1 For example, the Furii, the Scribonii and the Arrunti

arentibus liberi essent, nascendo interiturum. ’ 4 Above, p. 436 f. For the stemma of the Lentuli, PIR2, C, facing p. 328

us (A.D. 56 and 68). 6 M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, cos. A.D. 27. 7 For the stemma, cf. Table V at end. 8 PIR2, C 259.

sixty years later (PIR2, C 295 and 317). PageBook=>498 So much for the nobiles. The successful novi homines of the R

family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the new families ennobled for loyal service in the years of peace and the Princ

daughter married Sex. Nonius Quinctilianus, cos. A.D.8 (ILS 934). 3 For example, no issue is known of T. Peducaeus (cos.

ry man, left a daughter. 1 Quirinius, however, could show no children for two marriages with daughters of the patriciate, a

dals or judicial murders of the Julio-Claudian line. Caligula blushed for the shame of his paternal grandfather, the plebei

plebeian Agrippa. One of the wives of Caligula, and also a candidate for the hand of Claudius when the sword removed Valer

rs of Augustan consular names to adorn the Fasti their principal use. For all else they were believed a danger, though ofte

obility, however, were prudent and tenacious enough to ensure consuls for several generations, Calvisius and Norbanus to th

ae. 7 The last Lamia was consul in 116, by which time that name stood for the bluest blood. 8 The descendants of another no

rquatus Asprenas, twice consul, under Domitian and under Hadrian. 9 For prudence and for success, it might have seemed th

twice consul, under Domitian and under Hadrian. 9 For prudence and for success, it might have seemed that all would be o

vated to the purple. He had no children one of the reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There were others: at this time there

1 His wife had given birth to six children, Tacitus, Ann. 3, 33. 2 For the stemma, PIR1, S 512. 3 Ann. II, 26 ff. 4

29. 5 M. Asinius Marcellus, cos. 104. 6 The consuls of 87 and 92. For the stemma, PIR1, V 666. 7 Ti. Plautius Silvanu

Domitian as ‘Lamiarum caede madenti’ (4, 154). 9 P-W XVII, 877 f.; for the stemma, ib., 870. Of all noble houses, howeve

mpoverished senators from Latium. 5 PageNotes. 501 1 PIR1, P 109. For his full name, C. Sallustius Crispus Passienus, c

ried first to Nero’s aunt, Domitia, then to Nero’s mother, Agrippina. For examples of his adulation, cf, the scholia on Juv

us from Vasio, the Prefect of the Guard, in alliance govern the world for Nero, dispensing patronage and advancement to the

after a long interval of years the proconsulate of Asia or of Africa. For all else it was perilous. Even if the nobilis for

us Rufus from Mediolanium, like them the son of a Roman knight. 2 But for this defect of birth, Verginius Rufus might have

of the government, Ser. Sulpicius Galba: they should have been right, for Galba was only the façade of a man, in no way ans

empire and to ruin. PageNotes. 503 1 Suetonius, Galba 6, 2 f. 2 For Paullinus and Avitus, see above, p. 502, n. 2; fo

Galba 6, 2 f. 2 For Paullinus and Avitus, see above, p. 502, n. 2; for Curtius Rufus, Ann. 11, 21. The origin of Vergini

1 Thenceforward a newer nobility, sons or grandsons of Roman knights for the most part, govern the great military province

erted the morale of the aristocracy. There was no field left them now for action or even for display. Insistence upon digni

the aristocracy. There was no field left them now for action or even for display. Insistence upon dignitas or magnitudo an

a progressive proscription. As under the Republic, the normal method for an ambitious man to secure distinction and advanc

interpretation. At the same time, however, a new scourge arose which, for the aristocracy at least, counterbalanced other b

; and there were old scores to pay off. Moreover, the secret struggle for power and distinction went on as before, enhanced

of the Roman government, they seize supreme power but do not hold it for long. Africa and the eastern lands are pressing r

worshipped as a martyr of liberty. Augustus conceived a genial device for thwarting the cult, suggested perhaps by his own

ave been an enthusiastic supporter of the New State; the better cause for which Cato fought had prevailed after his death w

Republican Rome. That was not the worst. Political liberty had to go, for the sake of the Commonwealth. But when independen

ty and adulation took the place of libertas and virtus, that was hard for a patriot and an honest man to bear. It is not so

r own times drove them to idealize the past. Under Augustus the stage for the grim tragedy of the Julio- Claudians has alre

m facta moresque’. 4 Therein lay the tragedy the Empire gave no scope for the display of civic virtue at home and abroad, f

ire gave no scope for the display of civic virtue at home and abroad, for it sought to abolish war and politics. There coul

The record of their ruin might be instructive it was not a happy task for an historian. The author of the Annals was moved

ilia bella claros potentesque fecerunt, felix in publicum fuit. ’ 2 For a brief panegyric of Saturninus, see Velleius 2,

rtraits of novi homines. The nobiles were comparatively immune. But for that, the aristocratic partisans of Augustus woul

novus homo, avid and thrusting, stripped off all pretence in the race for wealth and power. The nobilis, less obtrusive, mi

dy by a military leader, the enemy of their class, acquired in return for the cession of their power and ambition. Pride an

, and the hope that the Princeps would provide: Rome owed them a debt for their ancestors. It was paid by the Principate, u