d Tύχη are the presiding divinities. The style is likewise direct and even abrupt, avoiding metaphors and abstractions. It i

ch was final and permanent. Outlasting the friends, the enemies and even the memory of his earlier days, Augustus the Prin

e, it was not too high: to a patriotic Roman of Republican sentiments even submission to absolute rule was a lesser evil tha

e many senators whose fathers had held only the lower magistracies or even new-comers, sons of Roman knights. Of the latter,

role of prosecutor in the law-courts and win gratitude by the defence even of notorious malefactors. The nobilis, however, w

ccessible to the ‘industria ac virtus’ of all citizens. There was not even a property-qualification. The letter of the law l

iance between Senate and knights would therefore arrest revolution or even reform, for these men could not be expected to ha

the strife of parties largely based on economic interest, of classes even , and of military leaders. Before long the Italian

mated the knights, muzzled the tribunate, and curbed the consuls. But even Sulla could not abolish his own example and precl

Roman oligarchy. 1 Lepidus was suppressed. But disorders continued, even to a rising of the slaves in southern Italy. Then

pire was immune from his control. Four years before, Pompeius had not even been a senator. The decay of the Republic, the im

and Caesar, not ceasing to solicit and claim the support of Pompeius even though the one of them turned against the People

lid permanence. The nobiles were much too stubborn to admit a master, even on their own terms. Nor was Pompeius in any way t

liking. His family was recent enough to excite dispraise or contempt, even among the plebeian aristocracy: its first consul

nd returned to Rome to hold higher office, tribunate, praetorship, or even consulate. The lieutenants of Pompeius in the eas

d a state of emergency, suspended the tribune from his functions, and even threatened to depose him. 8 Nepos fled to Pompeiu

maine 11: César (1936). 2 He offered to keep only the Cisalpina, or even Illyricum, with a single legion(Appian, BC 2, 32,

the generals of Pompeius in Spain were outmanœuvred and overcome. Yet even so, until the legions joined battle on the plain

gift of life and restoration with suppressed resentment: some refused even to ask. 3 Under these unfavourable auspices, a

Sallustian Epistulae ad Caesarem senem could be taken as genuine, or even contemporary, they would provide valuable evidenc

t for his own vanity the resemblance to Alexander in warlike fame and even in bodily form. 3 Caesar was a truer Roman than e

Above, p. 35. Before the outbreak of the Civil War Brutus had refused even to speak to Pompeius: ĸαίτοι π⍴óτ∊⍴ον ἀπαντήσας ο

went with a leader or a friend, though the cause were indifferent or even distasteful. Of Caesar’s own relatives by blood o

civil war, only thirty years before. The memory of Sulla was loathed even by those who stood by the order he had establishe

be a revolutionary has led to undue emphasis on the non-senatorial or even anti-senatorial elements in his party and in his

7. For the possibility that there were one or two provincial senators even before Caesar, cf. BSR Papers XIV (1938), 14. P

n earlier than that of Rome: their rulers could vie in antiquity, and even in dignity and repute, NotesPage=>082 1 L.

mus Curtius venit nihil nisi classes loquens et exercitus. ’ Rabirius even hoped for the consulate (Ad Att. 12, 49, 2). For

ndfather from Nursia. 5 Attempts were made to create a senatorial and even a patrician pedigree for certain Octavii. Trouble

h the consulate are plainly immigrant. Not merely the towns of Latium even Etruria and Campania, if not Beneventum in the Sa

om politics and distrust of the government, attested and intelligible even in towns and families that had long since been in

f the Roman government in the years 88–83 B.C. The Samnites held Nola even till 80 B.C., Livy, Per. 89. 4 As Telesinus the

d the Marian sedition was not richly represented in the Roman Senate, even by renegades. Pompeius Strabo had a large followi

istance. 1 Atina’s first senator was very recent. 2 But Tusculum, and even Atina, had long been integral members of the Roma

ted, not regions, but a class in society and a party in politics. But even now the work had much farther to go in so far as

me honour and unmixed blessing to the descendant of Etruscan kings or even to an Italian magnate. Of the consulate there h

Caesarian leaders, who, in negotiation with them, adopted a firm and even menacing tone. D. Brutus was in despair. 3 Note

nt by honourable and patriotic citizens, the acta of the Dictator and even his last projects, as yet unpublished were to hav

Their occupation of the Capitol was a symbolical act, antiquarian and even Hellenic. But Rome was not a Greek city, to be ma

le. Symptoms only, no solid ground for optimistic interpretation. Yet even after the funeral of Caesar and the ensuing disor

pio, deferential and flattered by the presence of Roman nobiles, whom even Caesarian consuls acclaimed as ‘clarissimi viri’.

gements were still pending the Dictator appears to have designated or even allotted provinces to three of the Liberators, th

the mere removal of an autocrat, they would clearly have failed. Yet even now, despite the deplorable fact that the Republi

tics and political strife so firmly imposed by the Dictatorship might even be prolonged. It all turned upon the Caesarian co

e private life of the Caesarian soldier was careless, disorderly, and even disgraceful, is evident and admitted. He belonged

ty, Antonius brought the session of March 17th to terms of compromise even to a spirit of concord. The degree of his respons

e, the predominance of Antonius might have to be admitted by neutrals even by Republicans. As for the Caesarian party, the

trigue and feuds. Pompeius they might have tolerated for a time, or even Caesar, but not Antonius and young Dolabella, sti

texts since Madvig choose to omit the word ‘Sextilibus’ wrongly. But even so, the date meant by Cicero is quite certain.

was it likely that he would consent to surrender his command, hardly even a part of it, the Cisalpina, which may have been

e through many extra-constitutional resources, bribery, intrigue, and even violence; for the short and perilous path that Oc

ff Antonius from the precarious support of Lepidus his ally, from the even less dependable Plancus and from the pessimistic

gin and family of M. Agrippa, friends or enemies have nothing to say: even when it became safe to inquire or publish, nothin

the Commonwealth. Octavianus’ following could not raise the semblance even of being a party. It was in truth what in defamat

of the governing oligarchy. Cicero had never been a revolutionary not even a reformer. In the years following his consulate

k=>138 stronger. Not that Cicero expected war and when war came, even Cato seemed willing to go back upon his principle

he most critical for the new and precarious concord, Cicero was never even seen in the Senate. In spring and summer the caus

light of subsequent history, and invested with a significance foreign even to the secret thoughts of the agents themselves.

he beginning of October Caesar’s heir was an alarming phenomenon. But even now, during the months of October and November, C

ilius and other schemers, patent but seldom noticed, and Balbus never even named. In Cicero the Republic possessed a fanat

ated public law with what chance of success on a long calculation, or even on a short? Of the wisdom of raising up Caesar’s

y earn a dignitas of their own and claim virtues above their station, even the magnitudo animi of the governing class. 4 Mun

overning class. 4 Municipal origin becomes not merely respectable but even an occasion for just pride why we all come from t

s of peace and prosperity it commands a wide measure of acquiescence, even of belief. Revolution rends the veil. But the Rev

t meant the rule of a class and the perpetuation of privilege. Yet, even so, libertas could not be monopolized by the olig

al solidarity. 5 Men of honour obeyed the call of duty and loyalty, even to the extremity of civil war. Among Caesar’s all

io is more revealing. If it was thought inexpedient for the moment or even outworn and superfluous to appeal to constitution

o confer senatorial rank upon a private citizen. It had not been done even for Pompeius. That the free vote of the People, a

the validity of such grants was to raise a large question in itself, even if it were not coupled with the official sanction

the support of Lepidus and Plancus. Antonius and the Liberators might even combine against their common enemy civil wars hav

y civil wars have witnessed stranger vicissitudes of alliance. 3 Yet, even if this did not happen, he might be caught betwee

d. Pollio, the would-be neutral, the cautious and diplomatic Plancus, even the perfidious and despised Lepidus may yet in tr

d of Brutus, who pronounced civil war to be the worst of evils, worse even than submitting to tyranny. 3 In these wars bet

Brutus had been desperately unwilling to provoke a civil war, ready even to go into voluntary exile for the sake of concor

t last that there was no room left for scruple or for legality. 1 Yet even so, the possession of Macedonia and an army meant

Cicero. ‘Ah, the last of my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some who did not lose hope. In the

defeated at Mutina. That was enough. It lay neither in the plans nor even in the power of Caesar’s heir to consummate the r

the heat of battle to shed the noblest blood of Rome, compassion and even excuse was found in later generations. He compose

ful protection in advance. The banker Atticus was not put on the list even for form’s sake or as a warning to others: he had

competed. Not only aliens or men of low origin and infamous pursuits even escaped slaves could be detected. 6 As with the r

97 elected. Sixteen praetors were created by Caesar, a rational and even necessary reform: one year of the Triumvirate wit

unheard of now smiled upon the avid, the brutal and the unscrupulous: even youth became a commendation, when possession of n

utus and Cassius decided not to carry the war into Italy in winter or even in summer, but to occupy the time by organizing t

ts in a hateful light; and there was nobody afterwards, from piety or even from perversity, to redeem her memory. (For a tem

>215 merely championed his cause and won Republican support, but even raised civil war with a fair prospect of destroyi

prus and to Athens. 3 The War of Perusia was confused and mysterious, even to contemporaries. 4 All parties had plenty to ex

g, Klio XIV (1914), 43 ff. 3 W. W. Tarn, CAH x, 41 f. 4 There was even a theory that Octavianus and L. Antonius were act

pt away from Sex. Pompeius, who gave guarantee neither of victory nor even of personal security he had recently put to death

. Pompeius refused an accommodation; then his friends and associates, even his father-in-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s ca

d the praetorship in that year, but Maecenas and Salvidienus were not even senators. Again, at Brundisium his position was c

plebs, reinforced in devotion, but had attached few senators of note, even when four years had elapsed since the foundation

a dangerous age. The young revolutionary was becoming attractive and even respectable or rather, he already gave signs of b

becoming a senator (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 407). Q. Laronius is ‘imp. II’, even on a tile (CIL X, 804118). 4 Calvisius was sept

rbus the admiral built or repaired a shrine of Neptune, as was right, even though he did not hold a triumph. Apollo, howev

e the Fasti of the consuls and the front ranks of the Senate regained even the semblance of their traditional distinction.

s in secret conclave. Few indeed of the consuls under the Triumvirate even professed or pretended any attachment to eloquenc

and harmonious style of Cicero, recognized as ultimate and classical even in his own day. But not without rivals: a differe

c faction-leaders like Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar, but of a wider and even more menacing perspective. They might reflect upo

ht succumb to black despair: Horace instead derived a clear, firm and even metallic style, a distrust of sentiment and a rea

ign and portent of the unheroic qualities that commanded success, and even earned repute, in the well-ordered state which he

e prime agents were already at work. But the acts of the young dynast even now can hardly have foretold the power and splend

in so far as concerned Roman politics, the rival Caesarian leader or even the parent himself. Antonius now acknowledged pat

yet Galatia or Macedonia could have competed with Italy in valour and even in discipline. It would take time to train them:

de no difference at all to provincial administration in the East. Yet even now Antonius’ acts and dispositions were not imme

itical mythology. Of the facts, there is and was no authentic record; even if there were, it would be necessary further to s

s. The first man in Rome, when controlling the East, could not evade, even if he wished, the rank and attributes of a king o

teadfast all through against the blandishments of Cleopatra, refusing even to salute her with the title of ‘Queen’:2 Republi

and transfer the capital to Alexandria. 4 Her favourite oath, it was even stated (and has since been believed), was ‘so may

taly could be invoked for revolution, for reaction or for domination, even for all three ends at once. The tribune Livius Dr

Aen. 8, 680 f. PageBook=>297 But Octavianus, though ‘dux’, was even less adequate in maritime warfare than on land. A

Likewise did his heir, when murder could serve no useful purpose : he even claimed that after his victory he spared all Roma

the Mede, Antonius’ ally, he began by following Antonius’ policy and even granted him for a time the territory of Armenia M

otic people. The disaster of Crassus and the ill success of Antonius, even though not as great as many believed, were soberi

be a rival empire of Rome :2 it could not stand the trial of arms—or even of diplomacy. Of an invasion of Asia and Syria th

ae constituendae). Caesar had put off the task, the Triumvirs had not even begun. The duty could no longer be evaded on the

y year. But that was not all. The young despot not only conceded, but even claimed, that he held sovranty over the whole Sta

warded with consulates, triumphs, priesthoods and subsidies; some had even been elevated into the patriciate. Octavianus cou

his policy, his powers were a direct continuation of the Triumvirate, even though that despotic office had expired years bef

rtisan of Antonius. 3 Who had not been? Neither Gallus nor Crassus is even mentioned by the loyal historian Velleius Patercu

‘ductor’. 4 So much for Rome, the governing classes and Italy. But even in Italy, the Princeps by his use of ‘imperator’

ustus was in reality far too similar to that of the Dictator to stand even a casual reminder, let alone pointed and genuine

variously, sometimes extravagantly, estimated: Cicero’s Republic has even been regarded as a tract for the times, recommend

ed and ordered constitution that excited the admiration of Polybius:2 even if the primacy of one man in the State were admit

vals have all perished. That being so, the resurgence of phrases, and even of ideas, that were current in the previous gener

ting to tyranny. 5 Cicero refused to admit that freedom could exist even under a constitutional monarchy. 6 NotesPage=&g

of public provinces in 27 B.C. Which is not at all likely. Strabo is even worse. In his account of the original division (p

ld shatter the fabric, that the Commonwealth should stand and endure, even when its sovran organs, the Senate and People, we

when its sovran organs, the Senate and People, were impotent or dumb, even if the Princeps were an infant, an idiot or an ab

f the Caesarian party had remained steadfastly loyal to Caesar’s heir even in the absence of a full measure of mutual trust

il over political principle, if such existed, or private dislike. Yet even so, only four years earlier, one of the closest o

of the Republic. As a testimony of the efficiency of his mandate and even of the sincerity of his intentions, the Princeps

uets of Rome, the flesh of young donkeys. 2 Effusive in gratitude, or even from friendship, the chorus of Maecenas’ poets mi

m being narrowly traditional, were noted as innovators, reformers and even as revolutionaries. In Tiberius there was the tra

r the aftermath of Actium, when the lines were composed, they are not even appropriate to a later date, when Agrippa’s power

he lacked the unique auctoritas of the predestined leader. Therefore, even when Agrippa subsequently received proconsular po

d restored unity by secret compulsion, with Agrippa as deputy-leader: even should Augustus disappear, the scheme of things w

ed, wise in counsel, sensitive to atmosphere and skilled to guide and even create the manifestation of suitable opinions. Ma

arbitrary rule of a Triumvirate which was not merely indifferent, but even hostile, to birth and breeding. The Senate had sw

asidius and M. Octavius. But, for that matter, few Triumviral consuls even are at all prominent under the Principate. 2 Di

years as tribunus militum and praefectus equitum. 2 Others served for even longer T. Junius Montanus is the prime example. 3

s and with genuine sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will, he lacked the power to secure ad

he family-name, by root or termination, betrays non-Latin origin. One even bears an Umbrian praenomen; and men with gentilic

with fantastic names had never been heard of before in the Senate or even at Rome. They were the first senators of their fa

the chieftains of Gallia Comata, the wealthy aristocracy of Asia and even the kings of the East would enter the imperial Se

s augmentation of the Senate by the promotion of adherents obscure or even provincial in extraction. In purpose and in effec

l part of the Roman State, wherever they may be Corduba, Lugdunum, or even Pisidian Antioch. 6 It cannot have been Augustus’

d they possess the Jus Italicum, they are treated as a part of Italy, even for fiscal purposes. PageBook=>368 Augustu

rom the Senate. But the master of patronage could attach to his cause even the most recalcitrant of the nobiles; and some, l

e to be ideal and desirable. 1 That would have been harsh and narrow; even with a Senate of six hundred, there supervened ag

for the consulate in 19 B.C. Saturninus blocked him, announcing that, even if elected by the people, Rufus should not become

ld categories subsisted. 5 Descent from consuls secured the consulate even to the most unworthy which was held to be right a

the cause by various ties. Some, such as Paullus Fabius Maximus, may even have enjoyed his confidence. 3 They were not all

ot matter so much. Enemies were dangerous only if they had armies and even then they would hardly be able to induce the sold

ter of Camillus (Suetonius, Divus Claudius 26, 1; ILS 199). There was even a Mummia Achaica (Suetonius, Galba 3, 4), the fir

ty of the Revolution, conspicuous among them the prudent Cocceii, and even meritorious adherents not yet consular, like the

A.D. 4.2 But Tiberius was not the only force in high politics; and even if Taurus could not retain under the new dispensa

ay. Knights themselves might rank with senators in the New State or even above them. Patronage could therefore follow the

The patronage which he could exert would have been formidable enough, even if he had not been Prefect of the Guard and chief

y at that (2, 104, 2). Naturally enough, not a word of Ahenobarbus or even of Quirinius. Dio’s sources for this period were

e; 2 Paullus Fabius Maximus and Asinius Gallus governed Asia after an even shorter interval, perhaps of barely two years. 3

t was the emphasis laid by Augustus on military service that he would even place two senators’ sons in charge of a single re

A.D. 22 (ILS 940, cf. Tacitus, Ann. 3, 74). PageBook=>397 But even so, in the fully developed system of the Principa

propriety of putting them all in this blank period 9 B.C.–A.D. 6 (or even more narrowly, 6 B.C.–A.D. 4), cf. CQ XXVII (1933

3), 142 ft. JRS XXIV (1934), 113 ff. Certainty cannot be attained, or even precision in detail. But this dating will fit the

ore triumphs of senators; and in any case Augustus would have wished, even if he had not been forced, to substitute regular

by good arts or bad acquired popularity with the troops, and in time even an edict forbidding senators to admit soldiers to

ovinces. 4 Yet not entirely at the expense of the Senate. That body even regains for a time the prerogative of coining in

mpreys with living slaves. The scandal of the fish-ponds was too much even for Augustus, notoriously indulgent to the vices

might appeal to the antiquarian, the administrator or the politician, even though his character and habits were the reverse

us was granted the tribunicia potestas for a period of five years yet even this hardly meant the succession. The measure wou

The stepson of Augustus, he had benefited from that relationship. Yet even had Livia not been the wife of the Princeps, her

for the latter families were older than the Roman State, dynastic and even regal in ancestry), regarded their obligations to

audius, displayed neither grace of form nor intellectual promise. But even he could serve the political ambitions of his gra

ruin to both houses. 1 L. Piso was a neutral, commanding repute and even , perhaps, a following of his own. 2 Like the Corn

eeply committed to the court faction that they could not survive, and even profit from, a revulsion of fortune. 3 But the pr

political influences and powerful advisers that evade detection. But even now, return was conditional on the consent of Gai

near, heralded and accompanied by varied exaggerations of rumour. Men even believed that the frail septuagenarian, accompani

already in being. Yet this was not enough to preclude rumours, and even risks. As the health of Augustus began to fail an

Whatever the truth of that contention, he could not go back upon it, even if he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted w

which enhanced the sentiment of Roman nationalism to a formidable and even grotesque intensity. Rome had won universal emp

ii: fortes creantur fortibus et bonis. 1 But that was not enough, even in the Claudii: the poet proceeds, doctrina sed

on the freedom of individual owners in liberating their slaves. 5 Yet even freedmen were given corporate dignity and corpora

ht by war out of alien stocks and strange tongues Etruscan and Osean, even Celtic and Illyrian. The prayer had been answered

oral. Nor is it certain that the Princeps himself was above reproach, even with discount of the allegations of Antonius, the

e, be regarded as a triumph of Italy over Rome: Philippi, Perusia and even Actium were victories of the Caesarian party over

y. His tastes, his language and his wit were homely: his religion and even his superstitions were native. 1 Augustus was a s

tatesman was. But his devotion to the ancient ideal of the family and even to the ancient worship of the gods appears to be

nces, took their place, the rigour of whose parsimony was not relaxed even by the splendid fortunes they amassed. Vespasian,

. 457 1 E. Ritterling, P-W XII, 1781. Some of these soldiers do not even simulate Latin nomenclature. The frequency of leg

evident in the Guard (ILS 2023); where, in the Julio-Claudian period even men from Noricum (ILS 2033) and Thracians from Ma

rincipate. Augustus himself listened to recitations with patience and even with benevolence. He insisted, however, that his

vile, cf. L. Wickert, Klio xxx (1937), 232 ff. 2 The two Epistulae, even though authenticity be denied, are far from conte

spect of Brutus and Cassius they had fought for the constitution; and even with praise of Cato Cato stood for the establishe

imachus: he recalls, in spirit and theme, the earlier generation. But even Propertius was not untouched by the patriotic the

et corrumpi saeculum vocatur. ’ 5 Tristia 2, 354. No Roman husband, even in the lowest class of society, had any cause to

interspersed his trifles with warm praise of the reigning dynasty and even turned his facile pen to versifying the Roman rel

on of Caesar’s heir. Antonius, on the other hand, was remiss, willing even to admit an accommodation with the assassins. He

me. Nor was Divus Julius enough. His son could hardly have prevented, even had it been expedient, the gratitude of the peopl

. 2 Cf. J. Gage, Res Gestae Divi Augusti(1935), 155 ff. Urbs Salvia even had the Fasti triumphales (L’ann. ép., 1926, 121,

oning bodily exercise and bathing rarely: he could not stand the sun, even in winter, in which season he would wear no fewer

haracteristic of the literary style of Livy in the narrower sense, or even of the dialect and spelling of his native city. O

of Maecenas, was an easy target. The more eminent were not immune. He even criticized Pollio. 3 Labienus also wrote history.

the reign of Hadrian. Another branch of the Pisones, however, lasted even longer. 9 PageNotes. 497 1 For example, the F

at this time there can have been in existence few direct descendants even of a Triumviral consul. 10 PageNotes. 500 1 H

suls of the last century of the Republic and from Caesar the Dictator even admission to the Roman Senate. To explain the f

le of the aristocracy. There was no field left them now for action or even for display. Insistence upon dignitas or magnitud

or financial agents of the government, not merely under Augustus but even with Pompeius and Caesar. Once again, Balbus an

ce should have felt impelled to remind him of the need to preserve an even temper in prosperity as in adversity. 5 Dellius’

ailed to notice that Persicus was not only notorious for vice but was even the type of the degenerate nobilis (Seneca, De be

s and private status need not depend upon the form of government. And even though hereditary succession was sternly banished

ter. After that, only a contest for supreme power. 2 Tacitus does not even admit a restoration of the Free State if Brutus a

ceii, they had a genius for safety. There could be great men still, even under bad emperors, if they abated their ambition

mpire, was completely renovated, with new institutions, new ideas and even a new literature that was already classical. The

mi fastigii vocabulum’. Again, there is nowhere in the whole document even a hint of the imperium proconsulare in virtue of

ten a valuable clue to ready identification; and cognomina are added, even when they do not occur in the documents that atte