f political history, as the binding link between the Republic and the Empire : it is something real and tangible, whatever may

sage the reign of Augustus is regarded as the foundation of the Roman Empire . The era may be variously computed, from the winn

d to see the grandson of his granddaughter and to utter a prophecy of empire concerning Galba, to whom the power passed when t

n the shaping of the new government which a united Italy and a stable empire demanded and imposed. The rule of Augustus brou

eudal order of society still survived in a city-state and governed an empire . Noble families determined the history of the Rep

fice in the towns of Italy. Others, however, grasped at the spoils of empire , as publicani in powerful companies farming the t

aristocratic demagogues. 2 With the Gracchi all the consequences of empire social, economic and political —broke loose in

bitant military power on a single general, to the salvation of Rome’s empire and to their own ruin. NotesPage=>017 1 Sa

n prevailed by force of character. Cato extolled the virtues that won empire for Rome in ancient days, denounced the undeservi

the coasts of the Mediterranean (the Lex Gabinia). No province of the Empire was immune from his control. Four years before, P

of the glory of saving the Republic in Italy as he had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius never forgave Cicero. But Cicero

t for the wars again, to Macedonia and to the eastern frontier of the Empire . At Rome he was hampered: abroad he might enjoy h

e Roman aristocracy was not to be permitted to govern and exploit the Empire in its own fashion. The tragedies of history do n

composing a memoir that became a classic in the administration of the Empire . 3 Like Curio his friend, Caelius had contracted

quaerere videretur. ’ PageBook=>074 But Rome had conquered an empire : the fate of Italy was decided in the provinces.

bauched by demagogues and largess, the Roman People was ready for the Empire and the dispensation of bread and games. The pleb

ster of the Horse or without any official title. PageBook=>105 Empire , whose unofficial follies did not prevent them fr

912), 357 ff., accepted by T. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1 (1928), 192 ff. Even if June 1st be not the day

ril to the middle of May, cf. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1 (1928), 191, on Ad Att. 15, 3, 2 (May 22nd).

and Gabinius had once been called a ‘vir fortis’, a pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his stand against Anto

s and merchants may be styled the flower of society, the pride of the Empire :3 they earn a dignitas of their own and claim vir

rreproachable Balbus. Would that all good men and champions of Rome’s empire might become her citizens! Where a man came from

oque acerbius exercuit. ’ 2 Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 71. 3 Livy, Per. 120 (cf. Orosius 6, 18, 10;

la was in no way the chief preoccupation of Antonius. Eastwards the Empire was in chaos. The War of Perusia encouraged the P

1. 3 On which question, cf. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 231 ff.; M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 7

over the low pass of the Julian Alps: and the eastern frontier of the Empire between the Alps and Macedonia was narrow, perilo

y, Istria and the coast of Dalmatia with impunity. The inheritance of Empire demanded the conquest of all Illyricum and the Ba

gn of internal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empire , he imitated Greek doctrines of political develop

ests for power among the generals his successors, the breaking of his empire into separate kingdoms; and they could set before

e again; in a larger sphere, the epoch of the kings who inherited the empire of Alexander. To discern which demanded no singul

ere lavish in grants of the franchise. In times of peace and unshaken empire the Roman had been reluctant to admit the claims

n the rule of the nobiles that had collapsed at Philippi. The doom of empire was revealed the ruling people would be submerged

splay the prestige of Rome and provide for the future security of the Empire , not by annexation of fresh territories as Roman

his command, Antonius appeared the preponderant partner in a divided Empire . With the strong kingdoms of Egypt and Judaea in

in Illyricum, as far as the Danube. Only then and only thus could the Empire be made solid, coherent and secure. In the West m

A revived Egypt might likewise play its part in the Roman economy of empire . It was doubly necessary, now that Rome elsewhere

ary ambition of the proconsuls and the extortions of the knights. The empire , and especially the empire in the East, had been

uls and the extortions of the knights. The empire, and especially the empire in the East, had been the ruin of the Republic.

Egypt itself, however much augmented, could never be a menace to the empire of Rome. Ever since Rome had known that kingdom i

ntonius, for a discussion see Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 227 ff.; M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 1

ication for his ordering of the East, was in himself no menace to the Empire , but a future ruler who could hope to hold it tog

so evenly balanced, leaving the rivals as before, rulers of a divided empire . The temporary severance of East and West betwe

ian sentiment. As it was, Antonius’ system of reducing the burdens of empire by delegating rule in the East to dependent princ

ating rule in the East to dependent princes diminished the profits of empire and narrowed the fields of exploitation open to R

s. He claimed, using official language, to have added the land to the Empire of the Roman People :4 he treated Egypt as his ow

dulation, perversity or ignorance might elevate Parthia to be a rival empire of Rome :2 it could not stand the trial of arms—o

g possession of nearly seventy legions. For the military needs of the empire , fewer than thirty would be ample: any larger tot

st the city be dethroned from its pride of place, lest the capital of empire be transferred to other lands. The propaganda of

vader but prevented the citizens from abandoning the destined seat of empire for a new capital. 7 Camillus was hailed as Romul

ven claimed, that he held sovranty over the whole State and the whole Empire , for he solemnly affirmed that in the sixth and s

PageBook=>311 A settlement that yielded certain provinces of the Empire , nominally uncontrolled, but left the more import

able, comprising the most powerful of the military territories of the Empire and the majority of the legions; and Egypt stood

ustus’ own armies lay at a distance, disposed on the periphery of the Empire —no threat, it might seem, to a free constitution,

there was plenty of justification. The civil wars were over, but the Empire had not yet recovered from their ravages. Spain,

llegally and held it for glory and for profit. Rival dynasts rent the Empire apart and destroyed the Free State. Their sole su

onounced when he attacked the domination of Pompeius, for the sake of empire it was not worth submitting to tyranny. 5 Cicer

aly and the West in 32 B.C., subsequently by the other regions of the Empire . 3 Caesar Augustus possessed indefinite and treme

84 PageBook=>323 Augustus was by far the wealthiest man in the Empire , ruling Egypt as a king and giving account of it

r founder or their patron, kings, tetrarchs and dynasts over the wide empire were in his portion as allies and clients. A citi

and in Macedonia, the basis from which the north-eastern frontier of empire was extended far into the interior up to the line

uctoritas, and all the vast resources of personal domination over the empire of the world. NotesPage=>330 1 C. Antistiu

anize. Above all, the Princeps must build up, for Rome, Italy and the Empire , a system of government so strong and a body of a

he took various powers, above all proconsular imperium over the whole empire . 2 In fact, but not in name, this reduced all pro

in what is a process, not a series of acts, the establishment of the Empire might suitably be reckoned from this year. The

proconsular power like that of Augustus over all the provinces of the Empire , and more than that, the tribunicia potestas, he

sappear, the scheme of things was saved. A democracy cannot rule an empire . Neither can one man, though empire may appear to

ved. A democracy cannot rule an empire. Neither can one man, though empire may appear to presuppose monarchy. There is alway

not the only formula or the only system available. Indeed, for the empire of Rome it might be too narrow, especially as con

eek cities in the East and autonomous municipalities in the West, the Empire was too large for one man to rule it. Already the

oliticians, practised since immemorial time but now embracing a whole empire , to the exclusion of rivals. Nor was it for reaso

e citizen body. Above all, the propertied classes in the towns of the Empire , east and west, stood firm by their protector. Th

ial governors. Augustus regarded the kings as integral members of the Empire :1 a century later the imperial Senate of Rome wel

2 For the details, M. Rostovtzeff, Soc. and Ec. Hist. of the Roman Empire (1926), 573 f. 3 Ad Att. 7, 7, 6. 4 Ib. 5, 1,

t as might hastily be imagined, the governing of all Italy and a wide empire under the ideas and system of a city state was cl

ger made manifest and alarming during the Triumviral period, that the Empire might split into two parts. By 13 B.C. a firm b

rs before, Augustus appeared to stand alone, sustaining the burden of Empire in war and peace: cum tot sustineas et tanta ne

wever, the situation might well appear desperate for Princeps and for Empire . Who would there be now to prosecute the northern

cted or at least superintended the foreign and frontier policy of the Empire from close at hand, with long periods of residenc

consular rank; of these, five lay along the northern frontier of the Empire , embracing no fewer than fifteen legions. The con

and the adornment of the city which was the capital of Italy and the Empire . He boasted that he found Rome a city of brick an

e postulated, were it not flagrant and evident. The management of the Empire demanded expert counsel and many advisers. It wil

e of two praetors each year, chosen by lot. 6 The finances of a great empire cannot be conducted in so simple a fashion. There

d no control of financial policy, no exact knowledge of the budget of Empire . The rationarium imperii was kept by Augustus, to

l as fighting, and grave decisions to be taken about the frontiers of Empire . Veterans of the triumviral period such as Calvis

n that. Not merely spite and disappointment made the first man in the Empire next to the Princeps refuse his services to the R

would never do if an ambitious and inexperienced youth embroiled the Empire in the futility of a Parthian War. On his staff t

onstrate without delay that he was indispensable to the safety of the Empire in short, the ‘perpetuus patronus Romani imperii’

constitutional crisis in Rome, supervening when the first man in the Empire was absent, might turn into a political catastrop

canvassed. M. Aemilius Lepidus, he said, possessed the capacity for empire but not the ambition, Asinius Gallus the ambition

o a formidable and even grotesque intensity. Rome had won universal empire half-reluctant, through a series of accidents, th

ertas was lost did men feel the full pride of Rome’s imperial destiny empire without end in time and space: his ego nec meta

The Greeks might have their Alexander it was glorious, but it was not Empire . Armies of robust Italian peasants had crushed an

regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. 3 But the possession of an empire was something more than a cause for congratulatio

venue. It was a danger and a responsibility. By its unwieldy mass the Empire might come crashing to the ground, involving Rome

. Actium had averted the menace but for how long? Could Rome maintain empire without the virtues that had won it? 4 A well-o

us horror of the Civil Wars, with threatened collapse of Rome and the Empire , engendered a feeling of guilt it all came from n

s ‘manly courage’. The Roman People occupied a privileged rank in the empire of all the world. Privilege should stand for serv

gent care was to honour the generals of ancient days, the builders of empire . 1 He caused their statues, with inscribed record

sant now to be found? In the course of two centuries the profits of empire , the influx of capital from Rome’s invisible expo

e deserving and Roman poor, whose peasant ancestors had won glory and empire for Rome. The Revolution was over. Violence and r

e virtue and about the social degeneration that comes from wealth and empire . The Italian peasant may have been valorous and f

ther than the living foreshadows the sad fate of literature under the Empire . When the rule of Augustus is established, men

ment of Greece, a twin pillar to support the civilization of a world- empire that was both Roman and Greek. The War of Actium

n both Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the provinces, with the Empire pacified and new conquests about to begin, the Se

e dynasty in the first place, and through the dynasty to Rome and the Empire . 1 The institution would further inspire among th

erator to army and people, King and God to the subject peoples of the Empire and recapitulate the sources of his personal powe

e one emperor and could make another; and the change from Republic to Empire might be described as the provinces’ revenge upon

oyalty of the provinces or rather of the propertied classes which the Empire preserved and supported all over the world, wheth

chs ruled for Rome and for Caesar Augustus, guarding the frontiers of empire in Africa, the Balkans and the East, suppressing

ghts, if such they were, is another question. The rule of Rome in the Empire represented no miraculous conversion from a bruta

abitur idem. 2 This moral platitude became a wild paradox under the Empire . Augustus’ memory might be safe after death to at

o history: it merely poisoned the sources again. Literature under the Empire was constrained to veiled criticism or delayed re

. They were now dominant in the social and political hierarchy of the Empire , they wore the purple of the Caesars. Juvenal’s

, Crassus and Pompeius, were still prominent in the first days of the Empire but their direct line did not survive the dynasty

clusion of the nobiles, the delayed but logical end of Revolution and Empire . Noble birth still brought the consulate as of

in themselves a large part of the history of the first century of the Empire , the makers of emperors. The period of the Julio-

tion made long ago came true fear, folly or ambition spurred Galba to empire and to ruin. PageNotes. 503 1 Suetonius, Galb

knights for the most part, govern the great military provinces of the Empire . Though all too often arrogant, selfish and lic

is too simple an explanation of the decline of the nobiles under the Empire to assert their lack of ability; and much of the

ageNotes. 504 1 ILS 986. The precise meaning of ‘nobilis’ under the Empire is hard to establish. E. Stein (Hermes LII (1917)

cement was through the conduct of a successful prosecution. Under the Empire the law courts became less political, justice les

ld age Tacitus turned again to history and composed the Annals of the Empire , from the accession of Tiberius Caesar down to th

overning class and of Roman historical writing, Tacitus abandoned the Empire and the provinces and turned to what some have re

ore, ‘clarorum virorum facta moresque’. 4 Therein lay the tragedy the Empire gave no scope for the display of civic virtue at

practised among the members of the class that owed everything to the Empire . The senator Helvidius Priscus, the son of a cent

lities as well as evil the strife for liberty, glory or domination. 1 Empire , wealth and individual ambition had ruined the Re

ruling others. It was now evident that obedience was the condition of empire ’idemque huic urbi dominandi finis erit qui paren

meant the same thing, when they celebrated the ‘Guardian of the Roman Empire and Governor of the Whole World’. 1 That the po

asses provincias, cuncta inter se conexa. ’1 So Tacitus described the Empire and its armed forces. The phrase might fittingly

that. The Roman State, based firmly on a united Italy and a coherent Empire , was completely renovated, with new institutions,

eas and even a new literature that was already classical. The doom of Empire had borne heavily on Rome, with threatened ruin.

an aristocrat from among the principes, by general consent capable of Empire . It might have been better for Tiberius and for R

was clouded by domestic scandals and by disasters on the frontiers of empire . 1 Yet for all that, when the end came it found h

-bed he was not plagued by remorse for his sins or by anxiety for the Empire . He quietly asked his friends whether he had play

nquest of Gaul2. Oxford, 1911. ——— The Architect of the Roman Empire I. Oxford, 1928. HOW, W. W. Cicero, Select Lett

917), 27 ff. ——— The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire . Oxford, 1926. ROUSSEL, P. ‘Un Syrien au serv

Aletrium, 360. Aleuadae, of Larisa, 83. Alexander the Great, 54; empire of, 217, 250; and Pompeius, 30, 54; and Octavianu

ith Italy, 284 ff., 359 ff., 449 f., 453 f., 465 f., 472 f.; with the Empire , 323, 365f., 473 ff., 476 f., 521. His character,

dara, freedman of Pompeius, 76, 385. Democracy, incapable of ruling empires , 346; Roman distrust of, 364; Tacitus’ dislike of

or a separate ruler, 347; in relation to the Princeps, 473 f.; to the Empire , 365; Agrippa’s activity, 389; Gaius Caesar’s, 42

457; poets, 252 f.; emperors, 360, 490, 501 f.; importance under the Empire , 366, 455. Gallia Transalpina, see Gallia Narbone

i viri’, 508; archaism, 485; conservatism, 508; decline of, under the Empire , 487. Homonadenses, 393, 399, 476. Horatius F

cruitment under Augustus, 358 ff., 370 ff.; transformation during the Empire , 365 ff., 501 ff.; its provinces in 27 B.C., 314,