epted, for the Principate, while abolishing political freedom, averts civil war and preserves the non political classes. Libe

cal success or to idealize the men who win wealth and honours through civil war. The history of this age is highly controve

t was the end of a century of anarchy, culminating in twenty years of civil war and military tyranny. If despotism was the pr

er the resources and devices by which a revolutionary leader arose in civil strife, usurped power for himself and his faction

ivion, regards with indulgence both the political orator who fomented civil war to save the Republic and the military adventu

t was established (60 B.C.). Tacitus in his Histories told of a great civil war, the foundation of a new dynasty, and its deg

1–3, will give some idea of the introduction to Pollio’s work on the Civil Wars. Cf. below, p. 9. PageBook=>006 free

. It is much to be regretted that he did not carry his History of the Civil Wars through the period of the Triumvirate to the

ompeius, as you will. Caesar the Dictator bears the heavier blame for civil war. In truth, Pompeius was no better ‘occultior

more rapid. Three of the monarchic principes fell by the sword. Five civil wars and more in twenty years drained the life-bl

came round to monarchy again. Monarchy brought concord. 6 During the Civil Wars every party and every leader professed to be

in the name of freedom and justice. On the Bellum Italicum supervened civil war. The party led by Marius, Cinna and Carbo was

ence and his army for personal ends and played an ambiguous game when civil war broke out between Marius and Sulla. Brutal, c

tion to vindicate the sacred rights of the Roman People. Men feared a civil war. When Pompeius asked that the consular electi

against Pompeius, and Afranius was a catastrophe, his only talent for civil life being the art of dancing. 7 The Optimates we

1 Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51) was very mild and loath to provoke a civil war (Dio 40, 59, 1; Ad fam. 4, 3, 1, &c.); L.

s at his command. Magnus, it might seem, was strong enough to prevent civil war, free to negotiate without being accused of i

of a Roman noble: but it was not his ambition to seize power through civil strife and hold it, supreme and alone. His work d

an army in the field. Upon Caesar they had thrust the choice between civil war and political extinction. But Caesar refused

n the Roman dead at Pharsalus, half in patriot grief for the havoc of civil war, half in impatience and resentment. 1 They ha

olence. It was rational to suspend judgement about the guilt of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all

ished his Dictatorship. His rule began as the triumph of a faction in civil war: he made it his task to transcend faction, an

People. He was not mistaken. Yet he required special powers: after a civil war the need was patent. The Dictator’s task migh

? It was disquieting. Little had been done to repair the ravages of civil war and promote social regeneration. For that the

demito. ’ PageBook=>053 Caelius complained quite early in the Civil War. 1 Not everybody was as outspoken or as radic

simpliciter et ingenue’. 2 Above, p. 35. Before the outbreak of the Civil War Brutus had refused even to speak to Pompeius:

much more than a temporary expedient to liquidate the heritage of the Civil War and reinvigorate the organs of the Roman Stat

tood trusted officers of the Dictator, the generals of the Gallic and Civil Wars, rewarded already for service or designated

cipes by providential death had been spared the experience of another civil war after a brief respite of precarious peace. 2

f the three, Gabinius and Messalla, received military commands in the Civil War. Among the other eleven consulars only one wa

, Piso offered to mediate between Caesar and Pompeius; and during the Civil Wars he did not abate his sincere efforts in the

tion. Some senators turn up on Caesar’s side, holding commands in the Civil Wars, without any strong political ties to explai

of the consulars who supported Pompeius and of Cato’s partisans. 2 Civil war might cut across families: as this was a cont

scension revived the party of Marius and the battle-cries of the last civil war, only thirty years before. The memory of Sull

t eloquent and high-minded tribune whose legislation precipitated the Civil War between Marius and Sulla, is appropriately di

6, 7, 3). This P. Sulpicius Rufus, legate of Caesar in the Gallic and Civil Wars (P-W IV A, 849 f.), became censor in 42 B.C.

ly impaired by Cato’s adhesion to Pompeius and by the outbreak of the Civil War. Her son Brutus followed Virtus and Libertas,

cher in 51 (Ad fam. 8, 6, 1), so he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caesar designated him for the consulate of 4

14, 10, 2 (Scaeva as a type). PageBook=>071 in Gaul and in the Civil Wars. 1 There were other representatives of his c

72 on secret and open missions before and after the outbreak of the Civil War to confirm the political allies of the procon

the Roman People by personal ties of allegiance. In the imminence of civil war, Rome feared from Caesar’s side an irruption

e encouraged their aspirations, but he did not satisfy them until the Civil War had begun. In Gaul beyond the Alps, the pro

rsaries, of a frank and generous race. Gaul remained loyal during the Civil War. Pompeius Magnus counted all Spain in his c

ad good reason to fear a social revolution. Before peace came another civil war supervened, into which Etruria was dragged al

cipal partisans were already in the Senate before the outbreak of the Civil War, though no previous affiliations or service i

Roman ways was brutally accelerated by violence and confiscation, by civil wars, by the Dictatorship and by the Revolution.

from his municipal legislation. 6 Whoever succeeded to power after a civil war would be confronted with the task of creating

s 48–44 B.C., all men with senatorial rank before the outbreak of the Civil War. Five of them were nobiles, with patricians i

suls in 41 B.C.3 But before these dispositions could all take effect, civil war broke out again and the military leaders acce

rity. They were not to be blamed. Of consulars, the casualties in the Civil Wars had been heavy: only two of the Pompeians, p

s possessed the will and the resources for action, and eventually for civil war, is another question. Their generous ardour w

es, as Pompeius knew and as some of his allies did not. The price was civil war. Even had the Liberators been willing to pay

e Caesarian governors in the far West. In Syria Bassus had stirred up civil war two years before, seizing the strong place of

d judge of men, put him in control of Italy more than once during the Civil Wars, in 49 B.C. when Antonius was only tribune o

th integrity (ib. 13, 46) and took his own life rather than prolong a civil war (Hist. 2, 47), and L. Vitellius: ‘eo de homin

the scramble for honours and emolument, to break out at the last into civil war again. Deplored by the Liberators, the lack o

owards the Roman constitution, their reluctance to provide a cause of civil war and their proud conviction that wherever they

able elements could venture openly to advocate sedition, violence and civil war, Octavianus would have to take the lead and a

sed his forces around the city of Mutina and held Brutus entrapped. Civil war had begun, but winter enforced a lull in host

ttle consequence. Q. Pedius, a knight’s son, legate in the Gallic and Civil Wars, and a mysterious person called L. Pinarius

t Roman tribunes. The family appears to have sided with Marius in the civil wars, suffering in consequence. But they could no

e not an impressive company. 1 Senators who had come safely through civil war or who owed rank and fortune to one revolutio

aptured by an anti-Caesarian faction and forced into the conduct of a civil war. Hirtius was accessible to the sinister influ

untry and lapse into timorous inactivity under the imminent threat of civil war or during the contest. He exerted himself for

f his friends, allies and relatives followed Cato and Pompeius in the Civil War. Servilius, however, had been ensnared by Cae

o flatter on the other. Cicero came close to being a neutral in the Civil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he m

ut aggravation of discord and impulsion to the most irrational of all civil wars. 3 After March 17th, the sharp perception

f. PageBook=>145 ranks of the principes for varied talent, for civil as well as military distinction; access lay open

but in this matter all too perspicacious a judge of men and politics. Civil war was an abomination. Victory could only be won

the commentaries of Caesar, he confessed that he could see no end to civil strife. 1 Men recalled not Caesar only but Lepidu

up and adapted to a more modern and deadly technique. As commonly in civil strife and class-war, the relation between words

rties professed with such contentious zeal that they were impelled to civil strife. The non-party government of March 17th, 4

o be ‘afraid of peace’, to be ‘enemies of peace’. 1 In detestation of civil war, Republicans might honestly hold an unjust pe

honour obeyed the call of duty and loyalty, even to the extremity of civil war. Among Caesar’s allies Pollio was not the onl

to make him ‘see reason’ and join the ‘better side’. 6 In the heat of civil passion the task of the apostle of concord was no

memories of Sulla his Sullan enemies, partly to palliate the guilt of civil war. Almost at once he composed a propaganda-lett

r circulation: the gist of it was to announce a new style of ending a civil war clemency and generosity. 3 When the tide of b

rd ‘parce civibus’. 4 It was repeated and imitated in twenty years of civil war. Zealous to avoid the shedding of Roman blood

d as ‘auctores publici consilii’. 1 Nowhere else was the havoc of the Civil Wars more evident and irreparable than in the ran

. Plancus, who had served as Caesar’s legate in the Gallic and in the Civil Wars, was the reverse of a bellicose character. A

nius and the Liberators might even combine against their common enemy civil wars have witnessed stranger vicissitudes of alli

the Stoic Favonius, the friend of Cato and of Brutus, who pronounced civil war to be the worst of evils, worse even than sub

Antonii; only practise a salutary severity, and there will be no more civil wars. 5 The plea of Brutus was plain and dignifie

aluable hostage. Brutus had been desperately unwilling to provoke a civil war, ready even to go into voluntary exile for th

les and honour commanded a Republican to resist the worst excesses of civil war. Lepidus was a Caesarian: but Brutus refused

half-sister. Family ties had prevailed against political hostility in civil wars before now when waged by Roman nobles. 3 Lep

he possession of Africa at this time was dubious, disputed in a local civil war for several years. 5 As for the islands, it m

hers. The decadence of legal authority and the ever-present threat of civil war enhanced the value of the personal tie and le

ed it. 5 The ambition of generals like Pompeius and Caesar provoked civil war without intending or achieving a revolution.

n, direct or indirect. But now Rome and Italy had to pay the costs of civil war, in money and land. There was no other source

cf. ILS 6204. 6 Appian, BC 4, 37, 155. PageBook=>198 When a civil war seemed only a contest of factions in the Roma

cus remain. The Dictator’s provincial governors and commanders in his civil wars naturally fare better; 3 but two of them at

indeed who already belonged to the Senate before the outbreak of the Civil War achieve the highest distinction under the dom

but for all that the soul and spirit of Rome. No battle of all the Civil Wars was so murderous to the aristocracy. 5 Among

n the colours of an ancient wrong. Political contests at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerated were fought at t

rumours were already current: he soon learned that a new and alarming civil war had broken out between his own adherents and

rely championed his cause and won Republican support, but even raised civil war with a fair prospect of destroying the rival

ribes from Albania and southern Serbia, had been neglected during the Civil Wars and demanded attention. After Philippi, Anto

for Octavianus. 3 Sex. Peducaeus, who had served under Caesar in the Civil Wars, was one of Octavianus’ legates in the Spani

is father) or from a motive of family insurance not uncommon in the civil wars, when piety or protection might triumph over

official semblance, the campaigns in Sicily were advertised not as a civil but a foreign war, soon to become a glorious part

uate. Encouraged by Rome’s enforced neglect in nearly twenty years of civil dissensions, the tribes of the mountainous hinter

t but for the peace that was to follow victory in the last of all the civil wars. NotesPage=>242 1 Dio 49, 42, 3; 43,

g a minister to despotism. 3 The pursuit of oratory, interrupted by civil war, languished and declined under the peace of t

ustius studied and imitated the classic document for the pathology of civil war, the sombre, intense and passionate chapters

orian, imperatively recalling the men and acts of forty years before, civil strife and the levying of private armies, conscri

took on the contemporary features of a Caesarian military leader. 5 Civil war, tearing aside words, forms and institutions,

oets Calvus and Catullus, all died shortly before the outbreak of the Civil Wars. C. Helvius Cinna, the learned author of an

, while maintaining order for the government, kept open the wounds of civil war. There was material for another revolution: i

towards Caesar’s heir or neutrality with safeguards, in fear of a new civil war between rival leaders. NotesPage=>266

over all the East and in the end brought on herself wars foreign and civil . To the population of the eastern lands the direc

e party leaders, sharpened by personal enmities and rivalries. In a civil war fleets and legions are not the most important

in confusion. 8 Antonius’ agents distributed lavish bribes among the civil population and the soldiery. Octavianus NotesPa

blamed for the trouble and heavily punished. 1 Disturbances among the civil population were suppressed by armed force for t

battle with little loss of Roman blood, as fitted the character of a civil war in which men fought, not for a principle, but

us outbreak had disturbed the provinces, the repercussions of a Roman civil war would soon be felt. Some at least of the triu

nvoked and practised the virtue of clemency to extenuate the guilt of civil war. 3 Likewise did his heir, when murder could s

2 Dio 51, 20, 6 f. 3 Res Gestae 27. PageBook=>302 memory of civil strife. Rome expected (and the poets announced) t

on of Asia and Syria there was no danger to be apprehended, save when civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. There were

civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. There were to be no more civil wars. So much for the East. It was never a seri

ebrate his triumph till July, 27 B.C. When a party has triumphed in civil war, it claims to have asserted the ideals of lib

appears on coins. 3 Nobody was deceived by this symbol of victory in civil war. What Rome and Italy desired was a return, no

d Italy desired was a return, not to freedom—anything but that—but to civil and ordered government, in a word, to ‘normal con

7 1 Res Gestae 34: ‘in consulatu sexto et septimo, po[stquam bella [ civil ] ia ex- stinxeram, | per consensum universorum [p

o Italy, a menace from geographical position and the memory of recent civil wars: yet Augustus graciously resigned them to pr

or the grant of such a mandate there was plenty of justification. The civil wars were over, but the Empire had not yet recove

ius or a ghostly and sanctified Cato were not the only victims of the Civil Wars who could be called up and enlisted in the s

eged nuisance—he was not the man to advocate assassination or provoke civil war for the sake of a principle. The authentic Ca

as none the less a revolutionary leader who won supreme power through civil war. All that he needed from Cicero he had got lo

of Augustus’ feigned moderation and stealthy aggrandizement after the Civil Wars he has not deigned to allude to this transac

lvinus, the two survivors from the company of Caesar’s legates in the Civil Wars, Carrinas and Calvisius, and a general from

esar’s heir, not merely a due guarantee of his dignitas and pledge of civil concord or vested interests there was work to be

d never yet felt the force of Roman arms; and in the confusion of the Civil Wars they extended their raids and their dominati

s when Caesar the Dictator fell, dissension in their ranks, ending in civil war and ruin for Rome. Patriotism conspired wit

t causing disturbances: if backed by a provincial army, it might mean civil war the Varro in charge of Syria was perhaps Mure

nary appellation of ‘comrades’ and enforced a sterner discipline than civil wars had tolerated. 2 But this meant no neglect.

lared in his will that he suffered severe financial losses during the Civil Wars no doubt a conventional assertion, not restr

ilitary merit might also earn commendation or patronage for a post in civil life, namely the position of procurator. Augustus

otes of confidence of the municipia had been invoked in the crisis of civil war: they were not to be neglected in peace. Augu

ed patriotism. The old families had been decimated by a generation of civil wars: the sons of the slain were found willing to

among the latter are men whose fathers through death or defeat in the Civil Wars had missed the consulate. Here and on the Fa

ain great houses had sunk for ever. Others, through casualties in the Civil Wars, loss of money and influence, or lack of def

ial ascension. Agrippa’s first wife had been one of the prizes of the Civil Wars. She was the richest heiress of Rome, Caecil

ro himself was still owing money to Caesar for a timely loan when the Civil War broke out. 4 But the Triumvirate soon blotted

State in Rome, Italy and the provinces. The Senate becomes a body of civil servants: magistracies are depressed and converte

ions were rejuvenated and disciplined, for by now the veterans of the Civil Wars had been established in Italian and provinci

f Actium, perhaps setting in order the system of taxation. 4 When the civil service had developed, freedmen did not hold the

onarchy. The provincial armies elevated Vespasian to the purple after civil war. But the proclamation of a new Emperor in def

vance. The rule of Nerva by its impotence threatened to precipitate a civil war. It might be conjectured that the danger was

Ann. 6, 30). Tiberius did not remove him. That was not from fear of a civil war, as Tacitus reports, but because he could tru

mines quam alii mores. ’1 So Tacitus, not deluded by the outcome of a civil war that substituted one emperor for another and

ing Rome in the ruins. The apprehensions evoked by the long series of civil wars were only too well grounded. Actium had aver

has the advantage over Caesar in Virgil’s solemn exhortation against civil war. As for Antonius, he was the archetype of for

. There were manifold signs of its absence. The ruinous horror of the Civil Wars, with threatened collapse of Rome and the Em

rovincialis parsimonia’ and in loyalty to the State. Agrícola was the civil servant of whom Augustus might well have dreamed.

r, however, was his own historian in the narratives of the Gallic and Civil Wars, and his own apologist the style of his writ

d nuptials of Julia or the frugal virtues of upstarts enriched by the Civil Wars. His books would have been burned in the For

Italy which paid the bitter penalty for becoming involved in a Roman civil war: si Perusina tibi patriae sunt nota sepulcr

miles erit. 5 The family had been despoiled of property during the Civil Wars. 6 None the less, the poet had eminent conne

icially, there prevailed a conspiracy of silence about the victims of civil war and proscriptions, except for such as could u

ecrate the government. Caesar was saddled with the whole guilt of the Civil Wars, Antonius and Lepidus with the ultimate resp

s prepossessing he had bad teeth and sandy hair. After the end of the Civil Wars he lived as a valetudinarian, abandoning bod

ors, but by no means widely distributed. Augustus alleged that in the Civil Wars he had put to death no citizen of his enemie

nough to preserve and perpetuate the glory of their state in times of civil peace. The Revolution made an end to many noble f

wing their last consuls in the age of Pompeius, became extinct in the Civil Wars. Some, it is true, especially decayed branch

other families down to ruin. 1 A descendant of Pompeius Magnus raised civil war against Claudius. 2 The Cornelii Lentuli gr

share in the making of it, from the dynasts’ pact in 60 B.C. through civil wars and Dictatorship into the rule of the Triumv

can virtue but believed in ordered government, wrote a history of the civil wars that his own generation had witnessed. He ha

tonius on the Palatine. 2 Pollio had been more intractable during the Civil Wars, the only neutral in the campaign of Actium;

guaranteed by the constitution of Republican Rome. Worn and broken by civil war and disorder, the Roman People was ready to s

theme was dull and narrow. But the historian who had experienced one civil war in his own lifetime, and the threat of anothe

ar opinion:3 Tacitus himself would have thought it impossible after a civil war. Like the historian, the student of oratory

this fair show of phrases, namely, the real and imminent menace of a civil war. It was averted by the adoption of Trajan, th

r, 36; feud with Cicero, 135; as censor, 66, 135; attitude during the Civil Wars, 62, 136; in 44 B.C., 98, 117, 118, 134; dur

, 81. Citizenship, spread of, 74 f., 79, 86 ff., 262, 365 ff., 405. Civil service, need for, 331; growth of, 355 ff., 409.

65 ff., 405. Civil service, need for, 331; growth of, 355 ff., 409. Civil War, Roman distaste for, 2, 180, 184; recurrent f

rcellus, C. (cos. 50 B.C.), 42, 43, 45, 112, 164, 197; neutral in the Civil War, 62, 64; relations with Octavianus, 142, 182;

, 5, 8, 420; his Annals, 1, 5, 507 f., 517; Histories, 5, 507; on the Civil Wars, 9; on the results of civil war, 440, 507, 5

7 f., 517; Histories, 5, 507; on the Civil Wars, 9; on the results of civil war, 440, 507, 515; on Pompeius, 9; disapproval o

Battle of, 174. Forum Julii, 75, 252, 292, 367. Fraternization, in civil wars, 158 ff., 178 f., 217. Freedmen, sons of,

and Luca, 37; relations with Pompeius, 40 ff.; responsibility for the Civil War, 47 ff.; Dictatorship, 51 ff.; not really a r

acedonia, 171 f., 184; quarrels with Cicero, 183 f.; his distaste for civil war, 183 f., 203; campaign of Philippi, 203 ff.;

m, 31, 88, 374. Loyalty, need for, in politics, 120, 157; impaired by civil war, 157 f.; see also Fides. Luca, pact of, 37, 4

s connexions, 501 f.; character of his rule, 517, 518. Neutrality, in civil war, 5, 51, 62, 64, 139, 291, 517. Nigidius Fig

f.; sole consulate, 39; in 52–50 B.C., 40 ff.; at the outbreak of the Civil War, 42 f., 45 ff.; his strategy, 49, 90, 102; hi

, 34; his policy in 52 B.C., 37, 46; misses the consulate, 40; in the Civil Wars, 46, 49, 50; bis death, 50; character, 26; d

s, Caesarian, 76 f., 380; in the proscriptions, 191, 194 f.; from the Civil Wars, 351, 354, 380 f., 451 f., 512. Proletaria

Sulpicius Rufus, Ser. (cos. 51 B.C.), as consul, 41; a neutral in the Civil War, 45, 64; attitude in 43 B.C., 164, 170; death

ce, as a client kingdom, 390, 476; war in, 391, 398. Thucydides, on civil war, 154; imitated by Cassius Dio, 154; by Sallus

inius, partisan of Octavianus, 236. Titinius Capito, C., equestrian civil servant, 514. Titiopolis, in Cilicia, 281. Titi

ivity in 60 B.C., 34; exile,36, 135; feud with Piso, 135, 140; in the Civil War, 45, 137 f.; under the Dictatorship of Caesar