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1 (1960) THE ROMAN REVOLUTION
ter. The letter NotesPage=>002 1 As M. Favonius, the friend of Cato , observed: χϵȋρoν ϵ ναι µoναρχίας παρανóµoυ πóλϵµ
e fall of the Roman Republic. That was not the opinion of their enemy Cato : he blamed the original alliance of Pompeius and
that part of the oligarchy which was concentrated about the person of Cato ; and Cato was dominated by his step-sister, a wom
of the oligarchy which was concentrated about the person of Cato; and Cato was dominated by his step-sister, a woman possess
ed by that accident. She cast about for other allies. About this time Cato married Marcia, the granddaughter of Philippus, a
hort of the consulate, it was given NotesPage=>024 1 Plutarch, Cato minor II (67 B.c.). The identity of his wife is i
c glory, shaming the mediocrity of their elders. They were Caesar and Cato , diverse in habit and morals, but supremely great
it, sed memoria mea ingenti virtute, divorsis moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et C. Caesar. ’ 2 Biographical detail and scand
d only quaestorian in rank, this man prevailed by force of character. Cato extolled the virtues that won empire for Rome in
his own class, a hard drinker and an astute politician, the authentic Cato , so far from being a visionary, claimed to be a r
t inferior to the great ancestor whom he emulated almost to a parody, Cato the Censor. But it was not character and integrit
ato the Censor. But it was not character and integrity only that gave Cato the primacy before consulars: he controlled a nex
tary leader, with Sulla’s heir as before with Sulla. The implacable Cato detested the financiers. He stood firm against It
ivileges of an oligarchy: in the contest against Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Cato and his kinsmen NotesPage=>026 1 This was
tim opulentiam. laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam. ’ 3 Plutarch, Cato minor 2 (anecdote of his recalcitrance towards Po
r. 75). 4 A great extension of the corn-dole was carried through by Cato in 62 B.C. (Plutarch, Cato minor 26). 5 ‘Sallus
on of the corn-dole was carried through by Cato in 62 B.C. (Plutarch, Cato minor 26). 5 ‘Sallust’, Ad Caesarem 2, 11, 3 :
, 3). 5 Velleius 2, 40, 40; Dio 37, 21, 4. 6 Plutarch, Cicero 23; Cato minor 26; Dio 37, 43, 1. 7 Plutarch, Cicero 23;
Dio 37, 43, 1. 7 Plutarch, Cicero 23; Dio 37, 38, 2. 8 Plutarch, Cato minor 29; Dio 37, 43, 3. 9 Dio 37, 44, 3. Pag
oman of flagrant infidelity, he asked for Cato’s niece in marriage. 1 Cato rebuffed him. Baffling enough after an absence
ted on debate, point by point. He prevailed, supported by Crassus, by Cato and by the Metelli. 8 Then a second defeat. The
lavius brought forward NotesPage=>033 1 Plutarch, Pompeius 44; Cato minor 30. Cf. Münzer, RA, 349 ff. 2 That it nee
riumphal robe of Magnus seemed chill comfort in political defeat. 4 Cato went too far. When the knights who farmed the tax
ghts who farmed the taxes of Asia requested a rebate from the Senate, Cato denounced their rapacity and repelled their deman
ower, the government needed consuls. The men were not easy to find. Cato gathered a great fund to carry by bribery the ele
. Caesar, returning from his command in Spain, asked for a triumph. Cato blocked the triumph. To wait for it would be to s
scredit to either. Caesar’s choice was still open had it not been for Cato ; and Caesar’s daughter was betrothed to Servilia’
of other views, cf. Münzer in P-W 11 A, 1775 ff. PageBook=>035 Cato had private grounds as well as public for hating
, widow of C. Octavius (his daughter Marcia, however, was the wife of Cato ); and Marcellinus had been a legate of Pompeius (
1 The proposal was not published until 53, when Hirrus was tribune. Cato nearly deprived him of his office (Plutarch, Pomp
lark; Caesar, BG 7, 1, 1. 5 Asconius 31 = p. 35 f. Clark; Plutarch, Cato minor 47, &c. 6 Appian, BC 2, 28, 107: is ς
adfuerunt Miloni Q. Hortensius, M. Cicero, M. Marcellus, M. Calidius, M. Cato ,. Faustus Sulla. ’ PageBook=>040 Pompeius
decision to turn on the dynast’s attitude towards Caesar and towards Cato . Pompeius prolonged his own possession of Spain f
gainst the Catonian party until he made final choice between the two. Cato , standing for the consulate, was signally defeate
following of Caesar. The arrogant and stubborn censor, mindful, like Cato , of a great ancestor, turned his attack on the tr
him to Caesar’s side. Ap. Pulcher was no adornment to the party of Cato . Already another leader, the consular Ahenobarbus
sagacity. 3 With these four families was now joined the faction of Cato . Of his allies and relatives, Lucullus and Horten
. Domitius Ahenobarbus and M. Calpurnius Bibulus. To loyal support of Cato , Ahenobarbus and Brutus joined a sacred vendetta
Ahenobarbus and Brutus joined a sacred vendetta against Pompeius. For Cato or for the Republic they postponed vengeance, but
r for wife to Pompeius’ elder son, another to Cato’s nephew Brutus. 3 Cato himself had not reached the consulate, but two co
e constitution. After long strife against the domination of Pompeius, Cato resolved to support a dictatorship, though anxiou
or the person and character of Caesar. The influence and example of Cato spurred on the nobiles and accelerated war. Hel
ecure lawyers reputed for eloquence, high principle and patriotism. Cato was waiting for him, rancorous and incorruptible.
Cf. above, p. 13, n. 2. 3 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 30, 3 (mentioning Cato and Milo). PageBook=>049 At last the enemi
nge and recrimination. The NotesPage=>049 1 Ad Att. 7, 15, 2: ‘ Cato enim ipse iam servire quam pugnare mavult. ’ 2
rsalus, and Q. Metellus Scipio ended worthy of his ancestors; 2 while Cato chose to fall by his own hand rather than witness
adherents and his former adversaries pointed out. From Pompeius, from Cato and from the oligarchy, no hope of reform. But Ca
annoyed by covert opposition, petty criticism and laudations of dead Cato . That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘For all h
aristocratic and republican state. Hellenic culture does not explain Cato ; 3 and the virtus about which Brutus composed a v
mours with Servilia, public and notorious. Above all, to Brutus as to Cato , who stood by the ancient ideals, it seemed that
the Civil War. Her son Brutus followed Virtus and Libertas, his uncle Cato and Pompeius his father’s murderer. The patrici
orks of propaganda for his friend and patron, attacking the memory of Cato . History can show no writings of Pansa, or of C.
ing a common oath. 2 For example, Q. Poppaedius Silo, cf. Plutarch, Cato minor 2. 3 A large part of Italy must have been
it the highest dignity in the Roman State. He glorified the memory of Cato and of Marius but it was for himself, as though t
ating a NotesPage=>092 1 Ad fam. 10, 31, 2 f. He prosecuted C. Cato (Tacitus, Dial. 34, 7), not, however an important
the respectable nonentities designated as consuls for the next year. Cato too was dead. Averse from compromise and firm on
yet he gave his daughter Marcia (by an earlier marriage) for wife to Cato . Philippus was a wealthy man and a ‘piscinarius’
ly respected parent, began his political career under the auspices of Cato . 2 Most of his friends, allies and relatives foll
uspices of Cato. 2 Most of his friends, allies and relatives followed Cato and Pompeius in the Civil War. Servilius, however
ompromise; and he claimed that he had been abandoned by the allies of Cato . Towards Pompeius he continued to profess loyalty
f the majority of the active consulars. The leaders were Pompeius and Cato . It was clearly the better cause and it seemed th
;138 stronger. Not that Cicero expected war and when war came, even Cato seemed willing to go back upon his principles and
in a large measure of authoritative government at Rome. He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutus later remarked ‘as long a
gnanimity of the Dictator,4 he soon set to work upon a vindication of Cato , which he published, inaugurating a fashion. Caes
against the forces of anarchy or despotism. He would stand as firm as Cato had stood, he would be the leader of the Optimate
nting, incompetent to emulate the contrasted virtues of Caesar and of Cato , whom Sallustius, an honest man and no detractor
ong contemporaries an immense reputation as a wit and as a humourist. Cato had to acknowledge it. 1 The politician Vatinius
ower or as a plea in justification. NotesPage=>152 1 Plutarch, Cato minor 21: ὡς γ∈λοῖον ὕπατον ἔχομ∈ν. 2 Cf. the f
sassins of Caesar had left Italy, and the young men of the faction of Cato , the sons of the dominant consulars in the defeat
as no time-server or careerist, but the Stoic Favonius, the friend of Cato and of Brutus, who pronounced civil war to be the
s rallying point and its leaders were the young men of the faction of Cato , almost all kinsmen of Marcus Brutus. When Brut
colony of Norba, P-W xvii, 926. Canidius may be the man who was with Cato in Cyprus in 57 B.C. (Plutarch, Cato Minor 35). T
dius may be the man who was with Cato in Cyprus in 57 B.C. (Plutarch, Cato Minor 35). The name ‘Canidius’, familiar enough t
tus had divined it Antonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato , with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered
his own character. The archaisms were borrowed, men said, lifted from Cato ; not less so the grave moral tone, flagrant in co
litical apology, raising dispute over the dead. The controversy about Cato began it. Then Caesar the Dictator became a subje
his testimony to the peculiar but contrasted greatness of Caesar and Cato denied rank of comparison to Pompeius Magnus. 2 T
ing of Roman history, adorned in the past by the names of a Fabius, a Cato , a Calpurnius, was so patently the pride and mono
orial stock. The rest all came from the province of Gallia Cisalpina, Cato , it was alleged (perhaps falsely), a freedman,2 t
up had suffered heavy casualties. P. Servilius had deserted long ago, Cato and the consulars Bibulus and Ahenobarbus were de
ssius, Q. Hortensius, young Lucullus and Favonius, the old admirer of Cato . There remained, however, enough distinguished su
ius in the new Caesarian and Republican coalition. Another kinsman of Cato was to be found with Antonius, his grandson L. Ca
pparent to Antonius’ Republican followers (a nephew and a grandson of Cato were still with him) as they were to Octavianus’
s employed ‘homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos’. 5 Plutarch, Cato minor 2 (Poppaedius). Cf. Florus 2, 5, 1: ‘totius
Catilina in hell, tormented by furies for ever, on the other an ideal Cato , usefully legislating among the blessed dead: s
rvently advertised. A purified Pompeius or a ghostly and sanctified Cato were not the only victims of the Civil Wars who c
change and disturbance. Well might he say, when asked his verdict on Cato , that anybody who does not wish the present dispe
e New State of Augustus the stubborn class-conscious Republicanism of Cato or of Brutus would not have found a secure haven.
ation or provoke civil war for the sake of a principle. The authentic Cato , however, was not merely ‘ferox’ but ‘atrox’. 4 H
volet, et civis et vir bonus est. ’ Plutarch (Pompeius 54) describes Cato in 52 B.C. as πᾶσαν μὲν ἀρχὴν μᾶλλʋν αἱρʋύμενʋζ α
of friendship retained after divorce. NotesPage=>378 1 Cicero, Cato maior 37: ‘quattuor robustos filios, quinque fili
is veterumque norma. 1 But these were not the days of Romulus or of Cato the Censor; and that shaggy Cato himself, of peas
e were not the days of Romulus or of Cato the Censor; and that shaggy Cato himself, of peasant stock and a farmer, was no gr
r, was the indirect attack, namely the publication of books extolling Cato , the martyr of Republican liberty. The praise or
es were petty, vindictive and unpatriotic. 1 Against the champions of Cato , insidious enemies, the Dictator retorted with pa
Cassius they had fought for the constitution; and even with praise of Cato Cato stood for the established order. Virgil, H
us they had fought for the constitution; and even with praise of Cato Cato stood for the established order. Virgil, Horace
n invoked to support his Principate without scandal or inconvenience. Cato was already out of the way when Octavianus took u
dy out of the way when Octavianus took up arms against the State. But Cato was worshipped as a martyr of liberty. Augustus c
wn felicitous reply when his friend Seius Strabo asked his opinion of Cato . 2 Augustus composed a pamphlet on the subject, w
PageBook=>507 The argument and the moral may readily be inferred Cato , always an advocate of ordered government, would
n enthusiastic supporter of the New State; the better cause for which Cato fought had prevailed after his death when the Rom
elogia of the noble families. The earliest native historian of note, Cato the Censor, made his protest against this practic
generals in order to honour instead the ‘gesta populi Romani’; 1 and Cato wrote of Italy as well as of Rome. 2 But Cato was
a populi Romani’; 1 and Cato wrote of Italy as well as of Rome. 2 But Cato was powerless against Roman tradition. The banker
; writings, 484, 522 ff.; literary tastes, 460, 484 f.; opinion about Cato , 506. His family and kinsmen, 83, 112, 127 ff., 1
unus, alleged ancestor of the Vitellii, 83. Favonius, M., friend of Cato , 2, no, 180, 198, 206. Ferentinum, 95, 362. Fer
ivities of, 14 f., 355, 477; relations with senators, 14; detested by Cato , 26; hostile to Lucullus, 21; hostile to Gabinius
a, as a political notion, 87, 286. Italici, 86 ff., 94; disliked by Cato , 26; their hatred of Rome, 86 f., 286 f., 359; ar
s, 378, 421, 422. Marcellus, see Claudius. Marcia, second wife of Cato , 24, 36. Marcia, wife of Paullus Fabius Maximus
dies, 57; feuds against Pompeius and Caesar, 26 f., 46; laudations of Cato , 56, 138 f., 250, 459, 460; repute under the Pr
9 f., 506 f.; Augustus’ verdict, 320, 506. Porcius Cato, M., son of Cato Uticensis, 205. Porcius Cato, M. (cos. suff. A.D.
politics, 16, 154; on Libertas, 515; on Pompeius, 249; on Caesar and Cato , 25, 146, 250; on human nature, 249 f., 515; the
, 32; as a novus homo, 11, 13, 94; relations with publicani, 14; with Cato , 137 f., 146; with Pompeius, 29 f., 37, 45, 137 f
Actium, 304 f.; on Troy, 305; Pompeius and Caesar, 317; Catilina and Cato , 317; Italy, 450, 463; the Aeneid as an allegory,
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