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0-19-881001-6 23 25 27 29 30 28 26 24 22 Printed in Great Britain by Cox & Wyman Ltd Reading, Berkshire PREFACE

so, the subject almost baffles exposition. The reader who is repelled by a close concatenation of proper names must pass r

liberately critical attitude towards Augustus. If Caesar and Antonius by contrast are treated rather leniently, the reason

als with the accession to the Principate of Tiberius, stepson and son by adoption of Augustus, consort in his powers. Not

re. The era may be variously computed, from the winning of sole power by the last of the dynasts through the War of Actium

itutional reign as acknowledged head of the Roman State was to baffle by its length and solidity all human and rational ca

ger or doctor could have foretold that the frail youth would outlive, by a quarter of a century, his ally and contemporary

overning class, shattered in spirit, gave up the contest. Compensated by the solid benefits of peace and by the apparent t

, gave up the contest. Compensated by the solid benefits of peace and by the apparent termination of the revolutionary age

dshed, based upon the seizure of power and redistribution of property by a revolutionary leader. The happy outcome of the

‘Restoration of the Republic’ was not merely a solemn comedy, staged by a hypocrite. Caesar was a logical man; and the

e proscriptions and when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by force, and when he based authority upon law and c

ter. 1 The narrative of Augustus’ rise to supreme power, supplemented by a brief analysis of the working of government in

he present inquiry will attempt to discover the resources and devices by which a revolutionary leader arose in civil strif

les against the vanquished. Brutus and Cassius lie damned to this day by the futility of their noble deed and by the failu

assius lie damned to this day by the futility of their noble deed and by the failure of their armies at Philippi; and the

f their armies at Philippi; and the memory of Antonius is overwhelmed by the oratory of Cicero, by fraud and fiction, and

; and the memory of Antonius is overwhelmed by the oratory of Cicero, by fraud and fiction, and by the catastrophe at Acti

us is overwhelmed by the oratory of Cicero, by fraud and fiction, and by the catastrophe at Actium. To this partisan and

or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A section of it was so written by C. Asinius Pollio, in a Roman and Republican spir

t the Principate of the Julii and Claudii was a tyranny, tracing year by year from Tiberius down to Nero the merciless ext

stus: his ability and greatness will all the more sharply be revealed by unfriendly presentation. But it is not enough t

st, biography is flat and schematic: at the best, it is often baffled by the hidden discords of human nature. Moreover, un

had to come to terms. Nor could Caesar have ruled without it. Coerced by Pompeius and sharply repressed by Caesar, the ari

esar have ruled without it. Coerced by Pompeius and sharply repressed by Caesar, the aristocracy was broken at Philippi. T

eding them all. The policy and acts of the Roman People were guided by an oligarchy, its annals were written in an oliga

the crossing of the Rubicon, but with the compact of 60 B.C., devised by the political dynasts Pompeius, Crassus and Caesa

ictatorship of Caesar. It was the age of Pompeius the Great. Stricken by the ambitions, the alliances and the feuds of the

upon disaster, ever more rapid. Three of the monarchic principes fell by the sword. Five civil wars and more in twenty yea

mained at the head of the government, but policy was largely directed by ex-consuls. These men ruled, as did the Senate, n

ssion to the Senate but access to the consulate was jealously guarded by the nobiles. It was a scandal and a pollution if

Roman Republic2 he might rise to the praetorship but no higher, save by a rare combination of merit, industry and protect

The political life of the Roman Republic was stamped and swayed, not by parties and programmes of a modern and parliament

y parties and programmes of a modern and parliamentary character, not by the ostensible opposition between Senate and Peop

te and People, Optimates and Populares, nobiles and novi homines, but by the strife for power, wealth and glory. The conte

in groups, open in the elections and in the courts of law, or masked by secret intrigue. As in its beginning, so in its l

o, De lege agraria II, 3 ff. 5 The manual on electioneering written by Q. Cicero (the Commentariolum petitionis) reveals

an age of the Scipiones: not less of the Metelli. Though concealed by craft or convention, the arcana imperii of the no

e=>012 1 Compare Münzer’s comments on the deliberate concealment by the nobiles, for their own ends, of the true char

e possible the role of prosecutor in the law-courts and win gratitude by the defence even of notorious malefactors. The no

lea of security and self-defence against aggression was often invoked by a politician when he embarked upon a course of un

the plebs was therefore essential. It was possessed in abundance both by Caesar and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Aheno

therefore essential. It was possessed in abundance both by Caesar and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. To win

society, the Roman knights, converted into a ruinous political force by the tribune C. Gracchus when he set them in contr

nd pride of the governing class. For that surrender they were scorned by senators. They did not mind. 1 Some lived remote

never let them down: they were in the habit of requiting his services by loans or legacies. 3 The gains of finance went

ue would suffice. A programme, it is true, he developed, negative but by no means despicable. 1 NotesPage=>015 1 H.

nterest and sentiment to combat the forces of dissolution represented by the army-commanders and their political agents. I

power, the tribunate, an anomalous historical survival given new life by the party of the Gracchi and converted into a mea

licy. Moreover, the tribunate could be employed for conservative ends by aristocratic demagogues. 2 With the Gracchi all

l contests of the noble families were complicated, but not abolished, by the strife of parties largely based on economic i

d justice. On the Bellum Italicum supervened civil war. The party led by Marius, Cinna and Carbo was defeated. L. Corneliu

lasted for nearly twenty years. Its rule was threatened at the outset by a turbulent and ambitious consul, M. Aemilius Lep

Lepidus, claiming to restore the rights of the tribunes and supported by a resurgence of the defeated causes in Italy. The

operty as well as privilege. The government of the nobiles, supported by a sacred union of the possessing classes, by the

f the nobiles, supported by a sacred union of the possessing classes, by the influence of their clientela among the plebs

sing classes, by the influence of their clientela among the plebs and by due subservience towards the financial interests,

rs’ war in Italy echoed over all the world. The Senate was confronted by continuous warfare in the provinces and on the fr

struggle for power, and long eclipse, they were saved from extinction by the primitive tenacity of the Roman family and th

these great houses each contributed forty-five consuls, exceeded only by the patrician Cornelii with their numerous branch

in line of the Cornelii Scipiones had been saved from extinction only by taking in adoption sons of the resplendent Aemili

inferior Lentuli, whose lack of dangerous enterprise was compensated by domestic fertility and a tenacious instinct for s

i, whose son Camillus saved Rome from the Gauls, had vanished utterly by now, or at least could show no more consuls. The

emilii, ambitious, treacherous, and often incompetent, were depressed by a recent catastrophe. 1 So, too, were the Aemilii

est of those families had earned or confirmed their title of nobility by command in war against the Samnites and the Carth

arius and Cinna, passed over to Sulla in the right season, and guided by craft and counsel the first stormy years of the r

morating a victory against the Carthaginians. 2 The Metelli prevailed by their mass and by their numbers. Their sons becam

against the Carthaginians. 2 The Metelli prevailed by their mass and by their numbers. Their sons became consuls by prero

evailed by their mass and by their numbers. Their sons became consuls by prerogative or inevitable destiny; and their daug

elve consulates, censorships or triumphs in as many years. 3 Impaired by the rise and domination of the party of Marius, t

advantageous matches and an evil repute. 5 Second and more important by far is that enigmatic faction soon to be led by a

nd and more important by far is that enigmatic faction soon to be led by a man who never became consul. Its origins lie at

ary talent and repute, Q. Lutatius Catulus and Q. Hortensius, related by marriage. 2 The virtue and integrity of Catulus,

The elder, trained in eastern warfare under Sulla and highly trusted by him, led armies through Asia and shattered the po

Lucullus (cos. 74) and his brother Marcus (cos. 73), who was adopted by a M. Terentius Varro, cf. P-W XIII, 414 f. L. Luc

gh not brilliant cautious and crafty in habit, he might seem destined by wealth, family, and paramount influence in the Se

the government after Sulla, owing primacy to birth and wealth, linked by ties of kinship and reciprocal interest. They cal

vasive, its most weighty decisions taken in secret, known or inferred by politicians of the time, but often evading histor

s were solid only to outward show and at intervals. Restored to power by a military despot, enriched by proscription and m

ow and at intervals. Restored to power by a military despot, enriched by proscription and murder, and growing ever fatter

er rival; and L. Licinius Lucullus, thwarted of his triumph for years by the machinations of his enemies, turned for conso

f these Claudii, the character of the eldest was made no more amiable by early struggles and expedients to maintain the di

ich was concentrated about the person of Cato; and Cato was dominated by his step-sister, a woman possessed of all the rap

ff. PageBook=>024 prime. 1 But Servilia would not be thwarted by that accident. She cast about for other allies. A

at moment in politics. 3 Roman noble houses, decadent or threatened by rivals in power and dignity, enlisted the vigour

listed the vigour of novi homines, orators and soldiers, helping them by influence to the consulate and claiming their sup

lose ranks and forbidding aspect. M. Tullius Cicero, in the forefront by brilliance of oratory and industry as an advocate

n. They admitted Cicero to shut out Catilina. The consulate, gained by the successful in the forty-third year, marked th

afraid lest he should divorce her and marry Clodia, provoked a breach by making Cicero give testimony at the trial of Clod

us Caesar, of a patrician house newly arisen from long decay, largely by help from C. Marius, strained every nerve and eff

Cato et C. Caesar. ’ 2 Biographical detail and scandal, influenced by the subsequent actions of the proconsul and Dicta

.1 Aged thirty-three and only quaestorian in rank, this man prevailed by force of character. Cato extolled the virtues tha

elae, the prerogative of the aristocracy,5 were now being monopolized by one man. Something more was involved than the p

ther, his kinsman, L. Porcius Cato (cos. 89), was defeated and killed by the Italian insurgents in the Marsic territory (L

Per. 75). 4 A great extension of the corn-dole was carried through by Cato in 62 B.C. (Plutarch, Cato minor 26). 5 ‘S

n adherent of Lepidus, capitulating at Mutina to Pompeius, was killed by him (Plutarch, Pompeius 16, &c.). Ahenobarbus

ulace broke up his funeral. 3 Strabo was a sinister character, ‘hated by heaven and by the nobility’, for good reasons. 4

his funeral. 3 Strabo was a sinister character, ‘hated by heaven and by the nobility’, for good reasons. 4 There were no

to describe Cn. Pompeius the son. After his father’s death, protected by influential politicians, he lay low, lurking no d

. Appian, BC 1, 63, 284. 3 Plutarch, Pompeius 1. 4 Cicero, quoted by Asconius 70 (= p. 79 Clark): ‘hominem dis ac nobi

sum. ’ 5 Plutarch, Pompeius 6. Prosecuted for peculations committed by his father, he was saved by Philippus, Hortensius

s 6. Prosecuted for peculations committed by his father, he was saved by Philippus, Hortensius and by the Marian leader Pa

ns committed by his father, he was saved by Philippus, Hortensius and by the Marian leader Papirius Carbo (Cicero, Brutus

d succeeded without a break the conduct of the Mithridatic War, voted by the Lex Manilia, for the financial interests were

H. M. Last, CAH IX, 349. This was presumably the conception set forth by Sallust in his Histories. 2 Comm. pet. 5, cf. 5

not at Rome. By armed force he might have established sole rule, but by that alone and not in solid permanence. The nobil

ughter, Aemilia. 1 When Aemilia died, Pompeius kept up that connexion by marrying another woman of that house. 2 The allia

arrying another woman of that house. 2 The alliance with the Metelli, by no means unequivocal or unclouded, endured for so

at certain public ceremonies. 5 In December Metellus Nepos, sent home by Pompeius, inaugurated his tribunate with alarming

ish public order. 6 Nepos also silenced the consul Cicero and forbade by veto a great speech from the saviour of the Repub

by veto a great speech from the saviour of the Republic. 7 Abetted by the praetor Caesar, Nepos went on with his propos

alid excuse for armed usurpation, tried to reinforce his predominance by the peaceful means of a new dynastic alliance. He

ter an absence of five years, Roman politics were further complicated by the affair of P. Clodius Pulcher, a mild scandal

the election of the military man L. Afranius. The other place was won by Metellus Celer, who, to get support from Pompeius

ullus emerged, alert and vindictive, to contest the dispositions made by Pompeius in the East. Pompeius requested their ac

ons made by Pompeius in the East. Pompeius requested their acceptance by the Senate, all in one measure: Lucullus insisted

by the Senate, all in one measure: Lucullus insisted on debate, point by point. He prevailed, supported by Crassus, by Cat

Lucullus insisted on debate, point by point. He prevailed, supported by Crassus, by Cato and by the Metelli. 8 Then a s

sisted on debate, point by point. He prevailed, supported by Crassus, by Cato and by the Metelli. 8 Then a second defeat

bate, point by point. He prevailed, supported by Crassus, by Cato and by the Metelli. 8 Then a second defeat. The tribun

RA, 349 ff. 2 That it need not have been a serious matter is shown by Ad Att. 1, 13, 3: ‘nosmet ipsi, qui Lycurgei a pr

he had broken with the Claudii and carelessly incurred a bitter feud by giving testimony, under secret and domestic press

The men were not easy to find. Cato gathered a great fund to carry by bribery the election of Bibulus, his daughter’s h

n to adopt the language and tactics of a demagogue, might be captured by the government at a certain stage in his career,

Münzer (RA, 338 f.) argues that this is no other than Brutus, adopted by his maternal uncle Q. Servilius Caepio (who died

l hostile to Pompeius. 3 But Caesar was no mere adherent of Pompeius: by holding aloof he enhanced his price. Now, in the

Now, in the summer of the year, Caesar stood for the consulate backed by Crassus’ wealth, and in concert with L. Lucceius,

tonius, Divus Aug. 3 f.). In Syria L. Marcius Philippus was succeeded by Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus in 60 or 59 (A

artisan superior in ability to Afranius. Pompeius had sealed the pact by taking in marriage Caesar’s daughter, Julia; and

through his elder son (ILS 881). The younger, P. Crassus, was married by now to Cornelia, daughter of that P. Scipio who,

s married by now to Cornelia, daughter of that P. Scipio who, adopted by Metellus Pius, became Q. Metellus Scipio. P. Scip

vative union of all classes bound in loyalty to the Senate and guided by modest and patriotic principes. 2 Which was harml

uch to provoke. 4 Had he dropped Caesar, he might have been entrapped by the Optimates and circumvented by Crassus, their

aesar, he might have been entrapped by the Optimates and circumvented by Crassus, their potential ally. Now he would have

ement to Cicero. Cicero, of course, complains of having been let down by the Optimates (ib., passim). 4 Cf. M. Cary, CQ

ans. With the death of Julia, and the disappearance of Crassus, slain by the Parthians (53 B.C.), the danger of a breach b

en angling for an alliance. 1 The consuls achieved their own disgrace by bargaining to procure the election of their succe

late, but when an interval of five years had elapsed, was recommended by the fair show of mitigating electoral corruption,

the government. Nor was it at all likely that the dynast would abide by letter or spirit of his own legislation. NotesP

urs the year before, cf. Ad Q. fratrem 3, 8, 4. 2 Milo was a Papius by birth, adopted by his maternal grandfather T. Ann

e, cf. Ad Q. fratrem 3, 8, 4. 2 Milo was a Papius by birth, adopted by his maternal grandfather T. Annius of Lanuvium (A

prolonged his own possession of Spain for five years more and sought by a trick to annul the law passed by the tribunes o

ain for five years more and sought by a trick to annul the law passed by the tribunes of the year conceding to Caesar the

arly in 51 the consul M. Marcellus opened the attack. He was rebuffed by Pompeius, and the great debate on Caesar’s comman

Pompeius remained ambiguous, with hints of going to Spain, but forced by the Optimates, not altogether against his will, t

from Caesar. The pretext was the insecurity of Syria, gravely menaced by the Parthians. 2 Caesar complied. Pompeius procla

awn, however, until the next year, along with another previously lent by Pompeius to Caesar. Both were retained in Italy.

8, 4, 4. Marcellus’ flogging of a man of Comum had been premature and by no means to the liking of Pompeius (Ad Att. 5, 11

waited discussion on Caesar’s provinces and confounding the oligarchy by pertinacious proposals that both dynasts should s

y of Caesar. Caesar had risen to great power through Pompeius, helped by the lieutenants of Pompeius in peace and in war,

was a patent rebuke to his own private conduct, worked for his party by ejection of undesirable senators, and augmented t

efeat in contest for an augurship against M. Antonius, sent from Gaul by Caesar. 3 That event showed clearly the strength

e no superior, Pompeius no rival. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambition, by his acts of arrogance t

rival. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambition, by his acts of arrogance towards other principes and

thless ambition, by his acts of arrogance towards other principes and by his support, when consul and proconsul, of the do

ing Italy, and took action on behalf of the Commonwealth. Accompanied by the consuls-elect he went to Pompeius and handed

Pompeius now wished to avert the appeal to arms, he was swept forward by uncontrollable forces, entangled in the embrace o

found that their power was passing. Death took off their consuls one by one. 2 Marriage or adoption might retrieve the wa

t the last of his line, himself the grandson of a Metella, had passed by adoption into their family. This was Q. Metellus

endour or conspicuous ability in war and peace. They sought to profit by help from Pompeius without incurring feuds or dam

ey postponed vengeance, but did not forget a brother and father slain by the young Pompeius in a foul and treacherous fash

with the consul and the tribunes of Pompeius. It was later claimed by their last survivor that the party of the Republi

>043 1 Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus (cos. 72) was a plebeian by birth (Cicero, De imp. Cn. Pompei 58), hence prob

lies of Pompeius: Lentulus Sura (cos.71) was expelled from the Senate by the censors of 70. But Clodianus (cos. 72, censor

had probably served under Pompeius in Spain (Marcellinus is attested by coins, BMC, R. Rep. 11, 491 f.). The Gaditane L.

. Hence the spread of the name ‘Domitius’ there, attested for example by the inscr. ILS 6976 from Nemausus, and later by p

attested for example by the inscr. ILS 6976 from Nemausus, and later by provincial notables like Cn. Domitius Afer (cos.

tus, Agr. 6, 1; ILS 966). Note also the championing of a wronged Gaul by Cn. Domitius (cos. 96), Cicero, In Verrem 11, 1,

, energetic but very stupid. The tail of the procession is brought up by Sulpicius Rufus, a timid and respectable jurist l

ot duped they knew Pompeius: but they fancied that Pompeius, weakened by the loss of his ally and of popular support, woul

y M. Marcellus (cos. 51) and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51), dismayed by the outbreak of war or distrustful of Pompeius, t

o join Caesar, Ad Att. 9, 18, 2. The laudatory epithets here attached by Cicero to the other consulars will not mislead: t

example of Cato spurred on the nobiles and accelerated war. Helped by the power, the prestige, and the illicit armies o

s the panacea for the world’s ills, and with the design to achieve it by armed force. 1 Such a view is too simple to be hi

factious minority prevailed. NotesPage=>047 1 As, for example, by Mommsen, and recently by Carcopino, Points de vue

ed. NotesPage=>047 1 As, for example, by Mommsen, and recently by Carcopino, Points de vue sur l’impérialisme romai

er it, Caesar appealed to arms. A constitutional pretext was provided by the violence of his adversaries: Caesar stood in

turning to Rome a private citizen, Caesar would at once be prosecuted by his enemies for extortion or treason. They would

very virtues for which the propertied classes were sedulously praised by politicians at Rome forbade intervention in a str

n all quarters of the world, lay unburied on an Egyptian beach, slain by a renegade Roman, the hireling of a foreign king.

renegade Roman, the hireling of a foreign king. Dead, too, and killed by Romans, were Caesar’s rivals and enemies, many il

llus Scipio ended worthy of his ancestors; 2 while Cato chose to fall by his own hand rather than witness the domination o

and Pompeius the Dictator would have been assassinated in the Senate by honourable men, at the foot of his own statue.

ulars, some of whom Caesar won to sympathy, if not to active support, by his studious moderation. To the survivors of the

ous memories of Sulla, the choice of the Dictatorship was recommended by its comprehensive powers and freedom from the tri

d alarming opinions about the res publica ’it was only a name: Sulla, by resigning supreme power, showed that he was an ig

evelling class and nation, ruling a subject, united and uniform world by right divine. 2 This extreme simplification of

narchie3, 508 ff. Against, F. E. Adcock, CAH IX, 718 ff., and remarks by the present writer, BSR Papers XIV (1938), 1 ff.

. 1 After death Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State by the interested device of the leaders of the Caesa

le alike to the domination of Sulla and the arbitrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from

hy presupposes hereditary succession, for which no provision was made by Caesar. The heir to Caesar’s name, his grand-neph

beginning as a military demagogue. If Caesar must be judged, it is by facts and not by alleged intentions. As his acts

ilitary demagogue. If Caesar must be judged, it is by facts and not by alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings

the East, he tied up magistracies and provincial commands in advance by placing them, according to the traditional Roman

the moment it was intolerable: the autocrat became impatient, annoyed by covert opposition, petty criticism and laudations

t NotesPage=>056 1 His imperious and arrogant temper was noted by contemporaries, who recalled his behaviour toward

tyled, as worse than a crime a folly. The verdict is hasty and judges by results. It is all too easy to label the assassin

t, the dour and military Cassius, was of the Epicurean persuasion and by no means a fanatic. 2 As for the tenets of the St

apud Graecos nulla sunt. ’ 4 This feature has been duly emphasized by Gelzer (P-W X, 1005f.), with examples of Brutus’

officiis (Seneca, Epp. 95, 45). The code was certainly narrow but not by contemporary standards. Brutus’ good repute has b

ot by contemporary standards. Brutus’ good repute has been prejudiced by the regrettable affair of the Salaminian senators

ook=>058 oligarchy could survive if its members refused to abide by the rules, to respect ‘liberty and the laws’. T

er grave and aloof, seemed to embody that ideal of character, admired by those who did not care to imitate. His was not a

d that Brutus should marry Caesar’s daughter. 2 Her plan was annulled by the turn of events in the fatal consulate of Mete

urn of events in the fatal consulate of Metellus. Caesar was captured by Pompeius: Julia, the bride intended for Brutus, p

e strengthened the family tie and obligation of vengeance yet further by divorcing his Claudia and marrying his cousin Por

lia, public and notorious. Above all, to Brutus as to Cato, who stood by the ancient ideals, it seemed that Caesar, avid f

eians, thwarted ambition, personal feuds and personal interest masked by the profession of high principle, family traditio

ave to be dropped or suppressed. The reformer Ti. Gracchus was put up by a small group of influential consulars. 1 These p

and Pompeians to remove their leader. The Caesarian party thus split by the assassination of the Dictator none the less s

ns in a new and precarious front of security and vested interests led by the Dictator’s political deputy until a new leade

integral truth: a Sullan partisan before turning popularis, Pompeius by his latest change of front came back to earlier a

the head and front of the nobilitas, paramount in public dignity, but by no means invulnerable to scrutiny of morals and m

qually a joy and comfort to their enemies. Certain of the principes by providential death had been spared the experience

). PageBook=>062 were debarred from public life until restored by the Dictator. 1 Two of the three, Gabinius and Me

bated his ardour, deserted his cousins and remained in Italy, scorned by the Pompeians; likewise L. Marcius Philippus, the

s on the other side. The newer movements in literature were sponsored by a brilliant circle of orators and poets, young me

on of a parsimonious banker, came over from a calculation of success, by reason of his debts and perhaps from sincere aspi

quent, especially Curio, who had already, despite his youth, won rank by vigour and acerbity among the greatest of politic

the lover of a Metella (Apuleius, Apol. 10), mercilessly put to death by Q. Metellus Scipio in Africa (Bell. Afr. 46, 3).

f the same noble house on opposing sides will be explained not always by domestic discord and youth’s intolerance of age,

ays by domestic discord and youth’s intolerance of age, but sometimes by deliberate choice, to safeguard the wealth and st

cause were indifferent or even distasteful. Of Caesar’s own relatives by blood or marriage, certain were neutral. 3 The yo

igible or tenuous were faithfully recorded and honoured, for example, by the sons of the proconsuls with whom Caesar had s

l war, only thirty years before. The memory of Sulla was loathed even by those who stood by the order he had established.

years before. The memory of Sulla was loathed even by those who stood by the order he had established. Pompeius’ repute wa

e side of Caesar. 4 The Marian tradition in politics was carried on by men called populares. Pompeius had once been a po

of the Dictator Sulla) had been prosecuted in the courts, but rescued by the able defence of an eloquent lawyer to whom he

o his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 Caesar profited by the example and by the errors of his predecessor.

the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 Caesar profited by the example and by the errors of his predecessor. He recruited his l

affiliation, the generals of the Gallic Wars as a body stood loyally by their proconsul, commanding armies and governing

ro’s brother and the great marshal T. Labienus. Honoured and enriched by Caesar, Labienus was encouraged to hope for the c

ulate. 7 Other Pompeians and other men from Picenum might be captured by the arts, the gold NotesPage=>067 1 Cicero

atis servituti. ’ A sad decline from those earlier merits once lauded by Cicero (Asconius 63 = p. 72 Clark). 2 Pompeius

ty in power, had been a Marian and a popularis, was feared for a time by contemporaries and often believed by posterity to

popularis, was feared for a time by contemporaries and often believed by posterity to be a revolutionary has led to undue

their peers. 5 The patriciate was a tenacious class; though depressed by poverty, by incapacity to adjust themselves to a

5 The patriciate was a tenacious class; though depressed by poverty, by incapacity to adjust themselves to a changing eco

ty, by incapacity to adjust themselves to a changing economic system, by active rivals and by the rise of dynastic plebeia

adjust themselves to a changing economic system, by active rivals and by the rise of dynastic plebeian houses like the Met

m Romanam essent. ’ 4 ILS 2988 (the worship of Vediovis at Bovillae by the ‘genteiles Iuliei’). 5 Münzer, RA, 356; 358

nd two branches of the Cornelii, the Scipiones and the Lentuli, stood by the oligarchy. But Caesar claimed, among other pa

3 Old ties were revived and strengthened in the generation of Caesar by Servilia, who worked steadily to restore the dign

eud against Pompeius; and his consular brother had been won to Caesar by a large bribe. 5 Servilius belonged to a branch o

ed Servilia. But Servilia’s ambitious designs were seriously impaired by Cato’s adhesion to Pompeius and by the outbreak o

us designs were seriously impaired by Cato’s adhesion to Pompeius and by the outbreak of the Civil War. Her son Brutus fol

erer. The patricians were loyal to tradition without being fettered by caste or principle. Either monarchy or democrac

consulate of 44: he cannot then have been only twenty-five, as stated by Appian, BC 2, 129, 539. Other Caesarian patrician

r station in life. Fides, libertas and amicitia were qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesar as by Brutus. Ca

, libertas and amicitia were qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesar as by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to

d amicitia were qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesar as by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to the core. ‘He

taturum. ’ Compare also a phrase from the speech Pro Bithynis (quoted by Gellius 5, 13, 6): ‘neque clientes sine summa inf

Ventidius, whose infancy had known slavery and degradation: captured by Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, he had been led or ca

XIV, 966 f. 3 The essential evidence about P. Ventidius is supplied by Gellius 15, 4; Dio 43, 51, 4 f. On the problem of

4 C. Vibius Pansa Caetronianus (for the full name, ILS 8890) is said by Dio (45, 17, 1) to have belonged to a proscribed

t Punic city of Gades in Spain. L. Cornelius Balbus was not a citizen by birth he received the franchise for service to Ro

knowledge and the mediation of Balbus. 3 His unpopularity is attested by the elaborate excuses of his advocate. At the beg

the notorious Rabirius Postumus, so named after testamentary adoption by his maternal uncle, the alleged slayer of Saturni

, provinces and kings were bound to the imperator of the Roman People by personal ties of allegiance. In the imminence of

t is stated that Gallus has in his possession a dramatic poem written by the younger Balbus. Gallus came from Forum Julii

y for Caesar and relieved the siege of Alexandria; he was also helped by the Idumaean Antipater. Mytilene was in the clien

But Caesar, too, had his partisans in the cities of Hellas, augmented by time and success. 3 Pompeius constantly employed

ef was the following of Caesar, summarily indicated and characterized by the names of representative members senators, kni

justice, partisans of all categories secured admission to the Senate by standing for quaestorship or tribunate or by dire

admission to the Senate by standing for quaestorship or tribunate or by direct adlection through the special powers of th

of the new government. The most intemperate allegations thrown about by malignant contemporaries are repeated by credulou

ate allegations thrown about by malignant contemporaries are repeated by credulous posterity and consecrated among the unc

enate before now, furtive and insecure, under the menace of expulsion by implacable censors; the scribe likewise might wel

see R. Syme, BSR Papers XIV (1938), 12 ff. 3 Bell. Afr. 54, 5 and, by implication, BC 1, 46, 4. On the whole question o

subjected to casual settlement of Italians and intensive exploitation by traders and financiers. The colonial and Italia

d, irregular settlements of immigrants and a large number of citizens by this date. L. Decidius Saxa, made tribune of the

of citizens by this date. L. Decidius Saxa, made tribune of the plebs by Caesar in 44 B.C., had served under him in the wa

rant or colonial Roman. Balbus, the Gaditane magnate, was not a Roman by birth, but a citizen of an alien community allied

eer reason and weight of numbers, from the obscure or fantastic names by chance recorded once and never again, to say noth

oice, from gratitude or for profit. The patrician P. Sulla was joined by the nobilis C. Antonius and the obscure M. Cispiu

ater became praetor, CIL I2, 819.1278. PageBook=>082 relegated by the consul Gabinius, and the great Rabirius, who

dship and influence of the municipal aristocrat was largely solicited by Roman politicians. Not only could he sway the pol

r among the Laestrygones,1 which was excessive, frivolous and tainted by Hellenic myth. Enemies of the Vitellii, of Nuceri

observance of the Valerii; 3 and men could remember whole wars waged by a single clan. Such families might modify their n

t be found. They spread their influence among the local aristocracies by marriage or alliance, northwards to Etruria and s

south into Campania. 5 The concession of political equality at Rome by the patricians in the middle of the fourth centur

he new nobility. 6 These foreign dynasts were taken up and brought in by certain patrician houses for their own political

south of Latium; 2 and the name of the Licinii is Etruscan, disguised by a Latin termination. 3 The plebeian houses might

self, the process is natural enough; and it is confirmed not a little by subsequent and unimpeachable history. Enemies of

loser and more exclusive. Marius, the knight from Arpinum, was helped by the Metelli. For merit and military service he mi

ce at Rome. 1 But the Marian party had been defeated and proscribed by Sulla. The restored oligarchy, established by vio

defeated and proscribed by Sulla. The restored oligarchy, established by violence and confiscation, perpetuated a narrow t

cted to Roman influences. In a wide region of Italy it was reinforced by hostility to Rome as yet unappeased, by the memor

on of Italy it was reinforced by hostility to Rome as yet unappeased, by the memory of oppression and war, of defeat and d

o early. That it can have been neither rapid nor easy is demonstrated by the facts of geography and communications, and by

asy is demonstrated by the facts of geography and communications, and by the study of Italian ethnography and Italian dial

e proposal to extend the Roman franchise to the allies was first made by agrarian reformers at Rome, with interested motiv

id down their arms within sixty days may have weakened the insurgents by encouraging desertion, but did not arrest hostili

aptives, hostages or non-combatants it was complicated and embittered by the strife of local factions. Etruria and Umbria,

Marian sedition was not richly represented in the Roman Senate, even by renegades. Pompeius Strabo had a large following

The towns of Italy welcomed the resurgence of the Marian faction led by a NotesPage=>089 1 Pro Piando (Plancio?) 1

comprised adherents from all over Italy. Like the families proscribed by Sulla, regions where Marian influence was strong

the Caesarians Vatinius and Sallustius. 6 They were no doubt followed by knights whom Caesar promoted. Campania, again, a

C. (Appian, BC 1, 60, 271). Sulla died after a fit of apoplexy caused by a quarrel with a Granius of Puteoli, ‘princeps co

s (Phil. 3, 25 f.). The gentilicium‘Vehilius’ is rare and not noticed by Schulze: compare, however, the early inscrr. CIL

hat resembled a nation, with Rome as its capital, was not consummated by orators or by political theorists: the slow proce

a nation, with Rome as its capital, was not consummated by orators or by political theorists: the slow process of peaceful

adoption of the Latin tongue and Roman ways was brutally accelerated by violence and confiscation, by civil wars, by the

and Roman ways was brutally accelerated by violence and confiscation, by civil wars, by the Dictatorship and by the Revolu

was brutally accelerated by violence and confiscation, by civil wars, by the Dictatorship and by the Revolution. The role

by violence and confiscation, by civil wars, by the Dictatorship and by the Revolution. The role of Caesar is evident and

us owed his name to his maternal uncle, a wealthy man (P-W XV, 1947): by birth he was M. Satrius (P-W II A, 190), and is d

mischen Italien (1935). His main thesis, however, is firmly contested by Stuart Jones and by Cary, JRS XXVI (1936), 268 ff

5). His main thesis, however, is firmly contested by Stuart Jones and by Cary, JRS XXVI (1936), 268 ff.; ib. XXVII, 48 ff.

owest ranks of the Roman Senate, before Sulla as well as after, borne by NotesPage=>093 1 W. Schulze, LE, passim; M

high and striking relief. 6 The four novi homines were all signalized by military service in Gaul. 7 NotesPage=>094

), C. Coelius Caldus (94), and M. Herennius (93) may have been helped by him. 3 L. Licinius Murena (cos. 62), of a disti

merous suffect consuls as well. For all their admitted talents, it is by no means likely that the Dictator would have give

especial friend and favourite, was named in his will among the heirs by default. 8 Brutus was a nobilis, Galba a patric

II THE CONSUL ANTONIUS PageBook=>097 CAESAR lay dead, stricken by twenty-three wounds. The Senate broke up in fear

likewise fell flat. The mob was apathetic or hostile, not to be moved by the logical, earnest and austere oratory of Brutu

rs remained ensconced upon the Capitol. Their coup had been countered by the Caesarian leaders, who, in negotiation with t

has been much disputed. The early morning of March 17th, ably argued by O. E. Schmidt, accepted by many and reinforced by

e early morning of March 17th, ably argued by O. E. Schmidt, accepted by many and reinforced by Münzer (P- W, Supp. v, 375

h 17th, ably argued by O. E. Schmidt, accepted by many and reinforced by Münzer (P- W, Supp. v, 375 f.), is certainly attr

ught forward a practical measure. Though Caesar was slain as a tyrant by honourable and patriotic citizens, the acta of th

nst them. Accident blended with design. The funeral oration delivered by Antonius (March 20th) may not have been intended

’ An elaborate passionate and dramatic speech of Antonius is recorded by certain historians (esp. Appian, on whom see E. S

Appian, on whom see E. Schwartz, P-W II, 230), but is suspect. It is by no means clear that it suited his plans to make a

et et infidelissima. ’ PageBook=>099 the benefactions bestowed by his will upon the people of Rome, the crowd broke

was the end and justification of their enterprise, not to be altered by wisdom after the event and the vain regrets of ce

body in the Senate, whether Caesarian or neutral. The Senate, thinned by war and recently replenished by the nominees of t

arian or neutral. The Senate, thinned by war and recently replenished by the nominees of the Dictator, lacked prestige and

lic and secure the election of his own kinsman Bibulus. 3 Debauched by demagogues and largess, the Roman People was read

Book=>101 in the last months of Caesar’s life, artfully fomented by his enemies; and Caesar, who had taken up arms in

he expected popular manifestations of sympathy at the games furnished by him, in absence, in honour of the god Apollo. Apo

s of Italy. With the veterans, the Liberators were at once confronted by a solid block of vested interests. They were care

ot carrying full conviction. 1 Nor were the veterans to be won merely by material advantage. They became truculent and tum

y they took up arms against his enemies, had been treacherously slain by those whom he trusted and promoted by the marshal

s, had been treacherously slain by those whom he trusted and promoted by the marshals Decimus Brutus and Trebonius before

he Republican cause defies any close estimate: it may not be measured by optimistic and partisan proclamations that descri

ic and partisan proclamations that describe the Liberators as guarded by the devoted loyalty of all Italy. 3 Brutus and Ca

voted loyalty of all Italy. 3 Brutus and Cassius were warmly welcomed by the propertied classes in the municipio, deferent

by the propertied classes in the municipio, deferential and flattered by the presence of Roman nobiles, whom even Caesaria

se. 2 But Dolabella, though not impervious to flattery, was fortified by distrust of his father-in-law and by financial su

vious to flattery, was fortified by distrust of his father-in-law and by financial subsidies from Antonius, while Hirtius

it was necessary. At the time of Caesar’s death, the armies were held by his partisans, save that certain arrangements wer

e inconsiderable, one or two legions; and Apamea was closely invested by Caesarian generals. So much for provinces and a

the Roman People, all was not lost. The Dictator was dead, regretted by many, but not to be avenged; an assertion of libe

any, but not to be avenged; an assertion of liberty had been answered by the Caesarian leaders with concord in word and ac

salutary respite from politics and political strife so firmly imposed by the Dictatorship might even be prolonged. It all

eful, is evident and admitted. He belonged to a class of Roman nobles by no means uncommon under Republic or NotesPage=&

for firm concord in the governing class and a firm control of affairs by the consuls. To this end Antonius the consul to

noble embodying the virtues of his order and class, and bound to him by ties of personal friendship. 3 He had no quarrel

away from Rome: a temporary absence at least might have been admitted by the friends of Brutus, to salvage political conco

ari Antonium. ’ 2 Phil. 1, 6; 2, 5. 3 This is strongly emphasized by Gelzer, P-W x, 1003 f. 4 Ad Att. 14, 1, x, cf.

he State papers and private fortune of the Dictator, duly surrendered by Calpurnia, Antonius had ample reserves of patrona

rise nor for excuse. Rumours circulated before long, to be reinforced by monstrous allegations when proof or disproof was

ons of two agrarian laws passed in the consulate of Antonius. It is by no means clear that the behaviour of Antonius wen

ent adversary of that exile; 1 he recognized the seizure of territory by an eastern monarch subject to Rome not that it ma

of his acts that lend colour to the charge of tyranny may be defended by the wide discretionary powers which the constitut

which the constitution vested in the consulate in times of crisis and by the need to safeguard his position and his person

position and his person, especially when attacked, later in the year, by his enemies in a manner which on any theory of le

hat, Antonius was consul, head of the government, and so unassailable by legal weapons. In the next year, with A. Hirtius

sake of peace, the predominance of Antonius might have to be admitted by neutrals even by Republicans. As for the Caesar

e predominance of Antonius might have to be admitted by neutrals even by Republicans. As for the Caesarian party, there

To Lepidus Antonius secured the office of pontifex maximus, once held by a glorious and remembered ancestor; 1 he also sou

remembered ancestor; 1 he also sought to attach that ambiguous person by betrothing his daughter to Lepidus’ son. Moreover

nd emolument, to break out at the last into civil war again. Deplored by the Liberators, the lack of leaders in the Senate

a Cisalpina, and Gallia Comata as well (the region recently conquered by Caesar):1 these lands he would garrison with the

for the consulate of 56 B.C. Octavius left three children, an Octavia by his first wife, by Atia another Octavia and a son

f 56 B.C. Octavius left three children, an Octavia by his first wife, by Atia another Octavia and a son, C. Octavius. Of t

a brilliant career through these influential connexions, was taken up by Caesar. 5 When C. Octavius passed by adoption i

ntial connexions, was taken up by Caesar. 5 When C. Octavius passed by adoption into the Julian House he acquired the ne

he world accepted him as Caesar’s son and heir; that the relationship by blood was distant was a fact of little moment in

in the Roman conception of the family, barely known or soon forgotten by the inhabitants of the provinces. The custom of

n moral and emotional grounds. All conventions are baffled and defied by Caesar’s heir. Not for nothing that the ruler of

38 B.C., BMC, R. Rep. 11, 411 ff. 2 Antonius’ own words are quoted by Cicero, Phil. 13, 24: ‘et te, o puer, qui omnia n

rned about the will, he conceived high hopes, refusing to be deterred by letters from his mother and step-father, both of

al of the perilous inheritance. But he kept his head, neither dazzled by good fortune nor spurred to rash activity the app

etext for action. Thus he was to find himself attacked on two fronts, by a radical demagogue and by respected conservative

as to find himself attacked on two fronts, by a radical demagogue and by respected conservatives. For the moment, howeve

ed to take for himself a special provincial command. Further, alarmed by the intrigues current during his absence in Campa

e formality. 2 Ad fam. 11, 2. 3 Ad Att. 15, 8, 1. But Hirtius was by no means favourable to the Liberators, ib. 14, 6,

ff. 4 On this, W. Sternkopf, Hermes XLVII (1912), 357 ff., accepted by T. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire

oubts whether to accept. A family conference at Antium, presided over by Servilia, debated the question. 2 Cassius was res

n attempt to display in public the golden chair voted to the Dictator by the Senate and the diadem vainly offered by Anton

air voted to the Dictator by the Senate and the diadem vainly offered by Antonius at the classic scene of the Lupercalia.

us at the classic scene of the Lupercalia. 3 He was promptly thwarted by a Republican or NotesPage=>116 1 Namely, t

e, also the faithful Favonius and Cicero, who was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he embarked upon an all too familia

ht well force Antonius back again to the policy which he had deserted by the legislation of June 1st to a strengthening of

se to omit the word ‘Sextilibus’ wrongly. But even so, the date meant by Cicero is quite certain. PageBook=>118 The

the legionaries were steadily reinforced and their appetites whetted by the dissemination of propaganda, of promises, of

o gain from concord in the State, everything from disorder. Supported by the plebs and the veterans, he possessed the mean

own. It was the aim of Octavianus to seduce the moderate Caesarians by an appeal to their loyalty towards the memory of

possessed and that was all he needed. It is a common belief, attested by the existence of political science as a subject o

devotion which Caesar’s memory evoked among his friends was attested by impressive examples; 1 and it was not merely from

r support and devotion to his son and heir. Loyalty could only be won by loyalty in return. Caesar never let down a friend

licity. A change of front in politics is not disastrous unless caused by delusion or indecision. The treacheries of Octavi

postpone the avenging of Caesar until he was strong enough, built up by Republican help, to betray the Republicans. The c

r side, certain moderates and Republicans might be lured and captured by the genial idea of employing the name of Caesar a

NotesPage=>122 1 The whole situation at this time is summed up by Dio (45, 11, 1 ff.) with unwonted insight and for

in honour of Caesar should be added to the solemn thanksgivings paid by the Roman State to the immortal gods; and he had

importance of his speech is difficult to estimate: but the stand made by the two consulars, though negative, irresolute an

de by the two consulars, though negative, irresolute and not followed by action of any kind, was certainly a check to Anto

me merito’. 2 His enemies let loose upon him a tribune, Ti. Cannutius by name. The exacerbated Antonius then delivered a v

teran soldiers of his bodyguard, alleging that they had been suborned by Octavianus to assassinate him. Octavianus protest

ith the plebs and a tribune. Brought before an assembly of the People by Ti. Cannutius, the young man delivered a vigorous

plit and shattered: it was being rebuilt, this time against Antonius, by a hostile alliance of Caesarian and Pompeian elem

Aricia! From dealing with D. Brutus, however, Antonius was impeded by no doubts of his own, by no disloyalty among his

ith D. Brutus, however, Antonius was impeded by no doubts of his own, by no disloyalty among his troops. Out of Rome and l

ria, marriage to Atia and consulate: yet he gave his daughter Marcia ( by an earlier marriage) for wife to Cato. Philippus

busive reference to him (Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 4). No mention of either by Cicero their mere names would have been a damagin

e to attack and despoil him. 1 The provenance of these resources is by no means clear; neither is the fate of the privat

heir perhaps unjustly. The legacies to the plebs were paid after all by Octavianus, perhaps not wholly from his own fortu

d in vain. 8 When Octavianus journeyed to Campania to raise an army by bribery, five adherents of some note participated

active as a business man in Greece. Mindius enriched himself further by the purchase of confiscated estates: he came from

y an equestrian officer (Bell. Al. 31, 3) promoted to senatorial rank by Caesar. He commanded the legio Martia for Octavia

ort, from some of the more respectable Caesarians, who were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius, alarmed at his power

Hirtius and Pansa might yet save the Republic, not, as some hoped, by action, but by preventing the actions of others.

Pansa might yet save the Republic, not, as some hoped, by action, but by preventing the actions of others. Even a nonentit

curbed but not destroyed: they were not at all willing to be captured by an anti-Caesarian faction and forced into the con

was complicated, and Philippus’ policy was ambiguous. Even if stirred by the example of his father’s actions on behalf of

or did any political enemy or ambitious youth come forward to arraign by prosecution a proconsul alleged to have been corr

t his repute, or at least his influence, is sufficiently demonstrated by his election, though reluctant, to the censorship

In Ciceronem, a brief, vigorous and concentrated attack, was written by Piso, as has been argued by Reitzenstein and Schw

rous and concentrated attack, was written by Piso, as has been argued by Reitzenstein and Schwartz, Hermes XXXIII (1898),

by Reitzenstein and Schwartz, Hermes XXXIII (1898), 87 ff.: accepted by E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchie3, 163 f. PageBook=&

o be degenerating into faction strife. 1 His character was vindicated by his conduct, his sagacity by the course of events

n strife. 1 His character was vindicated by his conduct, his sagacity by the course of events: to few, indeed, among his c

and Pompeius in the Civil War. Servilius, however, had been ensnared by Caesar, perhaps with a bribe to his ambition, the

late he wavered between Pompeius and the enemies of Pompeius, trusted by neither. In Cato he admired yet deplored the rigi

e and denial of compromise; and he claimed that he had been abandoned by the allies of Cato. Towards Pompeius he continued

im assiduously, through the familiar offices of Balbus and Oppius and by personal approach. But Cicero stood firm: he refu

firm: he refused to come to Rome and condone Caesar’s acts and policy by presence in the Senate. Courage, but also fear he

by presence in the Senate. Courage, but also fear he was intimidated by the bloodthirsty threats of the absent Pompeians,

t;138 1 Ad Att. 7, 15, 2. 2 He may, however, have been influenced by circumstantial rumours. It was by no means unlike

may, however, have been influenced by circumstantial rumours. It was by no means unlikely that Caesar would be entangled

o means unlikely that Caesar would be entangled and defeated in Spain by the experienced Pompeian generals. 3 Ad M. Brut

r 19th). Cicero thought it best not to turn up. He salved his dignity by the belief that he was in danger of his life, and

lved his dignity by the belief that he was in danger of his life, and by the composition of a speech in reply, the pamphle

it might be argued, came out into the open at last, and made history by a resolute defence of the Republic. But Cicero as

ence of Antonius’ rival must have been reckoned as a political factor by Cicero and P. Servilius when they attacked the co

nd P. Servilius when they attacked the consul. However that may be, by the beginning of October Caesar’s heir was an ala

no disguise. To be sure, he offered a safeguard to the conservatives by permitting one of the assassins of Caesar to be e

y the plot of a crafty and unscrupulous youth. Cicero was possessed by an overweening opinion of his own sagacity: it ha

sar, and become amenable to guidance: he was abruptly brought to heel by Pompeius, and his influence as a statesman was de

The experience and wisdom of the non-party statesman was not invoked by Caesar the Dictator in his organization of the Ro

recisely lies the explanation. Cicero was spurred to desperate action by the memory of all the humiliations of the past ex

in defence of the tools of despotism, Balbus, Vatinius and Gabinius, by the Dictatorship of Caesar and the guilty knowled

rit as well as to birth; and the good statesman would not be deserted by his peers, coerced by military dynasts or harried

h; and the good statesman would not be deserted by his peers, coerced by military dynasts or harried by tribunes. This t

not be deserted by his peers, coerced by military dynasts or harried by tribunes. This treatise was published in 51 B.C

not until November (ib. 16, 11, 4). 5 This may perhaps be supported by what St. Augustine records about the De re public

and politics. Civil war was an abomination. Victory could only be won by adopting the adversary’s weapons; and victory no

CHWORDS PageBook=>149 IN Rome of the Republic, not constrained by any law of libel, the literature of politics was

or limit. Hence the alarming picture of contemporary society revealed by oratory, invective and lampoon. Crime, vice and

fferent was gallant young Dolabella! 2 The supreme enormity Antonius, by demonstrative affection towards his own wife, mad

2, 74 f. 3 Ib. 2, 77. 4 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4 (allegations made by Antonius and by Cassius of Parma). 5 In Pisonem

2, 77. 4 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4 (allegations made by Antonius and by Cassius of Parma). 5 In Pisonem, fr. 11 = Ascon

gt;151 Shameless and wicked lie! 1 A few months pass and Dolabella, by changing his politics, betrays his true colours,

ribe of Roman politicians soon acquired immunity. They were protected by long familiarity, by a sense of humour, or by ski

ians soon acquired immunity. They were protected by long familiarity, by a sense of humour, or by skill at retaliation. Ce

ty. They were protected by long familiarity, by a sense of humour, or by skill at retaliation. Certain charges, believed o

n. Certain charges, believed or not, became standard jests, treasured by friends as well as enemies. Ventidius was called

he requited Catullus for lampoons of unequalled vigour and indecency by inviting the poet to dinner. 3 Freedom of speech

gal and constitutional form. The Principate of Augustus was justified by the spirit, and fitted to the fabric, of the Roma

tion that there was a state of emergency, or that certain individuals by their acts had placed themselves in the position

interpretation, of debate and of fraud: almost any plea could triumph by an appeal to custom or tradition. Knowledge of

. Libertas was most commonly invoked in defence of the existing order by individuals or classes in enjoyment of power and

ation of privilege. Yet, even so, libertas could not be monopolized by the oligarchy or by any party in power. It was op

Yet, even so, libertas could not be monopolized by the oligarchy or by any party in power. It was open to their opponent

the tyranny of the Marian party; 2 and Caesar the proconsul, trapped by Pompeius and the oligarchs, turned his arms again

were gaily consummated; and devotion to the public good was supported by the profession of private virtues, if such they s

scending mores. Roman political factions were welded together, less by unity of principle than by mutual interest and by

itical factions were welded together, less by unity of principle than by mutual interest and by mutual services (officia),

lded together, less by unity of principle than by mutual interest and by mutual services (officia), either between social

ling himself ‘Magnus Pompeius Pius’. 3 Caesar’s son showed his pietas by pursuing the blood-feud and insisting on vengeanc

issolution of one alliance and the formation of another was justified by good sense to acquire new friends without losin

ied by good sense to acquire new friends without losing the old; or by lofty NotesPage=>157 1 Sallust, BJ 31, 15:

as a matter of their own choice and favour. 1 Treachery was commended by the example of their superiors; and the plea of p

leader might sometimes have to be enforced, or at least accelerated, by the arguments of a common humanity. Caesar began

mon humanity. Caesar began it, invoking clemency, partly to discredit by contrast and memories of Sulla his Sullan enemies

eps need be hazardous. A proconsul in defence of honour, when trapped by his enemies, invokes the protection of his army.

by his enemies, invokes the protection of his army. A youth inspired by heroism levies an army for himself. So Caesar and

mies, the higher legality is expressly invoked ‘the ordinance enacted by Heaven itself, namely that all things advantageou

TONIUS PageBook=>162 THE Senate met on December 20th, convened by tribunes on the specious pretext of taking precau

ventures of Octavianus and D. Brutus. This meant usurpation of power by the Senate or rather, by a faction in the Senate

nd D. Brutus. This meant usurpation of power by the Senate or rather, by a faction in the Senate and war against the proco

deficiency in vigour, decision and authority. ‘We have been let down by the principes’; such was the constant and bitter

mid, partly disloyal. ’6 Worse than this, some of them were perverted by base emotions, by envy of Cicero’s renown. 7 Of

al. ’6 Worse than this, some of them were perverted by base emotions, by envy of Cicero’s renown. 7 Of the surviving con

that is to say, they were Caesarians. His harsh verdict is borne out by the facts. Only one of the five was an obstacle t

and clear-sighted Republican felt no confidence in a cause championed by Cicero, the pomp and insincerity of whose oratory

us and of Octavianus were converted into legitimate armies recognized by the State; the promises of money made by Octavian

legitimate armies recognized by the State; the promises of money made by Octavianus were solemnly ratified; in addition, d

that governors should continue to hold their provinces until relieved by the authority of the Senate. This covered Brutus

ouring of youth, merit and patriotism, found his proposal outstripped by P. Servilius. The Senate adlected Octavianus into

perations against Antonius, with the title of pro-praetor. 2 Further, by a special dispensation, he was to be allowed to s

statue on the motion of Philippus was a small thing. It was claimed by conservative politicians and widely admitted by t

ing. It was claimed by conservative politicians and widely admitted by their adversaries that in emergencies the Senate

he Republican state. 1 That was not the only irregularity practised by the party of the constitution when it ‘establishe

oid. That was not done until early in February. The arguments invoked by Cicero on January 1st for coolly disregarding the

invoked by Cicero on January 1st for coolly disregarding the law were by no means adequate or unequivocal (Phil. 5, 7 ff.)

ed, for Antonius’ command was not a normal consular province, decreed by the Senate and hence subject to Caesar’s ordinanc

ry weak, for the authority of sacred law had been largely discredited by its partisan and unscrupulous employment, and Ant

be more scandalous, more disgusting than the conduct of their mission by Piso and Philippus. ’2 The conditions upon which

for compromising on his right to Gallia Cisalpina under a law passed by the Roman People to say nothing of condoning the

that his agents were at work in Macedonia and elsewhere. He was aided by the retiring proconsul of Macedonia, Hortensius,

a Caesarian, and on such honest friends of peace as were not blinded by the partisan emotions of the moment. On a long vi

that Dolabella, passing through Asia on his way to Syria and opposed by the proconsul Trebonius, had captured him and exe

ter a summary trial:2 the charge was probably high treason, justified by assistance which Trebonius and his quaestor had g

nius retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an open letter sent by Antonius to Hirtius and Octavianus, spirited, cog

cogent and menacing. Antonius warned them that they were being used by Pompeians to destroy the Caesarian party, assured

to destroy the Caesarian party, assured them that the generals stood by him, and reiterated his resolve to keep faith wit

precedented and improper in a war between citizens, and never claimed by Sulla or by Caesar. To a thoughtful patriot it wa

and improper in a war between citizens, and never claimed by Sulla or by Caesar. To a thoughtful patriot it was no occasio

ges of a long siege. That was not the worst. The conduct of the war by the two consuls had overshadowed for a time the p

mque pessimum est. ’ 2 The ovation was opposed and perhaps rejected by certain Republicans in the Senate (Ad M. Brutum 1

n their leader, patron and friend. Octavianus, his forces augmented by the legions of Pansa, which he refused to surrend

enemy. The danger was manifest. It did not require to be demonstrated by the advice which the Caesarian consul Pansa on hi

dy promised his aid to the Republic against Antonius. He was rewarded by a vote of thanks on March 20th. To Pompeius was n

f the West. Antonius marched westwards with rapidity and resolution by Parma and Placentia to Dertona, then southwards b

ity and resolution by Parma and Placentia to Dertona, then southwards by arduous passes across the mountains to Vada Sabat

a (some thirty miles south-west of Genoa). Here on May 3rd he was met by the trusty Ventidius with the three veteran legio

pidus was on his side. Their palpable community of interest, hardened by the renascence of the Republican and Pompeian cau

soldiers are citizens, rhetoric is worth regiments. At a famous scene by the bank of the river Apsus in Albania, Caesar’s

osing his invasion of Narbonensis. Lepidus alleged that he was pained by their behaviour but merciful ‘nos etsi graviter a

s introduced Antonius into the camp, the Tenth Legion, once commanded by him, taking the lead. 1 Lepidus acquiesced. One o

rutus to come over the pass of the Little St. Bernard. If Plancus had by now resolved to join Antonius, his design was sub

thout the necessity of battle. Despondent, with tired troops, delayed by the raising of new levies, short of money and har

ps, delayed by the raising of new levies, short of money and harassed by petulant missives from Cicero, Brutus trudged onw

will of the ambiguous Lepidus; further, his troops had been solicited by envoys of Antonius and Lepidus. 2 Pollio was bo

een solicited by envoys of Antonius and Lepidus. 2 Pollio was bound by his personal friendship to Antonius; and he now r

nds’ as he had so recently termed them. The unfortunate Brutus, duped by Plancus and betrayed by his troops, fled northwar

ly termed them. The unfortunate Brutus, duped by Plancus and betrayed by his troops, fled northwards, hoping to make his w

ops, fled northwards, hoping to make his way through the Alpine lands by a wide circuit to Macedonia. He was trapped and k

lpine lands by a wide circuit to Macedonia. He was trapped and killed by a Gallic chieftain. It would be easy and unprofit

generals and the politicians found themselves thwarted at every turn by the desires of the soldiery on the surface and on

or it. Their reluctance to obey the constitutional principles invoked by faction and to fight against their fellow-citizen

r fellow-citizens had the result that they were described as ‘Madmen’ by the adversaries of Antonius. 1 They deserved a fr

. Brutus refused. Their incompatibility of temperament was aggravated by a complete divergence of aims and policy. This is

ted by a complete divergence of aims and policy. This is made evident by two incidents. Already Cicero and Brutus had exch

sake of concord. 8 NotesPage=>169 1 The rumour had been spread by Cicero’s enemies, Phil. 14, 15 f. 2 Ad M. Brutu

ailed against political hostility in civil wars before now when waged by Roman nobles. 3 Lepidus was declared a public ene

es above the law. ’6 On receipt of an extract from a letter written by Cicero to Octavianus, the Roman and the Republica

=>170 1 The evidence does not enable the occupation of Macedonia by Brutus (and of Syria by Cassius) to be closely da

e does not enable the occupation of Macedonia by Brutus (and of Syria by Cassius) to be closely dated. According to Gelzer

be induced to pardon the assassins of Caesar. ‘Better dead than alive by his leave:2 let Cicero live on in ignominy. ’3

ar kind. 5 The argument of youth and merit had already been exploited by Cicero. 6 The Senate refused. The sword decided.

cure relative of unimpeachable repute, who did not survive the honour by many months. The new consul now entered Rome to p

d punishment the assassins of Caesar, a special court was established by a law of the consul Pedius; along with these stat

ed the criminal from office, the mob plundered his house; the Senate, by a violent usurpation of authority, condemned him

eme magistracy in the city and the armies of the provinces. Depressed by the revived Dictatorship to little but a name, th

s for the present assumed control of the territories which he claimed by vote of the popular assembly, namely Gallia Cisal

eared, and it was soon to be known, that some of them had been seized by the adventurer Sex. Pompeius, acting in virtue of

x. Pompeius, acting in virtue of the maritime command assigned to him by the Senate earlier in the year for the war agains

till 41. On January1st, 41 B.C. L. Antonius inaugurated his consulate by a triumph over Alpine tribes: Dio, however, says

re of their ruthlessness, the Triumvirs inaugurated the proscriptions by the arrest and execution of a tribune of the Roma

manifesto. 2 lb. 4, 4, 15 perhaps the haruspex Vulcanius mentioned by Servius on Ecl. 9, 47. 3 Ad Att. 9, 10, 2 4 A

ly suggested that the merciful reluctance of Octavianus was overborne by the brutal insistence of his older and more harde

s there was some palliation, at least when consul he had been harried by faction and treason, when proconsul outlawed. For

ersonal danger and loss of estates were no doubt invented or enhanced by many astute individuals who owed security, if not

had already secured a guarantee for the event of a Republican victory by protecting the mother of Brutus. 4 Atticus was al

esPage=>192 1 There are full accounts of his end in Livy (quoted by Seneca, Suasoriae 6, 17); Plutarch, Cicero 47 f.;

ppian, BC 4, 19, 73 ff. The best obituary notice was Pollio’s (quoted by Seneca, Suasoriae 6, 24), admitting faults but co

andum de homine est. ’ 2 Pardon and return after a year is attested by ILS 8393. 3 Nepos, Vita Attici 9, 7: ‘a nonnull

s had long and bitter memories. Yet some of the proscribed were saved by civic virtue, personal influence or local patriot

Page=>193 1 Nepos, Vita Attici 12, 4: according to Nepos, he was by far the most elegant poet since Lucretius and Cat

evailed when Caesar defeated Pompeius yet the following of Caesar was by no means homogeneous, and the Dictator stood abov

nderground. It must be lured out again. Capital could only be tempted by a good investment. The Caesarian leaders therefor

es and political adversaries might head the list: the bulk is made up by the names of obscure senators or Roman knights. T

at was no defence. Varro was an old Pompeian, politically innocuous by now: but he was also the owner of great estates.

rished for his wealth; 5 so did M. Fidustius, who had been proscribed by Sulla, and the notorious C. Verres, an affluent e

man: his villas in the country and the palatial town house once owned by Livius Drusus cried out for confiscation. 8 But

essions of opulent females, arousing indignant protest. 9 Intimidated by a deputation of Roman ladies with a great Republi

rty only. 2 Hitherto the game of politics at Rome had been financed by the spoils of the provinces, extorted by senators

cs at Rome had been financed by the spoils of the provinces, extorted by senators and by knights in competition or in comp

een financed by the spoils of the provinces, extorted by senators and by knights in competition or in complicity, and spen

by senators and by knights in competition or in complicity, and spent by senators for their own magnificence and for the d

de men recall the Dictatorship of Caesar as an age of gold. 4 Thinned by war and proscription, the Senate was now replenis

R2, B 50. PageBook=>197 elected. Sixteen praetors were created by Caesar, a rational and even necessary reform: one

he consul Q. Pedius succumbed early in his tenure of office, stricken by shame and horror, it was alleged, at the proscrip

ars earlier the cause of the Republic beyond the seas was represented by Pompeius, a group of consulars in alliance and th

rcus Brutus. When Brutus left Italy, he was accompanied or followed by his relatives Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and M. Lic

by his relatives Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and M. Licinius Lucullus,3 by political adherents like the inseparable Favonius

s Lucullus,3 by political adherents like the inseparable Favonius and by his own personal friends and agents of equestrian

ius in Syria. 9 Trebonius the proconsul of Asia had been put to death by Dolabella; but his quaestor P. Lentulus, the son

.; BMC, R. Rep. 11, 481 ff. PageBook=>199 further strengthened by the arrival of miscellaneous Republican or Pompei

in ability and in distinction, and showed its revolutionary character by its composition as well as by its policy. The Tri

and showed its revolutionary character by its composition as well as by its policy. The Triumvirs had expelled from Italy

sulate falls in the main to the newest of the new, senators nominated by the Dictator or introduced after his death, most

ti of the Vicomagistri, L’ann. ép., 1937, 62: shortly to be published by A. Degrassi in Inscr. It. XIII, part 1); and perh

arcius. 4 L. Staius Murcus was active for the Republic until killed by Sex. Pompeius. A. Allienus disappears completely

11, 4. 2 Dio 48, 41, 1 ff. 3 C. Norbanus was admitted to honours by Caesar: the ending of the gentilicium is palpably

rmed struggle, it could never be restored. Despotism ruled, supported by violence and confiscation. The best men were de

od the Idumaean, in temporary charge of two Roman legions sent to him by Ventidius under the command of an enigmatic alien

re was delay. Octavianus turned aside to deal with Sex. Pompeius, who by now had won possession of all Sicily, sending Sal

invasion of the island. As for Antonius, he was held up at Brundisium by a hostile navy under the Republican admiral Staiu

he war into Italy in winter or even in summer, but to occupy the time by organizing their resources and raising more money

inevitable. Not only this Brutus was prescient and despondent, warned by the ghost of Caesar. On the contrary, Brutus at l

proscriptions he knew where he stood. Brutus himself was no soldier by repute, no leader of men. But officers and men kn

the NotesPage=>204 1 Appian, BC 4, 100, 422. 2 Even admitted by the apologetic Velleius (2, 70, 1), There was ple

d in a marsh (Pliny, NH 7, 148). PageBook=>205 Caesarians, led by Antonius, broke through the front of Cassius and

the Republic. Brutus could win a battle but not a campaign. Provoked by the propaganda and the challenges of the Caesaria

a NotesPage=>205 1 Plutarch, Brutus 43. 2 The date is given by the Calendar of Praeneste, L’ann. ép., 1922, 96.

, must be a province no longer but removed from political competition by being made a part of Italy. 1 So Antonius promise

, for the advantage of Octavianus, most of whose original portion was by now in the hands of Pompeius. As for Africa, shou

consul P. Servilius, Octavianus got no help. He was actively hindered by the other consul, L. Antonius, who, aided by the

He was actively hindered by the other consul, L. Antonius, who, aided by the faithful and imperious Fulvia, the wife of M.

o back upon his pledges of alliance to Octavianus. She must force him by discrediting, if not by destroying, the rival Cae

of alliance to Octavianus. She must force him by discrediting, if not by destroying, the rival Caesarian leader, and thus

saries at Gabii, half-way between Rome and Praeneste. It was arrested by mutual distrust and an interchange of missiles. 1

The consul marched on Rome, easily routing Lepidus. He was welcomed by the populace and by the Senate with a sincere fer

on Rome, easily routing Lepidus. He was welcomed by the populace and by the Senate with a sincere fervour such as can hav

hat was the least of his difficulties. He might easily be overwhelmed by the Antonian generals, strong in prestige and mas

g in prestige and mass of legions. But the Antonians were separated by distance and divided in counsel. In Gallia Cisalp

e Triumvir’s own province, all Gaul beyond the Alps, was held for him by Calenus and Ventidius with a huge force of legion

nd relieve Perusia. Marching across the Apennines, they were arrested by Agrippa and Salvidienus at Fulginiae, less than t

less than twenty miles from Perusia their fire-signals could be seen by the besieged. Ventidius and Pollio were ready to

city of Perusia was destined for pillage. The soldiery were thwarted by the suicide of a prominent citizen, whose ostenta

eath the assassins of Caesar. 2 These judicial murders were magnified by defamation and credulity into a hecatomb of three

idienus Rufus their senior had triumphed over all hazards. Confronted by their vigour and resolution, the most eminent and

(‘Arae Perusinae’). 4 Dio 48, 13, 6. The incident is wrongly dated by Suetonius, Divus Aug. 12. 5 Velleius 2, 76, 2;

rdinia; 1 in Hispania Ulterior Octavianus’ general Carrinas was faced by the invasion of a Moorish prince whom L. Antonius

s on a diplomatic mission to Sicily and gave pledge of his sentiments by taking to wife Scribonia,4 who was the sister of

in negotiation with Antonius. Once again the young Caesar was saved by the fortune that clung to his name. In Gaul Calen

rica for the Caesarians, cf. above, p. 189, n. 5. Fango had been sent by Octavianus after Philippi to take over from Sexti

out for an explanation. It was easy and to hand Antonius was besotted by drink, the luxury of Alexandria and the proverbia

tion as the colleague of Octavianus and the slowness of communication by sea in the dead of winter. Of the earlier stages

us struck his flag and joined Antonius. 1 He had already been secured by Pollio. 2 Brundisium, the gate of Italy, refuse

he could have hoped; and he at once demonstrated his old generalship by the sudden and complete rout of a body of hostile

errors had enabled Octavianus to assert himself as the true Caesarian by standing for the interests of the legions. But hi

s fleets. Serious conferences began. They were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men, for Octavianus by

ducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men, for Octavianus by the diplomatic Maecenas. L. Cocceius Nerva was pr

tween the provinces of Illyricum and Macedonia, formed their frontier by land. To the inferior Lepidus the dynasts resigne

between generals of dubious party allegiance. The compact was sealed by a matrimonial alliance. Fulvia, the wife of Anton

rtner, the fair and virtuous Octavia, left a widow with an infant son by the opportune death of her husband, C. Marcellus,

hed, while a world-empire as great as that of Alexander, torn asunder by the generals struggling for the inheritance, brok

48, 28, 4; Appian, BC 5, 65, 274 4 An approximate date is provided by the fact that the magistrates of the colony of Ca

s and magical science were quickly adopted for purposes of propaganda by the rulers of the world. Already coins of the yea

lden Age. 3 It was in this atmosphere of Messianic hopes, made real by the coming of peace and glorious with relief and

e consulate of his patron Pollio but very precisely to be inaugurated by Pollio, ‘te duce’. The Golden Age is to be fulfil

te duce’. The Golden Age is to be fulfilled, or at least inaugurated, by a child soon to be born. The child appears to b

icult. That Virgil’s poem is the earlier is now very plausibly argued by B. Snell, Hermes LXXIII (1938), 237 ff. 2 The l

holars and visionaries for two thousand years; it has been aggravated by a hazard to which prophetic literature by its ver

ars; it has been aggravated by a hazard to which prophetic literature by its very nature is peculiarly liable, that of sub

ly to become a father. The sister of Octavianus had a son, Marcellus, by her consular husband; but Marcellus was born two

ff. 6 Propertius 3, 18, 15; PIR2, C 925. 7 As persuasively argued by W. W. Tarn, JRS xxii (1932), 135 ff. The widely p

party, should in truth have ruled over a world that had been pacified by the valour of his father pacatumque reget patri

ounded upon the common interests of leaders and soldiers and cemented by the most binding and personal of pledges, offered

a secure hope of concord at last. The reconciled leaders, escorted by some of their prominent adherents, made their way

rs they had sought to defend Caesar the Dictator when he was assailed by the Liberators. 1 In the eyes of contemporaries

lacency of the dynasts and the nuptials of Antonius were soon clouded by disturbances in the city of Rome. The life of Oct

clamoured for bread and peace. Following the impeccable precedent set by the soldiers, they constrained the Caesarian lead

: they argued, bargained, and banqueted on the admiral’s ship, moored by the land. A rope cut, and Pompeius would have the

disdained to associate with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and who, by the virtue of the name of C

with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and who, by the virtue of the name of Caesar, won the support

l that was most brutal and odious. Their reasoned aversion was shared by the middle class and the men of property througho

o Peloponnesus. One of its stations was the island of Zacynthus, held by his admiral C. Sosius. 3 But the Balkan peninsu

arthians to invade Syria and prevented Antonius from intervening. Led by Pacorus, the King’s son, and by the renegade Roma

vented Antonius from intervening. Led by Pacorus, the King’s son, and by the renegade Roman, Q. Labienus, who styled himse

known. A capture of the city of Salonae far away in Dalmatia, alleged by the Virgilian scholiasts, is merely an inference

dius departed, and in November the Picene, who had been led a captive by Pompeius Strabo fifty-one years before, celebrate

eral. 2 Sosius took his place as governor of Syria,3 and, accompanied by Herod, proceeded to pacify Judaea. After a tenaci

sal of the vassal kingdoms certain arrangements had already been made by Antonius. During the course of the following year

einforced; but the execution of his policy was already being hampered by the claims and acts of his young colleague, who,

colleague, who, as in his revolutionary début, had everything to gain by stirring up trouble. Octavianus soon found it adv

the town, he departed at once, alleging pressure of Parthian affairs: by letter he warned Octavianus not to break the peac

0, cf. 180. The fullest account of the exploits of Ventidius is given by Dio, 48, 39, 3 ff.; 49, 19, 1 ff. According to Fr

and in an invidious light. 2 The powers of the Triumvirs as conferred by the Lex Titia had already run out with the close

lumenthal, Wiener Studien XXXVI (1914), 84 f., or at least influenced by court tradition, which embellishes the role of Oc

uppress Caesar’s heir had been offered repeatedly three years before, by fortune, by Fulvia and by Salvidienus. Antonius h

ar’s heir had been offered repeatedly three years before, by fortune, by Fulvia and by Salvidienus. Antonius had rejected

been offered repeatedly three years before, by fortune, by Fulvia and by Salvidienus. Antonius had rejected those offers.

=>227 AT Brundisium Caesar’s heir had again been saved from ruin by the name, the fortune and the veterans of Caesar,

nd knights, being peaceful members of the propertied classes, wearied by exile and discomfort, left the company of Pompeiu

s and Munda; and princes or local dynasts in foreign lands had lapsed by now to the Caesarian party. Sextus’ brother was d

r was out mutual accusations of bad faith were confirmed or justified by overt breaches of the agreement. Marriage and div

nus (cos. 19 B.C.), a better-known person (who is clearly referred to by Velleius, 2, 77, 3). The Sentii were related to L

. 2 M. Aemilius Scaurus was the son of Mucia, Pompeius’ third wife, by her second husband. Sex. Pompeius had married a d

PageBook=>229 Octavianus abruptly divorced Scribonia, his senior by many years and a tiresome character. 1 He then co

dii (her father, slain at Philippi, was a Claudius adopted in infancy by the tribune Livius Drusus),2 she married a kinsma

38 B.C.)4. The grandson of a small-town banker had joined the Julii by adoption and insinuated himself into the clan of

Julii by adoption and insinuated himself into the clan of the Claudii by a marriage. His party now began to attract ambiti

o had probably followed the discreet and ambiguous policy recommended by the examples of a father and a grandfather, not h

d fam. 12, 2, 2. 7 The problem of Scribonia’s husbands, intensified by Suetonius when he describes her as ‘nuptam ante d

pport his colleague. The young man went on with his war, encouraged by an initial advantage one of the most trusted of t

er forgave the brutal and thankless Titius, whose life had been saved by Pompeius several years earlier. 3 The young Cae

ished to Circeii, in which mild resort he survived the loss of honour by twenty-four years. The ruin of Lepidus had no d

now stood some forty legions diverse in history and origin but united by their appetite for bounties and lands. Octavianus

e name or epithet of divinity. 5 His statue was now placed in temples by loyal or obedient Italian municipalities. 6 At Ro

e homage due to a military leader and guarantor of peace was enhanced by official act and religious sanction. Caesar’s hei

ve, p.113. PageBook=>234 disturbances, order had been restored by land and sea. 1 The formulation, though not extra

Perusia has already been described. He was saved in war and diplomacy by his daring and by the services of three friends.

y been described. He was saved in war and diplomacy by his daring and by the services of three friends. Agrippa held the p

Carrinas and Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Carrinas, of a family proscribed by Sulla, but admitted to honours by Caesar, command

s. Carrinas, of a family proscribed by Sulla, but admitted to honours by Caesar, commanded armies for the Dictator, and wa

th-bed of Atticus in 32 B.C. (Nepos, Vita Attici 21, 4). 5 As shown by the new Fasti, L’ann. ép., 1937, 62. 6 Appian,

bove p. 201. Seleucus the admiral from Rhosus in Syria, revealed only by inscriptions (Syria xv (1934), 33 ff.), may have

ed only by inscriptions (Syria xv (1934), 33 ff.), may have been sent by Antonius to help his ally and may have passed bef

d their family laurels and the memory of victories over a Punic enemy by sea and NotesPage=>237 1 Plutarch, Brutus

was created an augur extraordinary. 5 Octavianus enriched his friends by granting war-booty or private subsidy in lavish m

maximus (ILS 925), in which latter function he was probably succeeded by Taurus, who was also augur (ILS 893a). Taurus hel

for their daring and their foresight. As yet they were conspicuous by their rarity. The vanquished of Philippi and of P

forms of patronage rested in the hands of the Triumvirs, Octavianus, by his presence at Rome, was in a position of distin

A powerful Caesarian oligarchy grew up, while the party of Antonius, by contrast, became more and more Pompeian. That w

urage, NotesPage=>239 1 In the years 36-32 Africa was governed by Taurus and Cornificius in succession, Spain by No

32 Africa was governed by Taurus and Cornificius in succession, Spain by Norbanus, Philippus and Ap. Pulcher, as the Acta

he Alps and Macedonia was narrow, perilous and inadequate. Encouraged by Rome’s enforced neglect in nearly twenty years of

lyricum and the Balkans up to the Danube and the winning of the route by land from northern Italy by way of Belgrade to Sa

o the Danube and the winning of the route by land from northern Italy by way of Belgrade to Salonika or Byzantium: such wa

e, Paullus Aemilius to complete the Basilica Aemilia, left unfinished by his father; and L. Marcius Philippus after his Sp

minister NotesPage=>241 1 The presence of Agrippa is attested by Appian, Ill. 20; Dio 49, 38, 3 f. Messalla was al

9, 38, 4). 2 The precise dates of the various triumphs are provided by the Acta Triumphalia (CIL 12, p. 50 and p. 77). F

citus, Ann. 3, 72. The complicated evidence is digested and discussed by F. W. Shipley, Mem. Am. Ac. Rome IX (1931), 7ff.

r the admiral Q. Laronius became consul; the other six were commended by no known military service to the Triumvirs. Nor d

if not wealth as well, to the Triumvirs; and a mass of Roman knights, by their incorporation in that order, reinforced the

bond between the higher classes of the holders of property. Veterans by grant, and freedmen by purchase, had acquired est

r classes of the holders of property. Veterans by grant, and freedmen by purchase, had acquired estates, sometimes with im

entiments of the nobiles when they contemplated the golden crown worn by a man called Vipsanius, or the elephant of Cornif

t;245 existence, for the transactions of high policy were conducted by the rulers in secret or at a distance from Rome.

r at a distance from Rome. Contemporaries were pained and afflicted by moral and by social degradation. True merit was n

ce from Rome. Contemporaries were pained and afflicted by moral and by social degradation. True merit was not the path t

dishonourable. 1 New men emerging established claims to the consulate by brutality or by craft. 2 The marshals might disap

New men emerging established claims to the consulate by brutality or by craft. 2 The marshals might disappear, some as su

the talent of survival, with arts and devices of subservience loathed by the Roman aristocracy: no honest man would care t

ocracy: no honest man would care to surrender honour and independence by becoming a minister to despotism. 3 The pursuit

ming a minister to despotism. 3 The pursuit of oratory, interrupted by civil war, languished and declined under the peac

different conception and fashion of speech was supported and defended by reputable champions, vigorous and intense yet avo

n the forefront of political speakers, and the spirited Caelius, were by no means the only exponents of this Attic tendenc

traditional and Roman, might be prized and preserved until threatened by a complete change of taste, by a reversion to Asi

prized and preserved until threatened by a complete change of taste, by a reversion to Asianism, or by the rise of a new

eatened by a complete change of taste, by a reversion to Asianism, or by the rise of a new romanticism. Pollio, after his

f agricultural and military operations, had been carefully maintained by the aristocracy to intimidate the people, to asse

in Pythagoreanism, or in any other belief and practice, was sustained by an insatiable curiosity, a tireless industry. Lon

ribune in the third consulate of Pompeius. Expelled from the Senate by the censors of 50 B.C., he returned with Caesar,

enied rank of comparison to Pompeius Magnus. 2 The Pompeians retorted by scandalous imputations about the character of the

18); and Lenaeus, the freedman of Pompeius, defended his dead patron by bitter personal invective (Suetonius, De gram. 15

f the Roman People. The writing of Roman history, adorned in the past by the names of a Fabius, a Cato, a Calpurnius, was

s and above mere invective, could be made an instrument of government by conveying a political message, unobtrusive, but p

or of an elaborate and obscure poem called Smyrna, was torn to pieces by the Roman mob in mistake for one of the assassins

: it was their ambition to renovate Latin poetry and extend its scope by translating the works or adapting the themes and

e was confiscated, the manner and agents of its recovery, as retailed by the ancient Lives and scholiasts with more confid

t was about this time, in the absence of Pollio, that he was ensnared by more powerful and perhaps more seductive influenc

rivolity and imitated graces of the Eclogues had already been touched by contemporary politics and quickened to grander th

d for years that Italy was become a desert; and the hardships imposed by the Bellum Siculum, revealing the dependence of

ful and productive beyond comparison; 1 Italy had barely been touched by the wars; and it would have been an anachronism t

soldiers were tumultuous from pride in their exploits, conscious that by their support the government stood or fell. Grave

ry and antiquities, a reaction from alien habits of thought. Inspired by the first beginnings of a patriotic revival, the

rt to the remotest origins of the Roman People, august and sanctioned by divine providence; ancient legends could be emplo

of divinity, Caesar’s heir as Apollo, Antonius as Dionysus. 5 It was by no means evident how they were to operate a fusio

B.C. (Dio 49, 42, 2): there was, however, a restoration after damage by fire in 14 B.C. (ib. 54, 24, 2 f.). 5 On this,

ed, but the banker and man of affairs survived and prospered. Atticus by his accommodating manners won the friendship of C

d it is fatally easy to overestimate the strength and popularity that by now had accrued to Octavianus. It was great, inde

t by now had accrued to Octavianus. It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlier situat

inent clash and some favoured Caesar’s heir, none could have foreseen by what arts a national champion was to prevail and

e prestige of Antonius stood high, and his predominance was confirmed by the renewal of the Triumvirate at Tarentum when t

nd the choice of the agents goes beyond all praise: it was vindicated by history and by the judgement of Antonius’ enemies

f the agents goes beyond all praise: it was vindicated by history and by the judgement of Antonius’ enemies. Another rea

but her portion was exceedingly rich. Her revenues were also swollen by the gift of the balsam groves near Jericho and th

39 B.C. 2 Cf. J. Kromayer, Hermes XXIX (1894), 579. 3 Emphasized by Kromayer, ib. 585. The evidence of Josephus is cl

, serving the needs of government and defence, were not knit together by any principle of uniformity but depended upon the

tle and throne. 3 In the eastern lands many Julii reveal their patron by their names, despots great and small or leading m

stic dynast in one person; the latter role would be sensibly enhanced by the glory of victory in Parthia or by a defeat, c

role would be sensibly enhanced by the glory of victory in Parthia or by a defeat, constraining the Roman to lean more hea

estige of Rome and provide for the future security of the Empire, not by annexation of fresh territories as Roman province

mpire, not by annexation of fresh territories as Roman provinces, but by an extension of the sphere of vassal kingdoms. He

arid plains of Mesopotamia, as Crassus had done, there to be harried by cavalry and arrows. Even if a NotesPage=>263

ᾳ και κτιστά δєυ|τέρω τᾶζ πατρ ὶδ ζ. This sort of thing was described by Tacitus as ‘Graeca adulatio’ (Ann. 6, 18). 3 SI

hundred miles away. Antonius neglected to set a firm hold on Armenia by planting garrisons over the land perhaps he did n

is cavalry at a critical moment. The Parthians and Medes, well served by treachery and mobility, attacked the Roman commun

a vain siege, he was forced to retreat. The winter was upon him. Worn by privations and harried on their slow march by the

nter was upon him. Worn by privations and harried on their slow march by the Parthians, the legions struggled back to Arme

h by the Parthians, the legions struggled back to Armenia, saved only by the courage of Antonius and the steadiness of the

redit of their old general. 2 Antonius was delayed in the next year by the arrival of Sex. Pompeius in Asia and by the l

delayed in the next year by the arrival of Sex. Pompeius in Asia and by the lack of trained troops. The western soldiers

seventy ships: of ships Antonius had no need. Octavia was instructed by her brother to bring a body of two thousand picke

od). Cyrene, of little importance as a province, was perhaps governed by M. Licinius Crassus, compare the coins, BMC, R. R

s, attested in Syria in 31 B.C. (Dio 51, 7, 3), was perhaps appointed by Antonius. There is no evidence of any provincial

ted by Antonius. There is no evidence of any provincial commands held by L. Caninius Gallus, C. Fonteius Capito or L. Flav

of side, Seneca, Suasoriae 1, 7; Velleius, 2, 84, 2. He was employed by Antonius on confidential missions, to bring Cleop

37 B.C. (Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 32 f.), he was sent on a mission to Egypt by Antonius in the following winter (Plutarch, Anton

8, &c. (Cinna): Cinna was the son of Pompeia, daughter of Magnus, by her second marriage, namely, with L. Cornelius Ci

., cf. Münzer, P-W VII, 103 ff.: he is the Gellius infamously derided by Catullus (88-91). His wife Sempronia, daughter of

inscriptions. The admiral Atratinus served in Sicily in 36 B.C., sent by Antonius; for his coins, BMC, R. Rep. ii, 501; 51

s πρєσβєυτάν καὶ ἀντυστράτηγὸν (ILS 9461). He was a Calpurnius Bestia by birth. It is not quite certain that his adoptive

B.C. (Caesar, JSC 3, 5, 3, &c). The mysterious Metellus was saved by his son after Actium (Appian, BC 4, 42, 175 ff).

ius with a variegated past, Caesarian, Pompeian and Republican, bound by personal loyalty or family ties rather than by a

and Republican, bound by personal loyalty or family ties rather than by a programme and a cause, would stand the strain o

The cause or rather the pretext was the policy which had been adopted by Antonius in the East and the sinister intentions

n the East and the sinister intentions thence deduced and made public by Octavianus and his band of unscrupulous and clear

en now Antonius’ acts and dispositions were not immediately exploited by his enemies at Rome. The time was not quite ripe.

belief. Octavianus was in reality the aggressor, his war was preceded by a coup d’état: Antonius had the NotesPage=>2

range that neither Velleius (2, 82, 2 f.) nor Livy (at least to judge by Per. 131) fully exploited this attractive theme.

ntier clamoured to be regulated, as Caesar himself had probably seen, by fresh conquests in the Balkans and in Illyricum,

tasteful and oppressive, to the Roman State a cause of disintegration by reason of the military ambition of the proconsuls

y wisely preferred to preserve the rich land from spoliation and ruin by Roman financiers. Egypt was clearly not suited to

dispositions and Antonius’ vassal rulers were retained almost wholly by the victorious rival, save that in Egypt he chang

tural and normal. Had the eastern lands instead of the western fallen by partition to Octavianus, his policy would hardly

follow that he was merely a tool in the hands of Cleopatra, beguiled by her beauty or dominated by her intellect. His pos

a tool in the hands of Cleopatra, beguiled by her beauty or dominated by her intellect. His position was awkward if he did

nderstanding. Yet that is not proved. Antonius was compelled to stand by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principle a

s not proved. Antonius was compelled to stand by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principle as well as by the necessi

Antonius was compelled to stand by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principle as well as by the necessities of war. L

o stand by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principle as well as by the necessities of war. Like Caesar, he never des

n the character of the War of Actium as it was designed and contrived by the party of Octavianus. It was not a war for dom

nimportance of Cleopatra in relation to Caesar has been firmly argued by Carcopino, Ann. de l’École des Hautes Études de G

under the rule of the Triumvirs. Now came a sudden revival, heralded by the private correspondence of the dynasts, frank,

tesPage=>276 1 The order of events, not always clearly indicated by Dio and Plutarch, the only full sources for the y

ces for the years 33 and 32 B.C., has been satisfactorily established by Kromayer, Hermes XXXIII (1898), 37 ff. 2 Dio 50

Armenia, a strong argument in his favour. But Armenia was outweighed by the donations of Antonius to Cleopatra and her ch

tile attack if the Senate decided to discuss the acta of Antonius one by one, as when Pompeius requested confirmation of h

abuse of Octavianus; he proposed a motion of censure which was vetoed by a tribune. That closed the session. Octavianus

itas and the armed power to back it. He entered the Curia, surrounded by soldiers and adherents in the garb of peace, with

to Antonius, bearing with them the unread missive. They were followed by more than three hundred senators, Republican or A

ὶ συμφʋρῶν πoλλῶν πεπειραμένoϛ, ἐνєóχμωσєν. Perhaps he was approached by eminent ex- Republicans in the Caesarian party.

nus was in a very difficult position. The secession of avowed enemies by no means left a Senate unreservedly and reliably

eia, daughter of Pompeius Magnus: but the consul of 32 may be his son by an earlier marriage (PIR2, C 1338). CN. Pompeius

had ruined his reputation, while the material damage was compensated by subsequent successes and by the ordering of the n

while the material damage was compensated by subsequent successes and by the ordering of the north-eastern frontier. Octav

of a Senate. Bitter debate ensued among the party leaders, sharpened by personal enmities and rivalries. In a civil war

had presumed too much upon the loyalty of a party that was united not by principle or by a cause but by personal allegianc

much upon the loyalty of a party that was united not by principle or by a cause but by personal allegiance. Generous but

loyalty of a party that was united not by principle or by a cause but by personal allegiance. Generous but careless, in th

alents prominently at court masques in Alexandria. 3 Antonius stood by Cleopatra. Ahenobarbus hated the Queen and was av

ar. Yet it was not Ahenobarbus who ran away, but Plancus. Accompanied by his nephew Titius, he deserted and fled to Rome.

publicans, Pompeians. Certain allies were now dead; others, estranged by absence or by the diplomatic arts of the new mast

peians. Certain allies were now dead; others, estranged by absence or by the diplomatic arts of the new master of Italy, h

unded, or at least named, in his honour: this conjecture is confirmed by the existence of a city called Titiopolis in the

acter, ‘in omnia et omnibus venalis’, had been detected in peculation by Antonius. PageBook=>282 qualities which me

rpetuate. The Pompeians Saturninus and Arruntius had turned Caesarian by now; and certain consular diplomats or diplomatic

t Antonius had abruptly left a court of law in the middle of a speech by Furnius, the most eloquent of the Romans, because

rnius, the most eloquent of the Romans, because Cleopatra was passing by in her litter, that he had bestowed upon his para

lamed for not exploiting the given advantage before his enemy created by propaganda and intimidation a united front. 7 A

he publication of the will is not given so much importance and effect by Plutarch (Antonius 58 f.), while Velleius omits t

PageBook=>284 was compelled to secure the loyalty of his legions by paying a donative. In desperate straits for money

y punished. 1 Disturbances among the civil population were suppressed by armed force for the soldiers had been paid. To

r contributions for the army. The letters that circulated, guaranteed by the seal of the sphinx or by Maecenas’ frog, were

The letters that circulated, guaranteed by the seal of the sphinx or by Maecenas’ frog, were imperative and terrifying. 2

Another, yet another, criminal war between citizens was being forced by mad ambition upon the Roman People. In this atmos

at all. The oath of allegiance was perhaps not a single act, ordered by one decree of the Caesarian leader and executed s

e be[lli] quo vici ad Actium ducem depoposcit. ’ PageBook=>285 by the honourable treatment of Bononia, a town bound

geBook=>285 by the honourable treatment of Bononia, a town bound by especial ties of loyalty to Antonius. 1 The osten

the dynastic house of the patrician Claudii, had enhanced their power by inducing men of repute and substance in the Itali

ribune Livius Drusus, working in conservative interests and supported by a powerful group of nobiles, yet accused of monar

uld create opinion, produce votes of the local senates and facilitate by money or by moral suasion the levying of ‘volunte

pinion, produce votes of the local senates and facilitate by money or by moral suasion the levying of ‘volunteer’ armies i

was first invoked as a political and sentimental notion against Rome by the peoples of Italy, precisely the Italiciy when

ought that Roman soldiers, captives from the disaster of Crassus (and by implication of Antonius), could turn renegade and

truria, Picenum and the Samnite country could remember their conquest by Sulla and by the Pompeii: that was a reality. Mor

um and the Samnite country could remember their conquest by Sulla and by the Pompeii: that was a reality. More recently, P

red with the armed domination of Octavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimidation and by violence, Ital

med domination of Octavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimidation and by violence, Italy was forced in

tavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimidation and by violence, Italy was forced into a struggle which

ion between Rome and the East, and a nationalism grotesquely enhanced by war and revolution, by famine and by fear, broke

e East, and a nationalism grotesquely enhanced by war and revolution, by famine and by fear, broke out and prevailed, impo

nationalism grotesquely enhanced by war and revolution, by famine and by fear, broke out and prevailed, imposing upon the

crisis, merely temporary in use and validity; and the power conferred by the consent of tota Italia far surpassed any atte

s soldiers to an imperator. It resembled also the solemn pledge given by the Senate to Caesar the Dictator in the last mon

timent. As it was, Antonius’ system of reducing the burdens of empire by delegating rule in the East to dependent princes

of Roman knights and among those senators most nearly allied to them by the ties of family or business. 2 But what if t

limit between the dominions of the two dynasts, the Ionian Sea, and, by land, a narrow and impassable strip of the mounta

passable strip of the mountains of Montenegro, was the frontier given by nature, by history, by civilization and by langua

rip of the mountains of Montenegro, was the frontier given by nature, by history, by civilization and by language between

ountains of Montenegro, was the frontier given by nature, by history, by civilization and by language between the Latin We

ro, was the frontier given by nature, by history, by civilization and by language between the Latin West and the Greek Eas

e kind of assurance. PageBook=>291 Those who were not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus or their own emotions

y the artifices of Octavianus or their own emotions might be impelled by certain melancholy reflections to the same course

he coming struggle eliminated the last of the rival dynasts and there by consummated the logical end of the factions, comp

is comments would have been frank and bitter. Octavianus, supported by the oath of allegiance and consensus of all Italy

amicitia, their feud was private and personal. But if Antonius stood by his ally, his conduct would patently stamp him as

Spain and Gallia Narbonensis had already been admitted to the Senate by Caesar the Dictator; and there was an imposing to

entela of Caesar. Triumphs from Africa and Spain celebrated in 32 B.C by L. Cornificius and by Ap. Claudius Pulcher enhanc

mphs from Africa and Spain celebrated in 32 B.C by L. Cornificius and by Ap. Claudius Pulcher enhanced the impression of a

ad five hundred citizens with the knight’s census, a number surpassed by no town of Italy save Patavium (Strabo, p. 169).

e mouth of the Gulf of Corinth was his head-quarters. His forces, fed by corn-ships from Egypt, were strung out in a long

wards, and entrap him with the aid of superior sea-power. Not perhaps by a battle at sea: the greatest general of the day

om Media had seriously depleted his army. 2 But he made up the losses by fresh levies and NotesPage=>294 1 J. Kroma

o thirty. The new recruits were inferior to Italians, it is true, but by no means contemptible if they came from the viril

experience of naval warfare. The admirals of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated by their final su

mirals of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated by their final success in the Sicilian War. Octavi

he neighbourhood. Then all is obscure. Months passed, with operations by land and sea of which history has preserved no ad

s preserved no adequate record. Antonius’ admiral Sosius was defeated by Agrippa in a great naval battle; 2 and Antonius’

rigin the fact that they were given the Roman franchise on enlistment by certain partisans of Antonius. Note also the insc

als, the principal were Sosius and Poplicola; commands were also held by M. Insteius, a man from Pisaurum, by the experien

plicola; commands were also held by M. Insteius, a man from Pisaurum, by the experienced ex-Pompeian Q. Nasidius and by M.

, a man from Pisaurum, by the experienced ex-Pompeian Q. Nasidius and by M. Octavius, of a consular family. 6 On the other

led on land. 6 The names of the commanders on either side are given by Velleius 2, 85, 2 Plutarch, Antonius 65; Dio 50,

on land. Agrippa, the victor of Naulochus, was in command, supported by the consul Messalla, by L. Arruntius, M. Lurius a

ictor of Naulochus, was in command, supported by the consul Messalla, by L. Arruntius, M. Lurius and L. Tarius Rufus. Two

levies of all the eastern lands, Egyptians, Arabs and Bactrians, led by a renegade in un-Roman attire, ‘varus Antonius ar

He had not gone farther east than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. There had been a plot—or so it

There had been a plot—or so it was alleged. It was suppressed at once by Maecenas. 2 The author was a son of the relegated

from the nobility of Alba Longa. More alarming was the news reported by Agrippa—veterans clamorous and mutinous. Octavian

war would soon be felt. Some at least of the triumphs soon to be held by Caesarian marshals (no fewer than six in 28-26 B.

episode called the Bellum Alexandrinum. Cleopatra survived Antonius by a few days which at once passed into anecdote and

, 9, 1. For the coins of Scarpus, see BMC, R. Rep. 11, 586, corrected by BMC, R. Emp. I, III. 5 Cf. E. Groag, Klio XIV(1

ness, were unswervingly loyal to Roman authority and Roman interests, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius, by Cassius,

al to Roman authority and Roman interests, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius, by Cassius, or by Antonius. Octavianus

uthority and Roman interests, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius, by Cassius, or by Antonius. Octavianus deposed a cer

man interests, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius, by Cassius, or by Antonius. Octavianus deposed a certain number of

ngements, the territory in Asia Minor and Syria directly administered by Rome was considerably smaller than it had been af

e frontier itself was not an urgent problem. Armenia had been annexed by Antonius, but Armenia fell away during the War of

was unobtrusive and masterly. With the Mede, Antonius’ ally, he began by following Antonius’ policy and even granted him f

lory of the renascent state was also supported in the years following by the triumphs of men prominent in the Caesarian pa

f Rome were active in the frontier provinces. The exaltation of peace by a Roman statesman might attest a victory, but it

ed in colonies in Italy and in the provinces. The land was supplied by confiscation from Antonian towns and partisans in

Caesar’s heir was veritably a world-conqueror, not in verse only, or by the inevitable flattery of eastern lands. Like Al

e the Tiber; and public sacrifices for his safety had been celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging of Caesar, and wit

venging of Caesar, and with it his own divine descent, was advertised by the inauguration of the temple of Divus Julius in

in the temple of Quirinus: Caesar’s heir was identified with that god by the poet Virgil. 1 Not by conquest only but by th

Caesar’s heir was identified with that god by the poet Virgil. 1 Not by conquest only but by the foundation of a lasting

entified with that god by the poet Virgil. 1 Not by conquest only but by the foundation of a lasting city did a hero win d

t with new vigour. The attempts of earlier statesmen had been baulked by fate—or rather by their own ambition, inadequacy

The attempts of earlier statesmen had been baulked by fate—or rather by their own ambition, inadequacy or dishonesty. Sul

egend Libertalis P. R. Vindex appears on coins. 3 Nobody was deceived by this symbol of victory in civil war. What Rome an

, 1, I ff. That this was done in virtue of censoria potestas is shown by the Fasti of Venusia, ILS 6123. The increase of p

Fasti of Venusia, ILS 6123. The increase of patricians was sanctioned by a Lex Saenia (Tacitus, Ann. 11, 25). L. Saenius w

to the constitutional settlement of 28– 27 B.C. was first emphasized by E. Groag, P-W XIII, 283 ff. 3 Nonius Gallus (IL

otesPage=>309 1 Messalla had left Syria, perhaps succeeded there by M. Tullius Cicero (above, p. 303). As for the Wes

ius. 3 Who had not been? Neither Gallus nor Crassus is even mentioned by the loyal historian Velleius Paterculus, hence al

martial glory and martial primacy of the new Romulus was not impaired by the public acts of his sixth and seventh consulat

ome, the governing classes and Italy. But even in Italy, the Princeps by his use of ‘imperator’ as a part of his name reca

a king, hated name, stained with a brother’s blood and himself killed by Roman senators, so one legend ran, before his ass

it carried imperium maius over the provinces of the Senate. Which is by no means necessary, cf. W. Kolbe, in the volume A

μєλєίας τινὸς δєομένων From this Premerstein deduces a definite grant by the Senate of a general ‘cura rei publicae’ (o. c

or the name of Romulus (53, 16, 7). Perhaps he was warned and checked by wise counsellors. PageBook=>314 into Heave

asti 1, 609 ff Romulus founded Rome ‘augusto augurio’ (Ennius, quoted by Varro, RR 3, 1, 2). 2 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 7,

in the early years of the Principate. Nor is the information provided by the contemporary Strabo (p. 840) free of anachron

pretty clear that it was not. The Romans as a people were possessed by an especial veneration for authority, precedent a

sed by an especial veneration for authority, precedent and tradition, by a rooted distaste of change unless change could b

in magistracy (Res Gestae 34). An enigmatic statement, but elucidated by Premerstein (Vom Werden und Wesen des Prinzipats,

d the constitution, down to his third consulate and the power he held by force NotesPage=>316 1 Cicero, De re publi

ζ ἀπέδωκε πάντα ὑμῖν ὑγιᾶ πʋιήσαζ (from the funeral oration delivered by Tiberius). PageBook=>317 and lost in war.

were not forgotten. 2 It would not do to revive such memories, save by covert apology, or when an official historian sou

uth Caesar’s heir, the revolutionary adventurer, won Pompeian support by guile and coolly betrayed his allies, overthrowin

impse of the future life, on the one side Catilina in hell, tormented by furies for ever, on the other an ideal Cato, usef

ro was revived some fifteen years after his death has been maintained by scholars alert to investigate the history of idea

ouched in phrases so vague and so innocuous that it could be employed by any party and adapted to any ends. The revolution

litical programme, he advocated the existing order, reformed a little by a return to ancient practices, but not changed, n

ven under a constitutional monarchy. 6 NotesPage=>320 1 Quoted by Macrobius (2, 4, 18): ‘quisquis praesentem statum

ί καινʋτoμʋυμένων, κἂν βελτίω εἶναι δʋκῇ, ἐστίν. 2 An edict, quoted by Suetonius (Divus Aug. 28, 2): ‘ita mihi salvam ac

uncta terrarum subacta | praeter atrocem animum Catonis. ’ 5 Quoted by Quintilian (9, 3, 95): ‘praestat enim nemini impe

which was quite different from Dictatorship, Cicero would be honoured by Princeps and Senate for his eloquence, consulted

quence, consulted for his advice on weighty matters—and never tempted by ambition into danger. He could afford in the magn

uccess to pass over the scorn of the nobiles; he would not be harried by tribunes or constrained to speak in defence of po

tus’ supremacy the ultimate expression of a doctrine first formulated by Stoic philosophers, the rule of the ‘best citizen

ce for himself. 1 Auctoritas denotes the influence that belonged, not by law but by custom of the Roman constitution, to t

elf. 1 Auctoritas denotes the influence that belonged, not by law but by custom of the Roman constitution, to the whole Se

s therefore both appropriate and inevitable that the unofficial title by which he chose to be designated was ‘princeps’. A

onal—and based ultimately upon a personal oath of allegiance rendered by Rome, Italy and the West in 32 B.C., subsequently

egiance rendered by Rome, Italy and the West in 32 B.C., subsequently by the other regions of the Empire. 3 Caesar Augustu

Römertums, 1 ff. 3 Above, p. 284 PageBook=>323 Augustus was by far the wealthiest man in the Empire, ruling Egyp

ree. 1 The significance of the measure could be grossly exaggerated by the adulatory or the uncritical. Such was no doub

had governed Africa and Spain, he had thrice been acclaimed imperator by the legions. 1 A second consulate was not the onl

ear one member of the board of praetors. 2 A noble, but none the less by now a firm member of the Caesarian party, was M.

ty legions or more. In recent years these provinces had been governed by proconsuls, usually consular in rank. Thus all Sp

bition. Crassus was a recent warning. Triumviral authority, succeeded by an enhanced consular imperium, had recently been

inal hope of a triumph. 3 The wars of Augustus were waged in the main by men who reached the consulate under the new order

w order. The position of the Princeps and his restored Republic was by no means as secure and unequivocal as official ac

n of consular and praetorian provinces gradually developed; and it is by no means certain that it held good for the public

inning. Ultimately only two provinces, Africa and Asia, were governed by proconsuls of consular rank. In the early years i

lished, the territories of Augustus’ provincia were to be firmly held by men whom he could trust. Northern Italy was no lo

c. 14-13 respectively. 3 By campaigns against the Salassi conducted by C. Antistius Vetus in 35 or 34 B.C. (Appian, Ill.

onducted by C. Antistius Vetus in 35 or 34 B.C. (Appian, Ill. 17) and by Messalla Corvinus at a date difficult to determin

ably the consul of 15 B.C. The precise definition of the command held by generals operating in northern Italy in this peri

Certain novi homines, subsequent consuls, probably earned ennoblement by service as legates or as proconsuls when praetori

legate in Syria c. 24-23. Presumably the M. Terentius Varro attested by the SC de Mytilenaeis of 25 B.C. (IGRR IV, 33, co

ectation was abroad, made vocal in the prayers of poets and preserved by historians, that he proposed to invade the distan

sland of Britain, the island first revealed to Rome and first trodden by his divine parent. 1 The design of conquering eit

y now concentrate upon a single person, only the detachment commanded by Augustus himself has left any record. The campaig

us in Citerior and P. Carisius in Ulterior)5 dealt with the Asturians by a convergent invasion of their territory. Officia

ory. Official interpretation hailed the complete subjugation of Spain by Augustus. Janus was once more closed. The rejoici

ing to do. 1 Finally in 19 B.C Agrippa, patient and ruthless, imposed by massacre and enslavement the Roman peace upon a d

en evading arrest, and put to death. The Senate sanctioned their doom by its publica auctoritas. 1 The truth of the matt

t could have continued for a time. Augustus recovered. He was saved by cold baths, a prescription of the physician Anton

the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or by the dagger, there might come again,

party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or by the dagger, there might come again, as when Caesa

Augustus resolved to refrain from holding the supreme magistracy year by year. In the place of the consulate, which gave h

e to his titulature. This was the ‘summi fastigii vocabulum’ invented by the founder of a legitimate monarchy. 4 PageNot

s, 232 ff. That Augustus received imperium mains is explicitly stated by Dio, ought never to have been doubted and is conf

ght never to have been doubted and is confirmed, if that were needed, by the five edicts found at Cyrene (for a text of wh

nough to suppose that the powers granted in this year were sanctioned by the passing of a lex de imperio. 3 Unless in 29

described as magisterial, an impression which was carefully conveyed by their definition to a period of years. The assump

province in the East except Egypt. Egypt might seem secure, governed by a viceroy of equestrian rank yet there had been C

e capital might be suppressed without causing disturbances: if backed by a provincial army, it might mean civil war the Va

put off the task, conscious of the inherent difficulties or hampered by certain accidents. In the previous winter flood

men could not confront it. 1 Statues show him as he meant to be seen by the Roman People youthful but grave and melanchol

a secret. Livia had not given the Princeps a child. She had two sons by her first husband, Ti. Claudius Nero and Nero Cla

onsul of Macedonia alleged that he had been given secret instructions by Marcellus as well as by Augustus:2 falsely, perha

ed that he had been given secret instructions by Marcellus as well as by Augustus:2 falsely, perhaps, but it was disquieti

al. Life with her was not easy. 4 An added complication was Augustus, by no means insensible, it was rumoured, to those no

might be countered if Augustus silenced rumour and baffled conspiracy by openly designating a successor. He might adopt hi

llors. It was thwarted. Agrippa’s conception, backed, it may well be, by a powerful and domestic ally, triumphed over the

arvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae dilabuntur’ (BJ 10, 6, preceded by useful remarks about ‘amici’, ‘officium’ and ‘fid

ocated that art treasures in private possession should be confiscated by the government for the benefit of the whole peopl

to Agrippa’s daughter Vipsania. The match had been contrived long ago by Livia, that astute politician whom her great-gran

me: she chose instead the daughter of Agrippa and Caecilia, and bound by close link the great general to herself and to Au

uity, however, and designation to the Principate was in fact achieved by adoption and by the grant of powers to an associa

nd designation to the Principate was in fact achieved by adoption and by the grant of powers to an associate. Augustus’ ow

emature manifestation of hereditary monarchy; they had restored unity by secret compulsion, with Agrippa as deputy-leader:

g of these men. 1 Such a triumvirate existed, called into being not by any pre-ordained harmony or theory of politics, b

into being not by any pre-ordained harmony or theory of politics, but by the history of the Caesarian party and by the dem

or theory of politics, but by the history of the Caesarian party and by the demands of imperial government. It was not th

ow become safely domiciled in regular and normal administration, held by the principal servants of the government. PageN

owers and friends from the camps of his adversaries until in the end, by stripping Antonius, it not merely swallowed up th

hat supreme distinction. 1 Caesar the Dictator augmented the Senate by admitting his partisans. Neither the measure nor

. Of the ‘unworthy elements’, some two hundred were induced to retire by the exercise of moral suasion. 2 The true chara

haracter of the purge, so gravely attested and so ingenuously praised by historians, did not escape contemporary observers

Actium certain cities of Italy were punished for Antonian sympathies by confiscation of their lands for the benefit of th

o his friend and leader, Canidius for loyalty to Antonius, Saxa slain by the Parthians, Ventidius of a natural death. Had

eld pride of place among the grand old men of the New State, honoured by Princeps and Senate, acclaimed in public and hate

l parallel. It was a formidable collection of hard-faced men enriched by war and revolution. NotesPage=>350 1 Namel

t frankly, plutocratic. Capital received guarantees which it repaid by confidence in the government. More welcome than

rms was the abolition of direct taxation in Italy, crushingly imposed by all parties in the struggle for power after Caesa

truggle for power after Caesar’s assassination and augmented yet more by Octavianus to finance his war against Antonius. 2

series of arbitrary acts was to continue as a steady process, guided by the firm hand of a national administration. Not

lly Thracian and Illyrian brigands became emperors of Rome. Excited by the ambition of military demagogues, the claims o

hors praetoria of the Roman general was perpetuated in times of peace by the standing force of nine cohorts of the Praetor

ian census, and hence eligible for equestrian posts; 5 further, it is by no means unlikely that sons of equestrian familie

ondly, the freedmen. The commercial class profited in the Revolution, by purchasing the lands of the proscribed. Their num

the purified Senate of Augustus. 8 Above all, freedmen were employed by the Princeps as his personal agents and secretari

tal levy. Though momentarily thinned, their ranks were soon augmented by a surge of successful speculators. But Augustus d

but deriving from common practice of the age of Pompeius, accelerated by the wars of the Revolution and the rule of the Tr

, 2. 3 See the remarkable inscription from Emona recently published by B. Saria (Glasnik muzejskega društva za Slovenijo

6 Suetonius, Vitellius 2, 2; ILS 1335 (Magius). The dedication made by the Tarraconenses will support the conjecture tha

head of three legions. Certain other provinces subsequently acquired by Augustus were placed under the charge of prefects

he command of the Guard were two administrative posts in Rome created by Augustus towards the end of his Principate. The p

ic station and prestige dignitas again. A patent fact, but obscured by pretence and by prejudice. The old nobility of Ro

restige dignitas again. A patent fact, but obscured by pretence and by prejudice. The old nobility of Rome, patrician or

racy, eagerly inherited traditional prejudice: it was often expressed by the sons of knights themselves, sublime or outrag

disgrace she brought upon her family, her ancestors and all posterity by succumbing to the vile embraces of a ‘municipalis

aughter Julia in marriage to the knight Proculeius, who was commended by a blameless character and a healthy distaste for

s homo might rise to the praetorship: to the consulate, however, only by a rare combination of merit, protection and accid

It was not so: the property qualification was low indeed, when judged by the standards of Roman financiers; 1 and the Prin

ged by the standards of Roman financiers; 1 and the Princeps himself, by a pure usurpation which originated in Caesar’s Di

e poorer Italian gentry: the aristocracy among the peoples vanquished by Pompeius Strabo and by Sulla now entered the Sena

: the aristocracy among the peoples vanquished by Pompeius Strabo and by Sulla now entered the Senate and commanded the ar

, 6 ff. For the class of men referred to, compare the phrase employed by Cicero’s brother (Comm. pet. 53), ‘equites et bon

egular corps of novi homines, obscure or illustrious, some encouraged by grant of the latus clavus in youth and passing al

the Senate of Rome in the days of Pompeius were furnished in the main by Latium, Campania and the region from Etruria east

es creep forth the unfamiliar shapes of ‘small-town monsters’,4 lured by ambition and profit, elicited by patronage, beari

pes of ‘small-town monsters’,4 lured by ambition and profit, elicited by patronage, bearing the garb and pretext of ancien

n and admitted, had been decently masked, for the most part, long ago by assimilation to the Latin form of nomenclature.

a’(2, 6, 6). PageBook=>361 Some were recent upstarts, enriched by murder and rapine. Others came from the ancient a

ods and heroes, or at least from a long line of local magnates, bound by ties of blood and marriage to their peers in othe

1 Of some the town or region is attested; in others the family-name, by root or termination, betrays non-Latin origin. On

or a possibility that Lollius was really of noble extraction, adopted by a novus homo, cf. E. Groag, P-W XIII, 1378, on th

e first consul with a name of that type, nearly anticipated, however, by Salvidienus. Nor had there been a consul with a n

o). On the antiquity of the family, Ovid, Tristia 4, 10, 7, confirmed by the Paelignian inscr. ‘Ob. Oviedis L.’ (from Corf

d and consolidated the alliance of the propertied classes in two ways by creating an official career for Roman knights and

sses in two ways by creating an official career for Roman knights and by facilitating their entry to the Senate. The conco

ublics and monarchies of antiquity has been observed with disapproval by students of political science, especially by such

bserved with disapproval by students of political science, especially by such as take the rule of the People as their idea

seemed to represent the Roman People, for it was a ruling aristocracy by no means narrow and exclusive. The generous polic

ive. The generous policy of Caesar and of Augustus could be supported by the venerable weight of ancient tradition. To pro

for eligibility to office was no longer universal, but was determined by the possession of the latus clavus; in its workin

pertied classes in the towns of the Empire, east and west, stood firm by their protector. The vassal kings, though still i

tween the policy of the two rulers will be explained in large measure by circumstances by the time Augustus acquired sole

of the two rulers will be explained in large measure by circumstances by the time Augustus acquired sole power, the Revolu

he most significant might appear to be his augmentation of the Senate by the promotion of adherents obscure or even provin

; and the recruitment of novi homines was perpetuated and regularized by Caesar Augustus. Caesar admitted provincials. N

ld the proconsulate of Africa and a triumph, the last ever celebrated by a senator. Moreover, Junius Gallio, an opulent rh

Asia, entered the Senate during the reign of Augustus, soon followed by Cn. Domitius Afer, the great orator from Nemausus

from a disinterested patriotism. The old families had been decimated by a generation of civil wars: the sons of the slain

ed in January, 27 B.C., complete in every organ and function, nor yet by the settlement of 23 B.C. The former date was cel

e introduction of the new moral code, when, in face of opposition and by complicated methods, he reduced the Senate from e

ents. 2 The Senate had been purified: it was rejuvenated in two ways, by knights’ sons made eligible through grant of the

by knights’ sons made eligible through grant of the lattis clavus and by youthful quaestors. When Senate and People were

had used it. To the People Augustus restored freedom of election. Fed by the bounty and flattered by the magnificence of t

ugustus restored freedom of election. Fed by the bounty and flattered by the magnificence of their champion, the plebs of

th from the crisis of 23 B.C., the Princeps demonstrated his security by specious surrenders in certain provinces of publi

ity by specious surrenders in certain provinces of public affairs and by the promise, it may be, of an imminent programme

e likely that the Princeps wished to teach the nobiles a sharp lesson by conjuring up the perils of popular election and u

t found for his behaviour has escaped record. One of them was removed by violence. A certain Egnatius Rufus when aedile

e won immense favour with the mob and was elected praetor. Encouraged by his success, Rufus put forward his candidature fo

e in 19 B.C. Saturninus blocked him, announcing that, even if elected by the people, Rufus should not become consul. The a

and when Saturninus resigned late in the year 19 B.C. he was replaced by M. Vinicius, another of the marshals. Nor will it

biles. With 28 B.C. annual consulates come back, monopolized at first by Augustus, Agrippa and Taurus. Of the consuls of t

accident. To replenish the ranks of the nobiles, mercilessly thinned by war and proscriptions, a new generation was growi

period of thirteen years, only four are recorded, two of them caused by death. 3 Augustus was baffled by circumstances. M

our are recorded, two of them caused by death. 3 Augustus was baffled by circumstances. More and more sons of consuls grew

y should be regarded and governed as separate provinces; many of them by the size of their armies already called for legat

lready called for legates of consular standing. Yet this was apparent by 12 B.C at least, when four or five large commands

er increased through division of provinces, through new conquests and by the creation of Moesia to the seven military comm

s. Hence a steady cheapening of the consulate. In effect, it went now by nomination. NotesPage=>373 1 C. Furnius (c

ied in office. 4 Namely Syria, Gaul, Illyricum (probably taken over by the Princeps at this point) and Spain, which prob

ll had two armies, cf. below, p. 394 f. PageBook=>374 Election by the people might be a mere form, but it could not

ion by the people might be a mere form, but it could not be abolished by a statesman who claimed to have restored the Free

in war might find no higher reward than the praetorship, unless aided by such powerful protection as the low-born Afranius

was an elegant speaker and man of fashion, not altogether approved of by Augustus; 3 the other, a critic of exacting taste

the other, a critic of exacting taste, so they said, had Ovid’s poems by heart. 4 Nobiles did not need to adduce profici

Quirinius. That was no bar. Others were not merely his allies, bound by amicitia, but in a true sense his intimates and f

se his intimates and friends the Princeps regaled himself on holidays by playing dice with M. Vinicius and P. Silius. 2 Wi

. Of the nobiles, many of the most eminent were attached to the cause by various ties. Some, such as Paullus Fabius Maximu

ilies were discovered in obscurity, rescued from poverty and restored by subsidy to the station and dignity of their ances

of this age hangs the veil of a dubious authenticity, penetrated only by their contemporaries. Messalla raised vigorous an

nexion. Livia, however, gave him no children. But Julia, his daughter by Scribonia, was consigned in wedlock as suited the

hter was not the Princeps’ only pawn. His sister Octavia had children by her two marriages: from the first, C. Marcellus a

Messalla Barbatus Appianus. 3 These were the closest in blood, but by no means the only near relatives of the Princeps.

uleius, both consuls, no doubt at an early age. The schemes devised by Augustus in the ramification of family alliances

379 As time went on, more and more aristocratic families were lured by matrimony into the family and following of the Pr

Princeps bestowed nobility through the consulate, social distinction by advantageous marriages and endowment in money on

ation before; and in Egypt large estates were now owned and exploited by members of the reigning dynasty, by prominent par

ates were now owned and exploited by members of the reigning dynasty, by prominent partisans like Agrippa and Maecenas, an

igning dynasty, by prominent partisans like Agrippa and Maecenas, and by other adherents like the obscure admiral M. Luriu

ictator, Caesar had spent generously. Cicero was moved to indignation by the riches of Labienus and Mamurra, the gardens o

fortune from the bounty of Augustus, which he proceeded to dilapidate by grandiose land speculation in Picenum. 4 L. Volus

fortunes without discredit: precisely how, it is not recorded perhaps by inheritance. 5 Quirinius grew old in envied opule

n to the various colleges took the form of co-optation or of election by the People, the claims of birth, influence and pa

interpreted the Sibylline oracle no doubt to justify the date chosen by the government. 6 Yet beside the great soldiers a

r own right, without special or public merit. 7 Though supplemented by Caesar, the patriciate had been reduced again in

in in the wars, being represented in the Senate at the time of Actium by not many more than twenty members. The sons of th

suffice. Augustus at once proceeded to create new patrician families by a law of 30 B.C.8 Among the partisans thus honour

mands need no recapitulation. Their manoeuvres were seldom frustrated by the established practice of balloting for provinc

choice of a proconsul or the disposal of a province could be resigned by the Senate to the Princeps. 1 If appointed by lot

vince could be resigned by the Senate to the Princeps. 1 If appointed by lot at all, certain of the military proconsuls in

wn legates. Before long the more important of his provinces were held by consulars, who are the principal ministers of sta

e Roman constitution: his influence, checked no doubt for a long time by Augustus, may be detected in the frequent promoti

ania and Samnium. One side of his family, Samnite local gentry, stood by Rome in the Bellum Italicum: a descendant was Pre

f M. Vinicius of Cales may here be detected. Velleius repaid the debt by composing a history of Rome, fulsome in praise fo

(ILS 914). 7 Velleius 2, 127, 3; cf. ILS 8996. The stemma drawn up by Cichorius, Hermes XXXIX (1904), 470, is hazardous

rchies. The ruler has his intimates, amici and comites, so designated by terms which develop almost into titles; and there

ht seldom be visible in public save at religious ceremonies, escorted by Roman matrons, herself the model and paragon, or

etonius, Otho 1, 1. The influence of Urgulania with Livia is attested by Tacitus, Ann. 2, 34; 4, 21 f. It may also be surm

of the young patrician Ser. Sulpicius Galba were handsomely rewarded by legacies in her will. 1 Much worse than that was

r ancient dignity. XXVI. THE GOVERNMENT PageBook=>387 THOUGH by no means as corrupt and inefficient as might hast

Rome and Italy could be firmly held for the Princeps in his absence by party- dynasts without title or official powers.

ugh his own legates. Three military provinces, however, were governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn from his part

sasters of Crassus and Antonius; and an expeditionary force commanded by the stepson of the Princeps imposed without fight

teen years, they had seldom been together in the same place. Demanded by the needs of government, the separation of the tw

lped to remove causes of friction and consolidate an alliance perhaps by no means as loyal and unequivocal as the Roman Pe

w and greater wars. The legions were rejuvenated and disciplined, for by now the veterans of the Civil Wars had been estab

natorial provinces, Illyricum and Macedonia, flanked and guarded each by a dependent principality, namely by Noricum and b

cedonia, flanked and guarded each by a dependent principality, namely by Noricum and by Thrace. The Roman territory was na

d and guarded each by a dependent principality, namely by Noricum and by Thrace. The Roman territory was narrow and awkwar

al of the Adriatic. The Augustan plan sought to rectify these defects by winning a land route from Italy to the Balkans an

m beginning had been made. The conquest of the Alpine lands, prepared by the competent soldier P. Silius as proconsul of I

Silius as proconsul of Illyricum in 17 and 16 B.C.,3 was consummated by Tiberius and Drusus in converging and triumphant

the stepsons of the Princeps, had their martial exploits commemorated by a contemporary poet. 4 The kingdom of Noricum w

, see CAH x, 355 ff.: the truth of the matter has often been obscured by the belief that Octavianus in 35 and 34 B.C. conq

us operated in the Balkans. But the central column snapped. Shattered by a winter in Pannonia, Agrippa died in February, 1

rusus died, and two more campaigns against the Germans were conducted by Tiberius. Then in 6 B.C. came a crisis in the fam

nicius began the Bellum Pannonicum, which was continued and completed by Tiberius. 3 Dio 54, 34, 5 ff.; Velleius 2, 98;

1 That was polite homage. Agrippa was gone, Taurus perhaps was dead by now; and Maecenas, no longer a power in politics,

of Augustus only one besides Agrippa, namely M. Lollius, is honoured by Horace with the dedication of an ode. 2 The nobil

s was absent from the service of Rome (6 B.C.-A.D. 4). By accident or by the adulatory design of historians favourable to

Rome’s sole and incomparable general. 1 A system of government had by now been built up. As has been shown, the Princep

ors reached the consulate, sturdy men without ancestors but commended by loyalty and service, or young aristocrats, the so

t province that succeeded the kingdom of Amyntas, was first organized by a legate of praetorian rank and was commonly reck

ccasions at least in the Principate of Augustus, Galatia was governed by legates of consular standing. 2 Galatia might sui

t the history of this period. Certain campaigns, deliberately omitted by Velleius and lost from Dio, or unknown to him, ma

as likewise neither final nor systematic. Augustus might be requested by the Senate either to nominate a proconsul in an e

consular. Africa, it may be presumed, was governed from the beginning by men of consular rank, perhaps Asia as well. Illyr

t years of the Principate, there existed seven military commands held by imperial legates of consular rank; of these, five

not have to wait too long for a province Africa or Asia might be his by the working of the lot after an interval of five

nopolized Gaul for many years. It does not follow that the wars waged by nobles or politicians were always futile or disas

etimes as praefecti equitum as well. 5 So great was the emphasis laid by Augustus on military service that he would even p

C. Pomptinus (Ad Jam. 15, 4, 8). Flaccus and Pomptinus are described by Sallust (BC 45, 2) as ‘homines militares’. Rightl

e previous experience as military tribune and legionary legate gained by a man described as a ‘vir militaris’, and destine

novi homines were safe. Lollius and Quirinius, who won the consulate by ‘militaris industria’, subsequently as consulars

rninus. 2 The most striking example of continuous service is afforded by the novus homo from Picenum, C. Poppaeus Sabinu

government in Rome. NotesPage=>397 1 Fleets are now commanded by Roman knights, e.g. ILS 2688 and 2693. Later impe

after the deposition of Archelaus the ethnarch, introduced Roman rule by ordering a census and crushed the insurrection pr

Roman rule by ordering a census and crushed the insurrection provoked by that alien and distasteful novelty (A.D. 6). 4

1 If.; Acts 5, 37. Attempts to discover an earlier governorship (and, by implication, to invent an earlier census of Judae

went from Illyricum to the Rhine after Drusus’ death he was succeeded by Sex. Appuleius (cos. 29 B.C.); 2 the next legate

is doubly obscure. The army of Macedonia may still have been retained by the proconsul or may already have been transferre

>400 1 Dateless operations on and beyond the Danube are attested by Res Gestae 30; Florus 2, 28 f.; Tacitus, Ann. 4,

stae 30; Florus 2, 28 f.; Tacitus, Ann. 4, 44; Strabo, pp. 303-5; and by the elogium with some confidence to be assigned t

re long, however, that important command, with five legions, was held by Ahenobarbus and by Vinicius in immediate successi

hat important command, with five legions, was held by Ahenobarbus and by Vinicius in immediate succession. 2 Likewise to t

nted. NotesPage=>401 1 Probably not Ahenobarbus, attested here by Dio under the year 1 B.C. (55, 10a, 3): possibly

he was legate of Citerior rather than of Ulterior, it would show that by now the region of Asturia-Callaecia had been tran

the latter province to the former and that the two Spanish armies had by now been fused into one. Which is not unlikely. A

For certain services in the city Augustus devised posts to be held by Roman knights. For the rest, he called upon senat

matter, it is difficult to see how the Princeps could be represented by a deputy, and the behaviour of Messalla, appointe

ith whom the office became a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his own efforts and by the creation of special of

ame a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his own efforts and by the creation of special officials or permanent co

honour too would be denied. Military glory was jealously engrossed by the Princeps and his family. The soldiers were hi

it was treason to tamper with them. Hence constant alarm if generals by good arts or bad acquired popularity with the tro

>405 For the senator no hope or monument of fame was left. Italy by the Via Aemilia and Narbonensis by the Domitia re

r monument of fame was left. Italy by the Via Aemilia and Narbonensis by the Domitia recalled the exploits of noble houses

igh command in Spain. The earlier class of provincial magnates recall by their gentilicia the proconsuls who gave them the

he subject of open and public debate: they were now decided in secret by a few men. 1 He is right. If Augustus wished his

r less public fashion, about matters of weight; and the power exerted by such extra- constitutional forces as the auctorit

ber from every other board of magistrates and fifteen senators chosen by lot, was to change every six months. 1 It appears

, and gently prepare the way for innovations. The mechanical choice by lot of a small council of senators and their inev

ion, not of authority. As it was there, it might suitably be employed by the Princeps as a group of counsellors and assess

laced (in 23 B.C.) under the charge of two praetors each year, chosen by lot. 6 The finances of a great empire cannot be c

t knowledge of the budget of Empire. The rationarium imperii was kept by Augustus, to be divulged only if and when he hand

momentous sessions had been shaped in private before being sponsored by eminent senators if possible by such as had a rep

ped in private before being sponsored by eminent senators if possible by such as had a reputation for independence. The el

. The contrast was unreal, the choice did not arise. What was decided by the advisers of the Princeps was merely the defin

talents to the elucidation of the ‘constitutional’ crisis of 23 B.C. by composing speeches for the principal agents in th

no authentic record of such momentous transactions was ever published by their agents. Contemporary rumour and subsequen

ir agents. Contemporary rumour and subsequent deductions (supported by Tiberius’ voluntary exile in Rhodes), though corr

ed to keep women in their place: the name of Livia is never mentioned by an official poet like Horace. The precaution se

ned Cinna to his presence and delivered a hortatory address, inspired by clemency and appealing to good sense, for the spa

ent was overwhelmed and converted. NotesPage=>414 1 Reproduced by Dio 55, 14 ff. (A.D. 4), and by Seneca, De clem.

d. NotesPage=>414 1 Reproduced by Dio 55, 14 ff. (A.D. 4), and by Seneca, De clem. 1, 9 (apparently indicating the

first legitimation, namely, a special mandate conferred for merit and by consent. In 23 B.C., after an open crisis and a s

e. The deed could be done in secret and in advance. The rule of Nerva by its impotence threatened to precipitate a civil w

tate a civil war. It might be conjectured that the danger was averted by a veiled coup d’état on the part of certain milit

the adoption of Hadrian was managed, when Trajan was already defunct, by Plotina his wife and by the Prefect of the Guard.

was managed, when Trajan was already defunct, by Plotina his wife and by the Prefect of the Guard. 2 It is evident that

ath of Marcellus, a heavy calamity and much bewailed, was compensated by a new policy, in which Agrippa and the sons of Li

his nature was ill matched with the gay elegance of Julia to call it by no more revealing name. It was the duty and the h

ame irksome; and some spoke of estrangement from his wife, embittered by the politic necessity of preserving appearances.

n to abandon public life and showed the strength of his determination by a voluntary fast. They could not stop him. Tiberi

ears later the same distinction was proclaimed for Lucius, his junior by three years. The Senate voted Gaius this unpreced

mum parentis sui virtutibus principem’ (ILS 140, 1. 13f.). 2 Quoted by Gellius (15, 7, 3): ‘nam, ut vides, κλιμακτ ρα co

nal leader. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He w

s, gain splendour and power from his eclipse. Depressed and decimated by war and revolution, swept up into one party and h

d, the ramifications of the dynasty grew ever more complex, producing by now a large number of collateral connexions, the

gated during his proconsulate of Asia; 3 and he drew the bond tighter by giving in marriage his daughter Fabia Numantina t

Cornelia and the younger Marcella. Paullus was now dead; his two sons by Cornelia, L. Aemilius Paullus (cos. A.D. 1) and M

ague with Ap. Claudius Caecus in his famous censorship. It is assumed by Münzer that M. Plautius Silvanus (cos. 2 B.C.) an

1, &c). PageBook=>423 So Livia worked for power. But it is by no means certain that Silvanus was popular with T

and politics. A heavy preponderance of consular nobiles, consolidated by matrimonial pacts, was massed around the throne a

trician nobility now renascent, Aemilii and Fabii stood closely bound by ties of kinship or personal alliance with the Cae

ome missed the consulate and none, so far as is known, were permitted by Augustus to govern the great military provinces.

ictator. As for the Metelli, the consul of A.D. 7 is a Junius Silanus by birth. 5 See Table V at end. PageBook=>424

rassus Frugi (cos. A.D. 27) was one of his sons, adopted, it appears, by the mysterious M. Licinius Crassus, cos. 14 B.C.,

s Nonia Polla (OGIS 468). 5 Objects bestowed on the infant Tiberius by the sister of Sex. Pompeius were preserved as hei

oning of the military provinces. The supersession of Sentius in Syria by Varus in 6 B.C. may, or may not, have had politic

, p. 400 f. PageBook=>426 Julia was accused of immoral conduct by Augustus and summarily banished to an island. He

ls of Julia, of the number and variety of her lovers, were propagated by rumour, embellished with rhetoric and consecrated

r, embellished with rhetoric and consecrated in history she disgraced by public and nocturnal debauch the Forum and the ve

ilius Varus. But that was not enough. Gaius was sent out, accompanied by M. Lollius as his guide and counsellor1 it would

hey were not likely to tell it. It is evident, and it is demonstrated by another incident nearly twenty years later, that

lly of the Princeps may perhaps be held confirmed rather than refuted by Horace’s eager praise of his disinterested integr

er of Lollius bears its own easy interpretation. Lollius was favoured by Augustus, loathed by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when g

ts own easy interpretation. Lollius was favoured by Augustus, loathed by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when governor of Gaul, Loll

ans a trifling defeat, soon repaired but magnified beyond all measure by his detractors. 5 In the following year Augustus

sissimo. ’ 5 Velleius 2, 97, 1. The truth of the matter is revealed by Dio 54, 20, 4 ff. Too much has been made of the ‘

;430 His diplomatic foresight was handsomely requited, before death by the governorship of Syria and after death. The no

eady begged to be allowed to return, and his plea had been reinforced by the repeated intercession of his mother. Until th

distaste for the life of active responsibility to which he was doomed by his implacable master:4 it is alleged that he ask

credit to Rome, perhaps, and more solid achievement than is indicated by a historian who omits Ahenobarbus and is as cool

kingdom, was isolated on all sides. 6 NotesPage=>431 1 Quoted by Suetonius (Tib. 23): ‘quoniam atrox fortuna Gaium

sponderi felicius. ’ These pious prayers were answered almost at once by famine, pestilence and years of warfare, with gra

The adoption of Tiberius should have brought stability to the régime by discouraging the hopes of rivals or relatives. On

of rivals or relatives. One danger, ever menacing, was still averted by the continuous miracle of Augustus’ longevity. If

of Augustus grew worse and the end was near, heralded and accompanied by varied exaggerations of rumour. Men even believed

ur. Men even believed that the frail septuagenarian, accompanied only by his intimate, Paullus Fabius Maximus, had made a

anied only by his intimate, Paullus Fabius Maximus, had made a voyage by sea to visit Agrippa Postumus in secret. 3 More i

us, with all his father’s fierce independence of spirit, was devoured by a fatal impatience to play the politician. He was

ment party among the aristocracy old and new, built up with such care by Augustus to support the monarchy and the successi

s the young men inherited nobility, that was enough. Caution, abetted by the memory of old feuds or suppressed rancour, pe

Saturninus alone persisted, commanding on the Rhine:4 he was followed by Varus, with L. Nonius Asprenas as his legate. 5 I

ica, a somnolent and lazy person to outward view, but no less trusted by Tiberius than the excellent Piso. 7 NotesPage=&

Augustus began to fail and the end was near, men’s minds were seized by fear and insecurity ‘pauci bona libertatis in cas

aterculus, however, paints an alarming picture of the crisis provoked by the death of Augustus. The exaggeration is palpab

nd. 4 In Illyricum, now divided into two provinces, Pannonia was held by Q. Junius Blaesus, the uncle of Seianus, Dalmatia

annonia was held by Q. Junius Blaesus, the uncle of Seianus, Dalmatia by P. Cornelius Dolabella, of ancient nobility. 5 Th

he armed provinces of Caesar. Africa, with one legion, was governed by the proconsul L. Nonius Asprenas, who was succeed

by the proconsul L. Nonius Asprenas, who was succeeded in that office by L. Aelius Lamia. 2 On August 19th, A.D. 14, the

la in Campania. Tiberius, who had set out for Illyricum, was recalled by urgent messages from his mother. He arrived in ti

in 27 B.C., it was necessary that the Principate should be conferred by consent upon the first citizen for services rende

ole of a freely chosen Princeps and the well-staged deception imposed by Augustus, the least honest and the least Republic

nt. ‘Magis alii homines quam alii mores. ’1 So Tacitus, not deluded by the outcome of a civil war that substituted one e

doubt it. 2 More than that, the solid fabric of law and order, built by the untutored sagacity of Roman statesmen, would

to the ground, involving Rome in the ruins. The apprehensions evoked by the long series of civil wars were only too well

paid especial honour to the great generals of the Republic. To judge by the catalogues of worthies as retailed by patriot

s of the Republic. To judge by the catalogues of worthies as retailed by patriotic poets, he had to go a long way back to

ved; and Sulla sought to establish an ordered state. Both were damned by the crime of ambition and ‘impia arma’. Augustus,

ything of them remained in the Commonwealth, it was to be monopolized by the one Princeps, along with dementia. The govern

ntion in Georgics 2, 169. 2 Seneca, Epp. 83, 25. 3 Ennius, quoted by Cicero in his De república (St. Augustine, De civ

Princeps enacted the measures of 18 B.C. in virtue of auctoritas and by means of his tribunicia potestas. 5 PageNotes.

Augustus awarded commissions in the militia equestris to men approved by their towns (perhaps ex-magistrates). 2 The munic

At Rome the decline of the native stock was palliated and compensated by a virtue singularly lacking in the city states of

g in the city states of Greece but inculcated from early days at Rome by the military needs of the Republic, namely readin

in Italy on the broad basis that alone could bear it, was accompanied by certain grave disadvantages. Slaves not only coul

5 Yet even freedmen were given corporate dignity and corporate duties by the institution of the cult of the Lares compital

cult of the Lares compitales and the genius of Augustus at Rome, and by priesthoods in the towns. 6 PageNotes. 446 1

ugustus scorned to emulate his predecessors Caesar gaining the office by flagrant bribery and popularity with the Roman mo

nd popularity with the Roman mob, Lepidus through favour of Antonius, by a procedure condemned as irregular. 3 As in all

3 As in all else, the First Citizen could act without law or title by virtue of his paramount auctoritas. Soon after th

PageNotes. 447 1 Odes 3, 6, 1 ff. 2 Ib. 1, 2, 29 f. 3 At least by Augustus, Res Gestae 10: ‘eo mor|[t]uo q[ui civil

deserved special honour. In 29 B.C. the Temple of Divus Julius vowed by the Triumvirs was at last dedicated. The next yea

so strong cannot derive its validity or its success from mere action by a government. There is much more authentic religi

nam quantum ferro tantum pietate potentes stamus. 5 Though debased by politics, the notion of pietas had not been entir

ies. This gallery of national portraits had already been foreshadowed by the patriotic poets. 2 The Romans were encourag

ll over the world. They were united now, and strong, a nation wrought by war out of alien stocks and strange tongues Etrus

ion after Sulla, and wide tracts of south-eastern Italy were occupied by graziers. The sons of Italy were scattered over t

37 f. 6 Georgics 2, 532 ff., cf. 167 ff. PageBook=>451 It is by no means certain what class of cultivator the Geo

urity returned to the whole world. The release of the capital hoarded by the Ptolemies for ages, or by apprehensive owners

rld. The release of the capital hoarded by the Ptolemies for ages, or by apprehensive owners of property in the recent per

ehold the moral legislation of the Princeps was most signally baffled by the transgressions of his daughter and his grandd

all the power and all the glory. But he did not win power and hold it by his own efforts alone: was the ostensible author

e. 2 Not indeed without culture but he had not been deeply influenced by the intellectual movements of the capital, by Hel

been deeply influenced by the intellectual movements of the capital, by Hellenic literature, science or scepticism. He wa

ask of moral and social regeneration. The political structure created by the Princeps was solid yet flexible: it was not s

took their place, the rigour of whose parsimony was not relaxed even by the splendid fortunes they amassed. Vespasian, an

from the Sabine country, ‘antiquo ipse cultu victuque’, effected much by his personal example. Yet more than all that, the

rds prevalent in the society of Tacitus’ own day were perhaps imposed by a mysterious revolution of taste. 3 If Augustus

protecting deity Apollo has indigenous features. Vediovis, worshipped by the Julii (ILS 2988), was identified with Apollo,

eist des Rômer turns, 171 ff. 3 Aen. 1, 282, quoted on one occasion by Augustus (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 40, 5). 4 Cf. t

work of earlier generations which had transformed the history of Rome by assiduously expurgating the traces of alien influ

the towns of Italy. Aristocratic libertas and fides were supplanted by the vigour and industry of the novus homo. The op

al was not available. Recruits from Italy south of the Apennines were by no means abundant. On the other hand, northern or

however, that his praises should be sung only in serious efforts and by the best poets. 3 The Princeps succeeded: other p

orace; 4 and Piso satisfied the philhellenic traditions of his family by supporting a Greek versifier, Antipater of Thessa

sifier, Antipater of Thessalonica. 5 Pollio, it is true, was honoured by Horace in a conspicuous ode. Not so Messalla, how

of Porphyrio. PageBook=>461 As was fitting, the poets favoured by the government proceeded to celebrate in verse th

Egypt and the East. The contest was perpetuated under the Principate by the Augustan reaction from contemporary Hellenism

porary Hellenism and from the Alexandrian models of the previous age, by the return to earlier and classic exemplars, to t

retius might perhaps have satisfied the fervour of a religious nature by composing a pantheistic poem to celebrate the pre

iterated nuptials of Julia or the frugal virtues of upstarts enriched by the Civil Wars. His books would have been burned

Apollonia, the young Caesar had not wavered or turned back. Announced by Apollo, his path lay through blood and war, bel

a bella, et Thybrim multo spumantem sanguine cerno. 4 Accompanied by his trusty Achates he was to fight the intractabl

, 626. PageBook=>464 Like other literary compositions fostered by the government, Livy’s history was patriotic, mor

ion. History does not record, or legend embroider, any loss sustained by Livy the historians did not excite the interests

ith the Transpadani; 1 and Brutus’ father had been besieged at Mutina by Pompeius. In the time of Augustus, Mediolanium pr

a Romanae cedent miracula terrae. 1 Not all the poets were inclined by character or situation to such unreserved eulogie

C. Propertius Postumus (ILS 914). The Tullus several times addressed by Propertius (e.g. 1, 1, 9) is the nephew of L. Vol

theme, the earlier generation. But even Propertius was not untouched by the patriotic theme, or the repeated instances of

enas. He died young or abandoned the art altogether. Ovid, his junior by about ten years, outlasted Augustus and died in e

ody. Augustus did not see the joke. Like the early Germans depicted by Tacitus, he did not think that moral laxity was a

nd. The Republican dynast solicited the favour of the sovran people by lavish display at games, shows and triumphs. As a

as well. But complaints were rare. The poor expressed their gratitude by crowding to the Capitol on the first day of the y

ulae marched to the Capitol and offered sacrifices there, accompanied by the procession of his sixty-one living descendant

gin and martial virtues of people and dynasty were fittingly recalled by the Temple of Mars Ultor and the adjacent Forum o

rs of the Julian house. The temple of Mars the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fought against t

he watchword of the Caesarian army; and Divus Julius had been avenged by his son and heir. This dynastic monument is a rem

reminder, if such be needed, that Dux was disguised but not displaced by Princeps. Augustus was Divi filius. The avengin

assins. He was only incited to pay some honour to his dead benefactor by the spur of the young Caesar’s political competit

of C. Octavius fell asleep in the temple of Apollo and was visited by a snake. On the very day of the birth of his son,

er dreams would be preserved and invoked a boy descending from heaven by a golden chain, alighting on the Capitol and rece

nd receiving an emblem of sovranty from Jupiter, and recognized again by Cicero on the next day when he had the first sigh

expression of their own sentiments the themes and forms made standard by official policy in the capital. At Potentia in Pi

he inhabitants of the region, natives and Roman citizens alike, swore by all gods and by Augustus himself a solemn and com

f the region, natives and Roman citizens alike, swore by all gods and by Augustus himself a solemn and comprehensive oath

e joint worship of Augustus and the Goddess Rome. 2 Asia is incited by that loyal proconsul, the patrician Paullus Fabiu

all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for he was deposed by Augustus and subsequently banished. 1 Kings and

a man of peace and letters, enjoyed long rule, though not undisturbed by the nomad Gaetulians. The kings of Thrace were mo

ncy of his government. Herod’s death showed his value it was followed by a rising which Varus the governor of Syria put do

Rome supported the monarchy. Though purged of evil habits and solaced by generous subsidies, the populace might still asse

io post haec, vero cruentam’1 The life of the Princeps was threatened by continual conspiracies though these plots may not

andalous to the ridiculous, it will be observed that the Princeps was by no means as majestic and martial in appearance as

tioned, but his stature was short, a defect which he sought to repair by wearing high heels. Nor were all his features pre

eded, at the very least, that his native caution was happily seconded by fortune when the soldiers of Brutus broke into th

esarian leader at Philippi: he was not there. After the example set by Caesar the Dictator, clemency became a commodity

by Caesar the Dictator, clemency became a commodity widely advertised by his successors, but by no means widely distribute

clemency became a commodity widely advertised by his successors, but by no means widely distributed. Augustus alleged tha

sked that his life be spared. 3 The claim was impudent: it is refuted by one of his own historians who, praising the ‘leni

ncipate could also show its judicial murders or deaths self-inflicted by state criminals, conscious of guilt or evading ca

es, justice, it was necessary to say much about that. Less advertised by the government, but no less distasteful to the no

2 B.C.) Pollio, however, did not suffer himself thus to be captured by the government. This austere and embittered champ

nate and ferocious, defended his ideals in the only fashion he could, by freedom of speech. 3 Too eminent to be muzzled wi

Too eminent to be muzzled without scandal, too recalcitrant to be won by flattery, Pollio had acquired for himself a privi

eo put forward the name of the relegated Triumvir Lepidus. Questioned by Augustus, Labeo stood his ground and carried his

of senators should keep watch outside the bed-chamber of the Princeps by mentioning his own manifest unsuitability for suc

friend of Augustus, was arraigned on a charge of poisoning, attacked by Cassius Severus, defended by Pollio and rescued t

igned on a charge of poisoning, attacked by Cassius Severus, defended by Pollio and rescued through the personal intervent

be defending a man prosecuted for adultery. They were roughly handled by the prosecution. Augustus intervened on their sid

hat of Pollio. Pollio’s native distrust of fine words was intensified by loathing of the exuberant insincerity of public o

sified by loathing of the exuberant insincerity of public oratory and by the wars of the Revolution, which stripped away s

efect that Pollio could discover in Livy. Pollio, so it is recorded by Quintilian, criticized Livy for ‘Patavinitas’. 3

is recorded by Quintilian, criticized Livy for ‘Patavinitas’. 3 It is by no means certain that Quintilian himself understo

l Rome employed for his theme an ample Ciceronian style, strengthened by a Sallustian and poetical infusion: a rich concoc

y burned. That did not matter, said Cassius Severus, who had them all by heart. 7 But Cassius did not go unscathed. This m

survived the Principate of Augustus. He was prosecuted under Tiberius by a client of Seianus. Cremutius anticipated convic

der Tiberius by a client of Seianus. Cremutius anticipated conviction by suicide, after a noble speech defending history a

th. But not for long. Coerced through official repression, or tainted by servility, history soon decayed and perished. ‘Ma

tery and detraction. 1 Horace assured Augustus that the envy incurred by the great ones of earth in their lifetime is sile

offence against the State. Not all emperors, however, were succeeded by rulers who had an interest in the deification of

nus:4 his whole account of the reign of Augustus is artfully coloured by devotion to Tiberius, with vituperation of enemie

which this worthy citizen recounts certain court scandals is matched by his depreciation of the generals of Augustus who

liarly and wholly Roman. He did not live to see his verdict confirmed by Juvenal and by Tacitus, the typical glories of im

ly Roman. He did not live to see his verdict confirmed by Juvenal and by Tacitus, the typical glories of imperial literatu

Principate of Augustus. They were preserved, pampered and subsidized by the New State; but they were the survivors of a c

eant so drastic a depression of the nobiles. They were now confronted by an organized party and an organized system of gov

sulate; and the last consular bearer of the name was a Junius Silanus by birth. Likewise to the Principate of Augustus bel

decayed branches of the patriciate, were revived from long obscurity by Caesar or by Augustus, either to resplendent fort

ches of the patriciate, were revived from long obscurity by Caesar or by Augustus, either to resplendent fortune or to a b

nascence before the end. Others that survived proscription and battle by good fortune, diplomacy or the contraction of ser

hat prolonged an ignoble existence for a generation or two. Depressed by vice or poverty, lack of enterprise or excess of

the Latter, the Jurist (Praised By Tacitus, Ann. 12, 12), was exiled by Nero (Ann. 16, 7 ff.). 4 Seneca, Epp. 55, 2 ff.

sius Hortalus, the grandson of the illustrious orator, was subsidized by Augustus and encouraged to bring up a family: Tib

t magnae fortunae pericula. ’ His father had been executed in A.D. 14 by Asprenas the proconsul of Africa (Ann. 1, 53).

victor of the Metaurus, to the blind old censor, to the Decemvir. Yet by a paradox the power went, not to the brilliant an

it. The last of them, married to a sister of Caligula and designated by Caligula as his successor, succumbed to the evil

given her husband no children but the Claudii ruled. And in the end, by posthumous and ironical justice, Antonius and his

n was blessed with three sons and two daughters, all of whom in turn, by death or relegation, paid full penalty for the ex

Fabia Numantina. 2 The patrician P. Quinctilius Varus had left a son by Claudia Pulchra: he succumbed to a prosecution in

ambitious proconsul of Macedonia, perpetuated the Licinii who merged, by adoption after another generation, with the famil

became entangled, not only among themselves, as when a Piso, adopted by a Crassus, married a Scribonia descended from Pom

counsellors. 4 The prominence of the Lentuli, threatened for a moment by the fall of their ally Seianus, was shattered by

eatened for a moment by the fall of their ally Seianus, was shattered by the ruin of Lentulus Gaetulicus, who was suppress

a family foredoomed like the Silani, with four brothers all to perish by violent ends, among them that irreproachable and

y C. Calpurnius Crassus Frugi Licinianus, whose historic name, spared by Domitian, could not escape allegations of conspir

Scribonianus, cos. A.D. 32 (PIR2, A 1140). Pompeian blood is attested by ILS 976, cf. PIR2, A 1147, and above, p. 425. 3

e successful novi homines of the Revolution and of the New State were by no means exempt from the infertility or the ill f

bii; and other novi homines disappear utterly or prolong their family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the new families

h consuls under Claudius, P-W III a, 2198. Calvisius’ line, continued by a son (cos. 4 B.C.), ended with his grandson (cos

llina. 5 The second and third wives of Nero bore the now historic but by no means antique names of Poppaea Sabina and Stat

Augustus, the flower of Italy, did not respond to his national policy by the production of numerous offspring. Certain sto

pp. 425, 497. 4 Lollia Paullina, taken away from P. Memmius Regulus by Caligula (Ann. 12, 22) and soon dropped by him: w

ay from P. Memmius Regulus by Caligula (Ann. 12, 22) and soon dropped by him: willing to marry Claudius, Ann. 12, 1. She w

s and Vinicius belong to the reign of Claudius. Pollio was survived by only one son, Gallus, who came to a miserable end

me of Augustus, the Aelii Lamiae. 7 The last Lamia was consul in 116, by which time that name stood for the bluest blood.

dence and for success, it might have seemed that all would be outdone by the Cocceii, Antonian partisans ennobled in the T

riod. Though missing the consulate under Augustus, they were favoured by subsequent emperors, down to and including Domiti

Ti. Plautius Silvanus Aelianus (ILS 986) is probably an Aelius Lamia by birth, of which house after the consul of A.D. 3

PageBook=>501 Even Nerva seems an anachronism. He was succeeded by a man from Spain, M. Ulpius Traianus, the son of

ver the Princeps might be. The son of the consular Passienus, adopted by the Augustan secretary of state Sallustius, becam

iant career of service his enemies called it sordid adulation trusted by Tiberius, by Caligula and by Claudius, a statue w

f service his enemies called it sordid adulation trusted by Tiberius, by Caligula and by Claudius, a statue was erected in

emies called it sordid adulation trusted by Tiberius, by Caligula and by Claudius, a statue was erected in the Forum at Ro

n. Domitius Afer, cos. suff. 39. 2 The origin of Burrus is revealed by ILS 1321. It is no accident that the governors of

Pompeia Plotina came from Nemausus is made probable, but not proved, by SHA Hadr. 12, 2. A slight confirmation, so far ig

rue. But a rational distrust persists, confirmed under his successors by certain disquieting incidents, and leads to the c

Ann. 11, 21. The origin of Verginius Rufus is made reasonably certain by combining the evidence of Pliny, Epp. 2, 1, 8 and

pplies to families consular before A.D. 14 the year in which election by the people was abrogated. W. Otto s definition (I

shed aside from power, stripped of their estates and steadily thinned by a progressive proscription. As under the Republic

secret struggle for power and distinction went on as before, enhanced by the rival ambitions of Seianus’ faction and the f

ll turns the nobiles were imperilled above all and in the last resort by the fears of Tiberius and by his reluctance to in

erilled above all and in the last resort by the fears of Tiberius and by his reluctance to interfere with the course of ju

te of the Antonines. 1 PageNotes. 505 1 Compare the results shown by P. Lambrechts, La composition du sénat romain de

in the militia equestris. 1 The movement might only be accelerated by ‘bad emperors’ or masterful servants of the gover

blic. Libertas, as has been sufficiently shown, may be appropriated by any faction and any government: it soon went the

s conceived a genial device for thwarting the cult, suggested perhaps by his own felicitous reply when his friend Seius St

quitur. ’ 3 Hist, 1, 50. PageBook=>508 Captured and enslaved by the traditions of the Roman governing class and o

t may have originated with the aristocracy: it was cheerfully adopted by the snobbish fervour of other classes in society.

a fraud as well as an anachronism it rested upon support and subsidy by a military leader, the enemy of their class, acqu

would provide: Rome owed them a debt for their ancestors. It was paid by the Principate, under pretext of public service a

ses that supported Pompeius. The patrician Lentuli were numerous, but by no means talented in proportion. The fact that L.

enem Cn. Domitium. ’ PageBook=>511 Augustus set especial store by the patriciate. The last renascence of the oldest

lished Paullus Fabius Maximus, ‘centum puer artium’, than is revealed by Horace’s charming ode and by the loyal effusions

, ‘centum puer artium’, than is revealed by Horace’s charming ode and by the loyal effusions of Ovid, he might not stand i

, 1), with Livia Drusilla (ib. 5, 2) and vainly solicited to marriage by Agrippina (ib. 5, 1). 2 Varus was the official

a will be reckoned among the profiteers of the Revolution. 5 Enriched by both sides, Pollio augmented the dignity as well

(the grandson was an orator, mentioned along with Messalla and Pollio by Tacitus, Ann. 11, 6 f.). 7 Pollio, ‘nervosae vi

te labore ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri. 2 The nobiles, by their ambition and their feuds, had not merely de

That end is security of life and property: it could not be guaranteed by the constitution of Republican Rome. Worn and bro

be guaranteed by the constitution of Republican Rome. Worn and broken by civil war and disorder, the Roman People was read

a’, as Tacitus observes. 4 The New State might be called monarchy, or by any other name. That did not matter. Personal rig

servation and standing. As more and more sons of Roman knights passed by patronage into the ranks of the governing class,

present state of affairs. It need not be taken as seriously as it was by suspicious emperors or by artful and unscrupulous

It need not be taken as seriously as it was by suspicious emperors or by artful and unscrupulous prosecutors. While the Re

threat of another, did not allow his judgement entirely to be blinded by literary and sentimental conventions. Like Sallus

had ruined the Republic long ago. Marius and Sulla overthrew libertas by force of arms and established dominatio. Pompeius

, namely, the real and imminent menace of a civil war. It was averted by the adoption of Trajan, the governor of the milit

e the blessings of his rule over the whole world, while the harm done by a bad emperor was not boundless: it fell mostly u

lars and its own phraseology. Quies was a virtue for knights, scorned by senators; and neutrality had seldom been possible

t. ’ 4 Tacitus, Ann. 15, 31. 5 Hist. 4, 69, 18 M (not invalidated by the fact that it occurs in the letter of an orien

ty and prosperity. 8 NotesPage=>519 1 Augustus’ letter, quoted by Gellius 15, 7, 3; Velleius 2, 91, 2. On the Optim

s absolute, no contemporary could doubt. But his rule was justified by merit, founded upon consent and tempered by duty.

ut his rule was justified by merit, founded upon consent and tempered by duty. Augustus stood like a soldier, ‘in statione

‘scaevos iste Romulus. ’ 5‘Sallust’, In Ciceronem 4, 7. 6 Quoted by Cicero, De re publica 1, 64. 7 Tacitus, Ann. 1,

the early years of the Principate, his party would have survived, led by Agrippa, or by a group of the marshals. But Augus

of the Principate, his party would have survived, led by Agrippa, or by a group of the marshals. But Augustus lived on, a

lated and flexible. By appeal to the old, Augustus justified the new; by emphasizing continuity with the past, he encourag

ained in his own school, a Roman aristocrat from among the principes, by general consent capable of Empire. It might have

and for Rome if Augustus had died earlier: the duration of his life, by accustoming men’s minds to the Principate as some

2. PageBook=>522 The last decade of Augustus’ life was clouded by domestic scandals and by disasters on the frontie

he last decade of Augustus’ life was clouded by domestic scandals and by disasters on the frontiers of empire. 1 Yet for a

it found him serene and cheerful. On his death-bed he was not plagued by remorse for his sins or by anxiety for the Empire

erful. On his death-bed he was not plagued by remorse for his sins or by anxiety for the Empire. He quietly asked his frie

n for his own immortality. 3 During the Spanish wars, when stricken by an illness that might easily have been the end of

3, along with the last will and testament, to be edited and published by Tiberius. 6 NotesPage=>522 1 Pliny, NH 7,

adeptus magis an meritus’ 4 Horace, Odes 4, 8, 13 ff. 5 As argued by E. Kornemann, Klio 11 (1902), 141 ff. and elsewhe

nd the victims of his public or private treacheries are not mentioned by name but are consigned to contemptuous oblivion.

Note also the prominence of the naval expedition in A.D. 5, commanded by Tiberius, though his name is not mentioned (ib. 2

u’s insistence that the inscription was primarily designed to be read by the plebs of Rome, very precisely the clients of

nces or receive in Rome and Italy honours like those accorded to gods by grateful humanity: to Romans he was no more than

also Aeneas and Romulus, and, like Divus Julius, he would be enrolled by vote of the Roman Senate among the gods of Rome f

important accession is the Fasti of the Vicomagistri, first published by G. Mancini, Bull. Comm. LXIII (1935), 35 ff., whe

s. suff. 33 B.C.), 242, 328, 330. Actium, Battle of, 276 f.; enhanced by propaganda, 297 f. Actium, War of, 294 ff.; cau

Aelius Seianus, L., family and origin, 358, 384; improperly derided by Tacitus, 358; his influence and partisans, 384, 4

ntrol of, 35 f., 325; in 44 B.C., 102 f., 110 f.; in 43 B.C., 165 f.; by the Triumvirs, 189; after Actium, 302 f.; in 27

uiting, 457 f.; specialization in, 355, 395 f.; removed from politics by Augustus, 353; loyal to the dynasty, 476. Arpin

C.), 362. Caelius Rufus, M., parentage of, 63; origin, 88; defended by Cicero, 150; feud with Ap. Pulcher, 41; disillusi

n of literature, 460. Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus, L., adopted by Galba, 497. Calventius, of Placentia, maternal gr

32, 136, 212. Cantabri, 332. Canusium, 361. Capital, guaranteed by Caesar, 52 f.; attacked by the Triumvirs, 195, 35

32. Canusium, 361. Capital, guaranteed by Caesar, 52 f.; attacked by the Triumvirs, 195, 355; endangered in 32 B.C., 2

betrothed to Livia Medullina, 422; to Urgulania, 385, 422; not liked by his family, 433; his Antonian blood, 495; the man

a, Queen of Egypt, 6, 214, 259; relations with Caesar, 275; donations by Antonius, 260, 270, 300 f.; her rapacity, 260, 27

543 Concordia, 363. Concordia ordinum, 16, 81, 153, 321; achieved by Augustus, 364. Confiscation, by Caesar, 76 f.; by

a ordinum, 16, 81, 153, 321; achieved by Augustus, 364. Confiscation, by Caesar, 76 f.; by the Triumvirs, 194 ff.; by Octa

153, 321; achieved by Augustus, 364. Confiscation, by Caesar, 76 f.; by the Triumvirs, 194 ff.; by Octavianus, 350. Conse

stus, 364. Confiscation, by Caesar, 76 f.; by the Triumvirs, 194 ff.; by Octavianus, 350. Consensus Italiae, 153, 161, 169

43 B.C., 197; in 33 B.C., 243 f.; in 27 B.C., 327 f., 388; controlled by Augustus, 388 f.; as proconsuls, 326 ff., 383; as

ance of, 11, 24 f., 368 ff.; imperium, 162, 315, 326, 330; controlled by Pompeius, 36; under the Triumvirs, 188, 199 f., 2

peius, 36; under the Triumvirs, 188, 199 f., 243 ff., 372; controlled by Augustus, 325, 370 ff.; age for, 369; qualificati

. 1 B.C.), proconsul of Africa, 401, 435; praefectus urbi and trusted by Tiberius, 436. Cornelius Lentulus, L. (cos. 3 B

n, 487, 489. Crete, allotted to the Liberators, 119, 126; liberated by Antonius, 272; a senatorial province, 328. Cupr

e campaign of Philippi, 200, 202, 204; governor of Syria, 214; killed by the Parthians, 223. Defamation, see Invective,

enegade, 214, 265, 267, 296, 385; writes history, 265, 484; addressed by Horace in an Ode, 511; ‘desultor bellorum civiliu

sar, 51 ff., 77; abolition of, 107; of the Triumvirs, 3, 188; refused by Augustus, 339, 371. Didia Decuma, from Larinum,

Ahenobarbus (cos. 16 B.C.), 230. Domitian, the Emperor, called ‘dux’ by Statius, 312. Domitii, 19, 382, 492, 494, 495;

of Tiberius, 431. Drusus, son of Germanicus, 438. Duces, honoured by Augustus, 449, 470 f.; comparison with, 522. Du

a’s activity, 389; Gaius Caesar’s, 428. Economy, of Italy, impaired by the separation of East and West, 290; revived by

, of Italy, impaired by the separation of East and West, 290; revived by the Principate, 351, 451 f. Education, Roman vi

lation to Pompeius and Caesar, 37, 76; troops in, 111, 124; augmented by Antonius, 260 f., 272 f.; annexed, 300; wealth of

380 f., 450 ff. Etruria, Marian sympathies of, 17, 87 ff.; punished by Sulla, 87; rises for Lepidus, 17, 89; Marian and

, 401; propagator of the imperial cult, 474; his character as defined by Cassius Severus, 487; by Horace, 511. Fabius Ma

imperial cult, 474; his character as defined by Cassius Severus, 487; by Horace, 511. Fabius Maximus, Q. (cos. suff. 45

activities of, 14 f., 355, 477; relations with senators, 14; detested by Cato, 26; hostile to Lucullus, 21; hostile to Gab

; hostile to Lucullus, 21; hostile to Gabinius, 67, 149 f.; supported by Crassus, 34; relations with Caesar, 73, 81 f.; af

asions of, 391, 474; legates in, 401, 435, 437. Getae, transplanted by Aelius Catus, 400 f. Gibbon, E., salubrious est

atriotism, 440, 449; and Roman literature, 461. Greeks, conciliated by Antonius, 262 f.; derided by Juvenal, 490; in the

n literature, 461. Greeks, conciliated by Antonius, 262 f.; derided by Juvenal, 490; in the Roman equestrian service, 50

pularity of, in the Triumviral period, 250 f.; suitably to be written by senators, 5, 251, 420, 485; Republican tone of, 5

Octavianus, 240; a senatorial province, 314, 315, 329 f., 394; taken by the Princeps, 329, 394, 406; conquest in, 370 f.;

29, 330, 390, 394, 400, 436, 437. Imperator, adopted as a praenomen by Octavianus, 113; title assumed by proconsuls, 238

Imperator, adopted as a praenomen by Octavianus, 113; title assumed by proconsuls, 238, 308, 312; denied to a proconsul,

alia, as a political notion, 87, 286. Italici, 86 ff., 94; disliked by Cato, 26; their hatred of Rome, 86 f., 286 f., 35

ral period, 223 f., 260; Cleopatra’s designs on, 260 f., 274; annexed by Augustus, 357, 394, 412, 476. Judas, the Galila

396, 397; origin and allegiance, 31, 88; his tribunate, 32; attacked by Catullus, 63; allegiance in 50 B.C., 42, 63; pros

54 ff.; incompatible with peace and order, 9, 59, 512 ff.; guaranteed by monarchy, 516, 518. Libo, see Scribonius. Lic

48, 385; in retirement, 23; against Pompeius, 33; insolently treated by Caesar, 56; derided by Pompeius, 74; his wives, 2

, 23; against Pompeius, 33; insolently treated by Caesar, 56; derided by Pompeius, 74; his wives, 20, 21; relatives, 21 f.

th the Valerii, 362, 379; wealth, 381; alleged venality, 429; praised by Horace, 429; upbraided by Velleius, 429. Lolliu

wealth, 381; alleged venality, 429; praised by Horace, 429; upbraided by Velleius, 429. Lollius Palicanus, M. (tr. pl. 7

enum, 31, 88, 374. Loyalty, need for, in politics, 120, 157; impaired by civil war, 157 f.; see also Fides. Luca, pact of,

s eminence and virtues, 21; political activities 22, 25, 33; insulted by Caesar, 56; kinsmen, 21, 24. Lycoris, mistress

2. Macedonia, in 44 B.C., 107, 110 f.; legions of, 110, 126; seized by Brutus, 171; in the Triumviral period, 222 f., 26

igns of Crassus, 308; a senatorial province, 314, 315, 328 ff.; taken by Augustus, 394, 400 f.; soldiers from, 295, 457; g

, 420, 504, 506 f.; in the party of Marius, 19, 65; restored to power by Sulla, 17 ff.; attitude towards Pompeius, 30 f.,

11; barriers to their advancement, 11, 13, 24, 45, 358, 374; promoted by Marius, 86, 94; allies of Pompeius, 31 f.; in the

hals of Augustus, 329 f., 392 ff.; usefulness of, 328, 397; promotion by Augustus to the consulate, 372 f.; ‘militaris ind

f Augustus, 112, 378; marries Antonius, 217; mediates, 225; sent back by Antonius, 226; behaviour in 35 B.C., 265; divorce

san, 264. Optimates, 11, 22, 25, 37, 39, 40 f., &c.; as defined by Cicero, 22, 351. Optimus status, 320; according t

Ovidii, 289. Ovidius Naso, P., abandons latus clavus, 363; favoured by Paullus Fabius Maximus, 460; as a poet, 467 f.; h

f. Pater patriae, 411, 482, 519 f. Patricians, 10, 18 f.; revived by Sulla, 68; revived by Caesar, 68; on Caesar’s sid

1, 482, 519 f. Patricians, 10, 18 f.; revived by Sulla, 68; revived by Caesar, 68; on Caesar’s side, 68 f.; ideals and ‘

; liberalism of, 70, 345; patricians surviving in 33 B.C., 244; added by Octavianus, 244, 306, 376; created by Augustus, 3

urviving in 33 B.C., 244; added by Octavianus, 244, 306, 376; created by Augustus, 382; decline of, 491 ff. Patriotism,

a, granddaughter of L. Munatius Plancus, 512. Plancius, Cn., defended by Cicero, 89. Plancus, see Munatius. Plautii, 85,

Tucca, friend of Virgil, 225. Plutocracy, 452, 458, 501; disguised by the Principate, 351, 358. Poets, politics of, 6

icia, 396. Pontifex maximus, dignity of, 25, 68, 109, 232; retained by Lepidus, 447; assumedby Augustus, 469. Pontius

n the Civil Wars, 46, 49, 50; bis death, 50; character, 26; dominated by Servilia, 23; influence on Brutus, 58; philosophi

stus’ control of senatorial provinces, 382, 406; provinces taken over by Augustus, 394, 406; control of, in A.D. 14, 437 f

rtance of, 48. Reform, moral, the need for, 52 f., 335; carried out by Augustus, 339, 440 ff.; dubious features of, 452

he East, 263, 273 f., 473 f.; religions, alien, 256, 448; control of, by Augustus, 411; reforms, 446 ff.; degree of genuin

Res publica, a façade, 11 f.; Caesar’s opinion, 53; made a reality by the Principate, 513 f., 519. Res publica consti

Emperor. Samnium, in relation to Rome, 17, 87 f., 287; impoverished by Sulla, 91; nomenclature, 93; senators from, 88, 1

umviral period, 189, 213, 216; a senatorial province, 328; taken over by Augustus, 357, 394, 406; governors, 213, 216. S

of, 11, 81, 196, 349, 370; entry to, 11, 167 f., 358, 370; increased by Sulla, 78, 81; by Caesar, 77 ff.; weakness in 44

349, 370; entry to, 11, 167 f., 358, 370; increased by Sulla, 78, 81; by Caesar, 77 ff.; weakness in 44 B.C., 100, 110 f.,

Caesar, 77 ff.; weakness in 44 B.C., 100, 110 f., 163 ff.; increased by Triumvirs, 196 ff.; recruitment under Augustus, 3

Senators, as a class, 10 ff.; wealth of, 12, 14, 135, 380 f.; created by Sulla, 78; by Caesar, 78 ff.; social status of, 8

class, 10 ff.; wealth of, 12, 14, 135, 380 f.; created by Sulla, 78; by Caesar, 78 ff.; social status of, 80 ff.; Triumvi

28. Sergius Catilina, L., 15, 17, 25; his partisans, 66, 89; helped by Crassus, 26, 60; virtues and vices of, 149 f.; hi

fits from confiscations, 77; at the conference of Antium, 116; helped by Atticus, 102, 192. Servilia, daughter of Isauri

, 136; attacks Antonius, 123; his policy, 134, 135, 136, 147; praised by Cicero, 164; quarrels with Cicero, 170, 182; appo

Africa, 189, 199, 213; his superstition, 256. Sicily, enfranchized by Antonius, 116, 272; seized by Sex. Pompeius, 189;

perstition, 256. Sicily, enfranchized by Antonius, 116, 272; seized by Sex. Pompeius, 189; conquered by Octavianus, 230

chized by Antonius, 116, 272; seized by Sex. Pompeius, 189; conquered by Octavianus, 230 ff.; as a senatorial province, 32

ceria, 75, 193. Slaves, in the Bellum Siculum, 228, 231, 233; owned by Taurus and Lollius, 381; enfranchisement, 446.

s, 64, 134. Superstition, spread of, 218, 256, 471 f. Syria, held by Crassus, 37; in 44–43 B.C., 107, 111, 124, 171; i

is, see Hispania Citerior. Taurus, see Statilius. Taxation, imposed by Triumvirs, 195 f.; by Octavianus, 284, 354; remit

ior. Taurus, see Statilius. Taxation, imposed by Triumvirs, 195 f.; by Octavianus, 284, 354; remitted by Augustus, 351;

tion, imposed by Triumvirs, 195 f.; by Octavianus, 284, 354; remitted by Augustus, 351; new taxation, 352, 411. Teidius,

ion, 352, 411. Teidius, Sex., obscure senator, 94. Temples, built by viri triumphales, 241, 402; Augustus’ repairs, 44

390, 476; war in, 391, 398. Thucydides, on civil war, 154; imitated by Cassius Dio, 154; by Sallust, 248; by Pollio, 485

, 398. Thucydides, on civil war, 154; imitated by Cassius Dio, 154; by Sallust, 248; by Pollio, 485. Tiberius, stepson

es, on civil war, 154; imitated by Cassius Dio, 154; by Sallust, 248; by Pollio, 485. Tiberius, stepson of Augustus and

and friend of Varro, 31. Tribunate, 16, 52, 120. Tribunes, use of, by dynasts, 29, 32, 35, 41; sacrosanctity of, 233, 3

um, 87; men from Umbria, 90, 360 f., 466. Urbinia, her heirs defended by Pollio, 193. Urbinius Panapio, perhaps a Marruc

om Reate, 90. Vatinius, P. (cos. 47 B.C.), as tribune, 66; attacked by poets, 63, 252; as consul, 94; proconsul of Illyr

nd enormities, 149 f.; oratorical powers, 178. Vediovis, worshipped by the Julii, 68, 454. Vedius Pollio, P., equestri

, allegiance of, 15; Sullan, 88, 89; Caesarian, 101, 120, 255; bribed by Octavianus, 125; changes of side, 159; pacifism o

death, 391; character, 341, 343 f; Republicanism, 343, 413; disliked by nobiles, 344; hates Maecenas, 341; relations with

transference through the proscriptions, 194 ff., 243, 290, 351; owned by the partisans of Augustus, 380 f., 452. Women,

es the researches of Münzer, RA, 328 ff. The leading clue is provided by the two marriages of Livia, the sister of M. Livi

sus Frugi (cos. A.D. 27) is assumed to be the son of L. Piso, adopted by the last of the Licinii Crassi, the consul of 14

ILY OF SEIANUS The relationships of Seianus were first investigated by C. Cichorius, Hermes xxxix (1904), 461 ff. (with

I. THE CONNEXIONS OF VARUS This is based upon the stemma worked out by E. Groag, P-W XVII, 870, with the addition, by co

the stemma worked out by E. Groag, P-W XVII, 870, with the addition, by conjecture, of Nonia Polla. On these relationship