an People. Posterity, generous in oblivion, regards with indulgence
both
the political orator who fomented civil war to sa
t;005 without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for
both
at once. A section of it was so written by C. Asi
an words. Nor would it be rash to assert that Pollio was closely akin
both
to Sallustius and to Tacitus. 1 All three sat in
ot stand alone, without allies, without a following. That axiom holds
both
for the political dynasts of the closing age of t
n among the nobiles had opened the gates. Cicero would have preserved
both
dignity and peace of mind had not ambition and va
with the plebs was therefore essential. It was possessed in abundance
both
by Caesar and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Ah
had to be the leader of a faction. Cicero fell short of that eminence
both
when a consul and when a consular, or senior stat
r, and growing ever fatter on the spoil of the provinces, they lacked
both
principle to give inner coherence and courage to
, was his influence in the West Africa and Mauretania, all Spain, and
both
provinces of Gaul. The power and glory of the mas
al science (ib. 1, 2, 10). 3 Varro served as a legate with Pompeius
both
in the Sertorian War and in the East, on sea and
y put a double-edged weapon in the hand of Crassus, who disliked them
both
. 4 Nor was Pompeius’ consul effective, though a w
of Bibulus, his daughter’s husband. 6 He should have made certain of
both
consuls. Caesar, returning from his command in
e opinion that Brutus was Caesar’s son. 2 In alliance, namely, with
both
Labienus and Q. Metellus Nepos. 3 C. Calpurnius
arning, Cicero was sacrificed to Clodius. Not content thus to satisfy
both
personal honour and the convenience of the dynast
rovinces and confounding the oligarchy by pertinacious proposals that
both
dynasts should surrender their armies and save th
me up in the Senate again, revealing an overpowering majority against
both
dynasts. 2 The consul C. Marcellus denounced the
ajority in the Senate, nearly four hundred against twenty-two, wished
both
dynasts to lay down their extraordinary commands.
had been made before in favour of other dynasts; and Caesar asserted
both
legal and moral rights to preferential treatment.
war and promote social regeneration. For that there was sore need, as
both
his adherents and his former adversaries pointed
e Julii themselves were an old sacerdotal family. 4 Sulla and Caesar,
both
members of patrician houses that had passed throu
er for achievement. Caesar, offering the consulate, had captured them
both
perhaps with connivance and help of his friend an
etor, made the acquaintance of Balbus and brought him to Rome. Allied
both
to Pompeius and to Caesar, Balbus gradually edged
d the dynasts and saved their agent. When the case came up for trial,
both
Pompeius and Crassus defended the man of Gades. C
and the Marian faction. But Pompeius had enemies in Spain, and Caesar
both
made himself known there and in absence conferred
ersonal friends like M. Caelius Rufus and Cn. Plancius, bankers’ sons
both
. Caelius came from Tusculum and probably needed l
left, and could leave, no heir to his personal rule. But Antonius was
both
a leading man in the Caesarian party and consul,
cides. Yet Antonius did not strive to get them condemned. Rejecting
both
extremes, he brought forward a practical measure.
debauchery that ruined Antonius, but a fatal chain of miscalculations
both
military and political, and a sentiment of loyalt
Antonius in the year of his consulate, it will be necessary to forget
both
the Philippics and the War of Actium. The polit
ook=>109 be a resourceful politician, presenting a double front,
both
Caesarian and Republican, and advancing steadily.
, refusing to be deterred by letters from his mother and step-father,
both
of whom counselled refusal of the perilous inheri
an open breach with the party of Brutus and Cassius. His professions,
both
public and private, had hitherto been couched in
there was criticism and opposition in the Senate on the following day
both
Cicero and P. Servilius Isauricus spoke. 1 Antoni
st. Turning to the person and family of the revolutionary, he invoked
both
the traditional charges of unnatural vice with wh
ieved eminence of his illustrious house. Philippus and Marcellus were
both
desperately anxious not to be openly compromised.
t Octavianus at Brundisium in April, for a time at least, had control
both
of certain funds destined for the wars of the Dic
d and attacked Piso for his conduct of the governorship of Macedonia,
both
before and after the proconsul returned, on any e
ntest. He exerted himself for mediation or compromise then and later,
both
during the struggle between Caesar and Pompeius a
ilicia, he made what efforts he could to avert hostilities. He showed
both
judgement and impartiality. 1 It was too late. He
Brutus in the Cisalpina, contumacious against a consul. As they were
both
acting on private initiative for the salvation of
ed Cicero there was no telling where they would end. When Republicans
both
distrusted the politician and disapproved of his
ragons of early days; which is fitting, for the evil and the good are
both
the fabrication of skilled literary artists. Ca
virtue of libertas, to be regretted more than political freedom when
both
were abolished. For the sake of peace and the com
t nothing was to be expected. Cicero distrusted for different reasons
both
Paullus, the brother of Lepidus, and the kinsmen
t he held his extraordinary command in virtue of a plebiscite, as had
both
Pompeius and Caesar in the past. 2 To contest the
o Ariminum but not to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle
both
Cicero and Antonius. But he could not arrest the
s feared a trap he knew his Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him that
both
Lepidus and his army were unreliable. So Plancus
ok=>169 that Cicero would usurp the vacant place. 1 Later, after
both
consuls had fallen, Brutus in Macedonia heard a r
a party. 4 Yet it was not their principal purpose to wipe out utterly
both
political adversaries and dissentient neutrals; a
riumvir’s uncle, C. Antonius, becomes censor in the same year; then
both
disappear. 5 Two honest men, L. Piso and L. Caesa
ed, were the gaps in other ranks and orders. The bulk of the nobiles,
both
ex-Pompeians and adherents of Caesar, banished fr
, though reunited after strange vicissitudes, had suffered heavy loss
both
in ability and in distinction, and showed its rev
plan was simple to hold up the enemy and avoid battle. They commanded
both
the Ionian Sea and the Aegean. If they were able
a of Octavianus, gross and mendacious, exaggerated the role of Fulvia
both
at the time and later, putting her person and her
he armies yet more money from the wealthy cities of Asia, the prey of
both
sides in Rome’s intestine wars. He exacted nine y
tablished. Italy was to be common ground, available for recruiting to
both
leaders, while Antonius held all the provinces be
ss and the men of property throughout Italy. Having the best men of
both
parties in sympathy or alliance, Antonius began w
to high and startling relief. 1 The young Caesar was now in sore need
both
of the generalship of Agrippa and the diplomacy o
cal principle, saving lives and property. 6 The earlier activities of
both
Lepidus and Ap. Pulcher are obscure probably tort
Roman aristocracy, or persons of influence in the towns of Italy: in
both
he advertised and extended his power. L. Vinicius
d a realistic conception of human life. He insisted upon modernity,
both
in style and in subject, already setting forth in
hat he was later to formulate as a literary theory a healthy distaste
both
for archaism and for Alexandrianism, a proper reg
icism or mythological erudition. He wished to transcend and supersede
both
the archaic Roman classics and the new models of
f dependent kingdoms and of Roman provinces which he built up appears
both
intelligible and workable. Of the Roman provinc
he law and the constitution still mattered, Antonius had a valid plea
both
NotesPage=>279 1 Dio 50, 2, 7. 2 Antiqua
The excesses of patriotic idealism and mendacious propaganda revolted
both
his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusion
him for a time the territory of Armenia Minor—for the Mede would hold
both
Armenia and Parthia in check. Yet against Parthia
umph—the young Caesar would pacify the ends of the earth, subjugating
both
Britain and Parthia to the rule of Rome. 1 No the
but had a Republican—or Antonian—past behind him. Treachery destroys
both
the credit and the confidence of any who deal in
t is, therefore, no paradox to discover in the Principate of Augustus
both
the institutions and the phraseology of Republica
viri. 2 Augustus was the greatest of the principes. It was therefore
both
appropriate and inevitable that the unofficial ti
23 B.C. was the work of Livia as well as of Agrippa and a triumph for
both
. ‘Remo cum fratre Quirinus. ’2 Thus did Virgil
mers. Banished from politics, the knights acquire from the Princeps
both
usefulness and dignity. An equestrian career of s
d the dangers of the senatorial life; of which very rational distaste
both
Augustus’ own equestrian grandfather and his frie
sar the resurgence of the Marian faction. Dictatorship and Revolution
both
broke down Roman prejudice and enriched the poore
to stem their steady advance. Augustus, it is commonly held, lacked
both
the broad imperial vision and the liberal policy
or a time the capital city was relieved of the burdensome presence of
both
her rulers. There followed a certain relaxation i
t;373 From 18 to 13 B.C. only two novi homines appear on the Fasti,
both
with military service to their credit, as against
New State. Some were passed over, such as M. Lurius and P. Carisius,
both
of whom had served against Sex. Pompeius and else
the soldiers to march against their patron and imperator. Augustus
both
created new patrician houses and sought, like Sul
Augustus’ half-sister: her sons were Sex. Appuleius and M. Appuleius,
both
consuls, no doubt at an early age. The schemes
tent men now emerge and succeed to the heritage of power and command,
both
nobles and novi homines. They had hitherto been k
nd consular provinces. Yet rigidity of system would have been foreign
both
to the Roman spirit and to the personal and oppor
of a new province to the north, the imperial legate of Moesia. 3 When
both
Illyricum and the Rhine army had been divided in
e contrast with the three provinces of 27 B.C. illustrates the change
both
in administration and in foreign policy. All ne
enior centurions and equestrian officers were a repository of wisdom;
both
centurions passing into the militia equestris and
ll held high command in the provinces of the East with which, indeed,
both
Silvanus and Piso could recall hereditary ties. 7
mpleted his amphitheatre and Cornificius rebuilt the temple of Diana,
both
from war-booty; and Balbus’ theatre also commemor
me, fell to some of his generals who had recently celebrated triumphs
both
Messalla and Calvisius Sabinus dealt with the Via
cted mountain warfare in Spain and in the Alpine lands. Vinicius knew
both
Gaul and Illyricum. Lollius was not famed for ser
the whole world felt the shock of Tiberius’ departure. 1 Not at all:
both
the Princeps and his party were strong enough to
rished in the wars of Marius and Sulla; his grandfather, the enemy of
both
Caesar and Pompeius, had fallen at Pharsalus; his
si, an alliance which brought enhanced splendour and eventual ruin to
both
houses. 1 L. Piso was a neutral, commanding rep
alone (2, 100, 4 f.) gives the list. He says that there were others,
both
senators and knights. 2 Dio 55, 10, 15; Tacitus
not the ambition, Asinius Gallus the ambition only: L. Arruntius had
both
. 4 NotesPage=>433 1 Suetonius, Divus Aug.
ort the monarchy and the succession of his sons, had been transformed
both
in composition and in allegiance. Some of the ene
he Lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus and the Lex Julia de adulteriis,
both
of this year; there were subsequent changes and a
family, that was a novelty, but the spirit was not, for it harmonized
both
with the traditional activities of the censorial
nd with the aspirations of conservative reformers. 4 Augustus claimed
both
to revive the past and to set standards for the f
rights than before. But the husband, after divorcing, could prosecute
both
the guilty partner and her paramour. The penalty
rs were less in evidence. There was Sallustius, it is true, attacking
both
oligarchy and the power of money, with advocacy o
a twin pillar to support the civilization of a world- empire that was
both
Roman and Greek. The War of Actium was shown to b
oets expressed the spirit of the national programme. In 13 B.C., when
both
Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the provin
e conspiracy of Murena. 4 Political oratory starved and dwindled in
both
law courts and Senate; from the assemblies of the
e fashion quickly spread and propagated a disease among literature in
both
prose and verse, a scourge in the social life of
ssed to find little to his taste in the New State. Pollio was himself
both
a historian and an orator; and in history he was
rts he composed libellous pamphlets, assailing illustrious persons of
both
sexes, without restraint or distinction, among th
of the Republic. Tiberius, doubly Claudian, for the line ran through
both
parents, could look back through the annals of th
a, Claudius and Nero all had Antonian blood in their veins, Nero from
both
sides of his family. Nero, the last emperor of th
pared by Domitian, could not escape allegations of conspiracy against
both
Nerva and Trajan. 8 He was duly relegated, but no
ius Avitus from Vasio, Pompeius Paullinus from Arelate, Narbonensians
both
, and L. Verginius Rufus from Mediolanium, like th
ill be reckoned among the profiteers of the Revolution. 5 Enriched by
both
sides, Pollio augmented the dignity as well as th
n he reflected that great oratory is a symptom of decay and disorder,
both
social and political. Electoral corruption, extor
t;516 The admirer of ancient eloquence could not have the advantage
both
ways, enjoying both Republican liberty and the be
of ancient eloquence could not have the advantage both ways, enjoying
both
Republican liberty and the benefits of an ordered