eader or subservient agents of arbitrary power. For that reason ‘Dux’
became
‘Princeps’. He did not cease to be Imperator Caes
overned provinces; new-comers to the senatorial aristocracy, they all
became
deeply imbued with the traditional spirit of that
aughters princesses. Marriage with a well-connected heiress therefore
became
an act of policy and an alliance of powers, more
use of this weapon in the interests of reform or of personal ambition
became
a mark of the politicians who arrogated to themse
n nobility in the Marian faction were the Junii and the Domitii,6 who
became
firm supporters of the new order. 6 NotesPage=&
The Metelli prevailed by their mass and by their numbers. Their sons
became
consuls by prerogative or inevitable destiny; and
nce with Sulla. Q. Metellus Pius led an army to victory for Sulla and
became
consul with him in 80 B.C. The Dictator himself h
nt by far is that enigmatic faction soon to be led by a man who never
became
consul. Its origins lie at the very heart of Roma
60 or 59 (Appian, Syr. 51); and in 59 P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther
became
proconsul of Hispania Citerior, with help from Ca
o Cornelia, daughter of that P. Scipio who, adopted by Metellus Pius,
became
Q. Metellus Scipio. P. Scipio’s mother was the da
potism. As the soldiers were the proletariat of Italy, the revolution
became
social as well as political. The remedy was sim
asts should surrender their armies and save the Commonwealth. Curio
became
a popular hero, and the People was incited agains
as consul, perhaps with help from Pompeius. Signs of an accommodation
became
perceptible. Despite five consulates in twenty-th
f Caesar spread rumours to discredit the living Dictator: Caesar dead
became
a god and a myth, passing from the realm of histo
. PageBook=>056 At the moment it was intolerable: the autocrat
became
impatient, annoyed by covert opposition, petty cr
ligarchs. Catullus and Calvus were dead: their friends and companions
became
Caesarians. 1 He won over many former opponents,
d repressed frauds in the waterworks at Rome, composing a memoir that
became
a classic in the administration of the Empire. 3
us, legate of Caesar in the Gallic and Civil Wars (P-W IV A, 849 f.),
became
censor in 42 B.C. along with the consular C. Anto
d or ungrateful: yet of the whole number, at least eight subsequently
became
consuls. Only two of the legates present or past
t and cultivated natives of dynastic families, Hellenized before they
became
Roman, whose citizenship, so far from being the r
ceived a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118 B.C., before all Italy
became
Roman, was also subjected to casual settlement of
Senate. His young nephew, courageous and proud, cruel and luxurious,
became
quaestor in 44 B.C.2 Of Caesar’s partisans, equ
rothers Caepasii, ‘ignoti homines et repentini small-town orators who
became
quaestors (Cicero, Brutus 242), C. Billienus, ‘ho
ondemned soon after (Pro Piancio 75), despite Cicero’s defence, later
became
praetor, CIL I2, 819.1278. PageBook=>082 r
g that Brutus, himself of Tarquin blood, who expelled the tyrants and
became
the first consul of the Republic. 4 Pride kept th
Page=>085 1 Pliny, NH 7, 136 (a Tusculan consul who deserted and
became
consul at Rome in the same year). On the Plautii,
s on Sulla’s side at the capture of the town of Pompeii: his two sons
became
praetors at Rome. 1 A certain Statius fought brav
ν βoνλ∊ντή⍴ιoν ἀναĸ∊λ∊ƞµένoς. No evidence, however, precisely when he
became
a senator. 3 ILS 8888. Cf. above, p. 28, n. 1.
30; Münzer, P-W III, 1612. C. Carrinas, the son of the Marian leader,
became
cos. suff. in 43. 5 W. Schulze, LE, 268, cf. th
1 Nor were the veterans to be won merely by material advantage. They
became
truculent and tumultuous. Not without excuse: the
letter of flattery to Dolabella, Ad fam. 9, 14. The sagacious Atticus
became
impatient of the praising of Dolabella, Ad Att. 1
poned revenge. Though able beyond expectation as a politician, he now
became
bewildered, impatient and tactless. His relations
y of M. Agrippa, friends or enemies have nothing to say: even when it
became
safe to inquire or publish, nothing at all could
eius, from honest persuasion or for political advancement, afterwards
became
more conservative when he gained the consulate an
ed and kept from allying himself with Antonius; 3 in July, Octavianus
became
a fact and a force in politics. Events were mov
humour, or by skill at retaliation. Certain charges, believed or not,
became
standard jests, treasured by friends as well as e
as a mask for personal domination. The names of good citizens and bad
became
partisan appellations; wealth and the power to do
y-denominations prevailed entirely, and in the end success or failure
became
the only criterion of wisdom and of patriotism. 4
augurated under the auspices of concord and appeasement. It therefore
became
a reproach to be ‘afraid of peace’, to be ‘enemie
5 they might impair the resolution of the patriotic front. 6 Then war
became
just and heroic: rather than seek any accommodati
e against Antonius and refusing to recognize the Triumvirate. He then
became
involved in war with T. Sextius, the governor of
atius, the octogenarian Samnite, who survived the Bellum Italicum and
became
a Roman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 s
n., p. 158 H; Digest 1, 14, 3. A certain Barbarius Philippus actually
became
praetor (Dig. ib.): not to be identified with M.
4. PageBook=>201 for victory or defeat in the eastern lands,
became
the proverbial trio among the novi homines of the
now smiled upon the avid, the brutal and the unscrupulous: even youth
became
a commendation, when possession of neither tradit
ed with ruffians, the consulate, once the reward of civic virtue, now
became
the recompense of craft or crime. ‘Non mos, non
be the issue of a marriage contracted as late as 38 B.C. A P. Scipio
became
consul suffect in 35 B.C.: perhaps he had been pr
diers. In Sicily NotesPage=>232 1 Appian, BC 5, 139, 579. Libo
became
cos. ord. in 34. 2 Ib. 5, 144, 598 ff. 3 Dio
anish provinces after Perusia; 4 and T. Peducaeus, otherwise unknown,
became
suffect consul in 35 B.C.5 For the rest, his ea
aesarian oligarchy grew up, while the party of Antonius, by contrast,
became
more and more Pompeian. That was not the only a
r yet, with equal power and arms, in full confidence. The young man
became
formidable. As a demagogue he had nothing to lear
Meanwhile, the party grew steadily in strength. In 33 B.C. Octavianus
became
consul for the second time, and his influence, no
, the Aemilii and the Scipiones. In this year the admiral Q. Laronius
became
consul; the other six were commended by no known
e dead. The controversy about Cato began it. Then Caesar the Dictator
became
a subject of literary warfare, for a time at leas
e character of the Caesarian writer. 3 In Rome of the Triumvirs men
became
intensely conscious of history, not merely of rec
r lapsed, when cities or individuals armed for protection, brigandage
became
prevalent: the retainers of an owner of land, onc
thirty-seven per cent, of the whole army. 2 Q. Dellius subsequently
became
an historian (Strabo, p. 523; Plutarch, Antonius
nths passed, however, and the crisis in his relations with Octavianus
became
so acute that Antonius instructed Canidius to bri
deserted to Antonius. 1 His father-in-law L. Scribonius Libo at once
became
consul (34 B.C.), but seems to have lapsed from p
ic faction-leaders based his rule on personal allegiance. Dux partium
became
princeps civitatis. 4 Nor is surmise entirely v
vish wealth of convincing and artistic detail. More than that, Actium
became
the contest of East and West personified, the bir
ctory he spared all Roman citizens who asked to be spared. 4 dementia
became
one of his cardinal virtues; and the historian Ve
given in marriage to Juba, the prince of the Numidian royal stock who
became
King of Mauretania. Such was the fate of Egypt’
place Carrinas and Calvisius in Gaul and Spain. 5 In Syria a safe man
became
proconsul, NotesPage=>302 1 e.g. Virgil, A
For a generation, all parties had triven for peace: once attained, it
became
the spoil and prerogative of the victors. Alrea
perial NotesPage=>303 1 Appian (BC 4, 51, 221) records that he
became
governor of Syria. About the date, no evidence. T
ting in value. The beneficial working of the rich treasure from Egypt
became
everywhere apparent. 3 Above all, security of ten
nights, knights themselves and finally Thracian and Illyrian brigands
became
emperors of Rome. Excited by the ambition of mi
ost a million sesterces. 5 During the Triumviral period an ex-slave
became
military tribune. Horace is ferociously indignant
itary knight found ample occupation and increased rewards, as service
became
a career, with a hierarchy and with graded honour
A.D. 6), Coponius, a Roman knight of a respectable family from Tibur,
became
its first governor; 1 and in a time of emergency
than a knight in standing, a citizen of Volsinii in Etruria but Seius
became
Prefect of the Guard and Viceroy of Egypt; he mar
lus, of Campanian and Samnite stock, after equestrian service at last
became
quaestor. 1 Contemporary and parallel are two oth
knight, sprung from ancient and dynastic stock in Etruscan Ferentum,
became
a senator under Augustus. 4 P. Vitellius from Nuc
he Sabine land, served in the army as an equestrian officer:6 his son
became
a senator, his daughter married the tax-gatherer
the less, in the ordinances of Augustus as finally established, a man
became
eligible to assume the quaestorship in his twenty
us for Marcellus. 2 Distances were preserved. The young nobilis often
became
consul at the prescribed term, but the son of a R
heir birthright. So Iullus Antonius, the younger son of the Triumvir,
became
consul. But the consulate did not matter so much.
o marriages: from the first, C. Marcellus and two Marcellas, who soon
became
available for matrimonial alliances, from the sec
Nobles and above all patricians had a long start. M. Aemilius Lepidus
became
a pontifex at the age of twenty-five:1 he was a p
five:1 he was a patrician. The novus homo Cicero had to wait until he
became
a senior consular before acquiring the coveted di
ustius Crispus. The great minister also adopted his friend’s son, who
became
in time the husband of two princesses of the bloo
e Guard and chief favourite and minister of Tiberius. Seianus himself
became
the leader of a political faction. NotesPage=&g
cupation, save a proconsulate, usually brief in tenure. The consulars
became
‘senior statesmen’, decorative, quarrelsome and a
length, was the illustrious L. Calpurnius Piso, with whom the office
became
a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his
e practice of comitial legislation soon decays: senatus consulta then
became
common, gradually acquiring force of law. Yet onc
time went on, knights who had served in the provinces as procurators
became
available above all the Prefects of Egypt, a land
h the growth to manhood of Gaius and Lucius, the position of Tiberius
became
irksome; and some spoke of estrangement from his
ved special dispensations and early distinction, it is true. Tiberius
became
consul at the age of twenty-nine but that was aft
hip of his mother with Livia brought promotion and a career. Silvanus
became
consul along with Augustus in 2 B.C. A political
e firm avoidance of desperate ambition or party spirit. Piso’s family
became
related to the Crassi, an alliance which brought
ok=>428 The position of Tiberius had long been anomalous. It now
became
doubtful and perilous. In the next year his tribu
he succession was publicly regulated as far as was possible. Tiberius
became
co-regent, in virtue of a law conferring on him p
more often heard in public than was expedient for honest women: they
became
politicians and patrons of the arts. They were fo
uties to the community. Like the Princeps himself, the war profiteers
became
respectable. ‘Fortuna non mutât genus’, so Hora
emagogue Clodius was in his pay. The Dictatorship of Caesar at once
became
an object of lampoons. More deadly, however, was
of history’ in a vivid and convincing form. An excellent source soon
became
available, no less than the biographical memoir i
arly career of Pompeius, controverting Sallustius. When Pompeius thus
became
a respectable figure, so did Octavianus. It was t
to the military leader in the War of Actium: it did not lapse when he
became
a magistrate at Rome and in relation to the laws
s not there. After the example set by Caesar the Dictator, clemency
became
a commodity widely advertised by his successors,
s of politics. It is in no way surprising that Pollio, like Stendhal,
became
the fanatical exponent of a hard, dry and unemoti
o, he turned with distaste from the wars and politics of his time and
became
a historian. Both writers had practical experienc
nition and love: exstinctus amabitur idem. 2 This moral platitude
became
a wild paradox under the Empire. Augustus’ memory
in noble families, showing their last consuls in the age of Pompeius,
became
extinct in the Civil Wars. Some, it is true, espe
marriage to Aemilia Lepida, Ann. 3, 23. PageBook=>493 His son
became
consul under Tiberius, a great orator and a man o
er, in prestige, or in family to the Princeps. Allies and enemies now
became
involved in the most fantastic relationships. The
the end, by posthumous and ironical justice, Antonius and his admiral
became
the ancestors of emperors. As time went on, the J
under the Principate. M. Junius Silanus, grandson of the renegade who
became
consul in 25 B.C., married Aemilia Lepida, the da
e domestic dramas of Augustus’ Principate. Before long, however, they
became
entangled, not only among themselves, as when a P
amilies, as befitted the dual composition of the governing oligarchy,
became
involved in the family history, court scandals or
lar Passienus, adopted by the Augustan secretary of state Sallustius,
became
a great courtier, an artist in adulation and the
conduct of a successful prosecution. Under the Empire the law courts
became
less political, justice less a matter of partisan
he aristocracy at least, counterbalanced other benefits. The Senate
became
a high court of justice and the Princeps’ own jur
ed by any faction and any government: it soon went the way of Pax and
became
Libertas Augusta. Pompeius Magnus was hardly wo
the Senate. Yet while this process was going on, the Republic itself
became
the object of a sentimental cult, most fervently
s not long before the Principate gave birth to its own theory, and so
became
vulnerable to propaganda. Augustus claimed to hav
l plea and political propaganda in the military plebiscite of 32 B.C.
became
a reality under the Principate Augustus represent
bloodshed. But his potentia was transmuted into auctoritas, and ‘dux’
became
beneficent, ‘dux bonus’. Ovid perhaps went too fa
k=>521 His rule was personal, if ever rule was, and his position
became
ever more monarchic. Yet with all this, Augustus