ove should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this b

THE subject of this book is the transformation of state and society at Rome between 60 B.C. and A.D. 14. It is composed

rincipal allies of the various political leaders enter into their own at last. The method has to be selective: exhaustive

out the support of elaborate argumentation. Further, the bibliography at the end is not intended as a guide to the whole s

nvenience, the books and papers mentioned in the footnotes. It will at once be evident how much the conception of the na

earlier form and draft they were the substance of lectures delivered at Oxford in the summer of 1937. The index is main

ance hellénique. BMC =British Museum Catalogue. BSR =British School at Rome. CAH =Cambridge Ancient History. CIL =Corp

il than war between citizens. 1 Liberty was gone, but only a minority at Rome had ever enjoyed it. The survivors of the ol

der. The happy outcome of the Principate might be held to justify, or at least to palliate, the horrors of the Roman Revol

, and Augustus the Princeps, the beneficent magistrate, men have been at a loss to account for the transmutation, and have

brief summary of the rise of Augustus {Ann, i, 2), makes no reference at all to the ‘Restoration of the Republic’ in 28 an

y the futility of their noble deed and by the failure of their armies at Philippi; and the memory of Antonius is overwhelm

y the oratory of Cicero, by fraud and fiction, and by the catastrophe at Actium. To this partisan and pragmatic interpre

without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A section of it was so written by C. Asiniu

ius for five years. Loyal to Caesar, and proud of his loyalty, Pollio at the same time professed his attachment to Notes

Augustus: the work appears to have ended when the Republic went down at Philippi. That Pollio chose to write no further w

biography for another. At its worst, biography is flat and schematic: at the best, it is often baffled by the hidden disco

r and exploits of a single person invests history with dramatic unity at the expense of truth. However talented and powerf

r Sulla’s ordinances, a restored oligarchy of the nobiles held office at Rome. Pompeius fought against it; but Pompeius, f

Pompeius and sharply repressed by Caesar, the aristocracy was broken at Philippi. The parties of Pompeius and of Caesar h

s) PageBook=>008 a government. That was left to Caesar’s heir, at the head of a new coalition, built up from the wr

he conception was narrow only the ruling order could have any history at all and only the ruling city: only Rome, not Ital

y in destiny and the inexorable stars. In the beginning kings ruled at Rome, and in the end, as was fated, it came round

e People was able to frustrate its exercise. The two consuls remained at the head of the government, but policy was largel

ecure the consulate and consequent ennoblement) was a rare phenomenon at Rome. 3 Before the sovran people he might boast h

e and he did not wish to sell his estates: yet he required ready cash at every turn, to support the dignity of his station

to subsidize friends and allies. Hence debts, corruption and venality at Rome, oppression and extortion in the provinces.

and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. To win a following at elections, to manage bribery, intimidation or rio

y of municipal office in the towns of Italy. Others, however, grasped at the spoils of empire, as publicani in powerful co

man in Macedonia, cf. In Pisonem 86. 4 Lucullus, owner of a palace at Tusculum, pointed out that he had a knight and a

nted by the army-commanders and their political agents. It took shape at first in his consulate as concordia ordinum betwe

forthcoming). PageBook=>017 Sulla prevailed and settled order at Rome again through violence and bloodshed. Sulla

e established lasted for nearly twenty years. Its rule was threatened at the outset by a turbulent and ambitious consul, M

, its shape and character, so far from fading away on close scrutiny, at once stands out, solid and manifest. In any age o

n Camillus saved Rome from the Gauls, had vanished utterly by now, or at least could show no more consuls. The Sulpicii an

tion soon to be led by a man who never became consul. Its origins lie at the very heart of Roman dynastic politics. The tr

onicus (cos. 143) had four consular sons. For the stemma, see Table I at end. 4 Münzer, RA, 302 ff.; J. Carcopino, Sylla

le in Münzer, RA, 304, shows these relationships clearly. Cf. Table I at end. 5 The sons were Ap. Claudius Pulcher (cos.

l, the researches of Münzer, RA, 328 ff. For the stemma, see Table II at end. The other children were Q. Servilius Caepio

geBook=>022 the right wing when Sulla destroyed the Samnite army at the Battle of the Colline Gate. The son of a comp

e government. 3 But the Optimates were solid only to outward show and at intervals. Restored to power by a military despot

or against the bills of Gabinius and Manilius. There was a fine rally at the prosecution of the tribune Cornelius ‘dixerun

illas, the great piscinarii, Hortensius and the two Luculli, pondered at ease upon the quiet doctrines of Epicurus and con

ere hopeless or hostile to the interests of property and finance, and at the same time carefully soliciting the aid of you

r and marry Clodia, provoked a breach by making Cicero give testimony at the trial of Clodius for impiety (Plutarch, Cicer

bes. ’ Cf. Ad Att. 1, 1, 4 (Ahenobarbus). PageBook=>025 to few at Rome to achieve distinction, save through the que

usband of Servilia, a Marian and an adherent of Lepidus, capitulating at Mutina to Pompeius, was killed by him (Plutarch,

ticians, he lay low, lurking no doubt in Picenum. 5 When Sulla landed at Brundisium, the young man, now aged twenty-three,

e tribus Velina, are attested in the consilium of Cn. Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, ILS 8888, cf. C. Cichorius, Römische Stu

-eius’ has been taken as evidence of Etruscan influence on the family at some time or other, cf. J. Duchesne, Ant. cl. III

to reject a bill, no argument needed save that the measure was aimed at the People’s general. 2 Among the ambitious polit

een misunderstood. PageBook=>030 and resources of all the East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much to his anno

ante deum princeps. 3 Pompeius was Princeps beyond dispute but not at Rome. By armed force he might have established so

ueror of the East to wear the robe of a triumphator or a golden crown at certain public ceremonies. 5 In December Metellus

ance by the peaceful means of a new dynastic alliance. He saw the way at once. Having divorced his wife, the half-sister o

boldly into the fray, and slashed the bill to pieces. Yet he claimed at the same time that he was doing a good service to

guage and tactics of a demagogue, might be captured by the government at a certain stage in his career, with no discredit

rely to be perceived through the tumultuous clamour of political life at Rome under Caesar’s consulate, several partisans

c. 4 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 19, 1. On his influence with Pompeius ( at a later date), comparable to that of the Greek Th

e the system, Pompeius needed armies in the provinces and instruments at Rome. Certain armies were already secured. But Po

sular elections for the next two years as well. 2 Despite patronage at home and armed power in the provinces, the ascend

>037 Pompeius in reply worked for the restitution of Cicero, and at length achieved it. For himself, after a famine i

us meanwhile had gone to Ravenna to confer with Caesar. The three met at Luca and renewed the compact, with a second consu

he would have an army of his own in Spain to support his predominance at Rome. The enemies of the dynasts paid for their

he refers in Ad Att. 4, 5, 1. PageBook=>038 The basis of power at Rome stands out clearly the consulate, the armies

can government and hastening its end. Ahenobarbus had become consul at last, with Ap. Claudius Pulcher for colleague (54

special mandate to heal and repair the Commonwealth. 6 With armed men at his back Pompeius established order again and sec

flagrant abuses. One law, prescribing that provinces be granted, not at once and automatically after praetorship and cons

s of patronage for the party in control of the government. Nor was it at all likely that the dynast would abide by letter

ed in Italy. Though Pompeius or the enemies of Caesar might prevail at the consular elections, that was no unmixed advan

owed clearly the strength of the opposing parties in command of votes at Rome. Moreover, Antonius and other adherents of C

edonia eastwards were in the hands of men loyal to the government, or at least not dangerous; 3 and all the kings, princes

tetrarchs, remembering their patron, were ready to bring their levies at his command. Magnus, it might seem, was strong en

T. Labienus. 6 Then followed debate in the Senate, public attempts at mediation and negotiation in private. On January

or Bibulus, he smarted still beneath the humiliation of authority set at nought and fruitless contests with the consul and

the loss of his ally and of popular support, would be in their power at last, amenable to guidance or to be discarded if

fraid of that and so was Pompeius. After long wavering Pompeius chose at last to save the oligarchy. Further, the proconsu

Appian, BC 2, 30, 119. PageBook=>048 The precise legal points at issue in Caesar’s claim to stand for the consulat

, prestige and honour, summed up in the Latin word dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar, as he claimed, ‘his dignitas ha

en war; and Pompeius was still in their control so long as he was not at the head of an army in the field. Upon Caesar the

ow, it was the end. Returning to Rome a private citizen, Caesar would at once be prosecuted by his enemies for extortion o

e verdict. After that, nothing for Caesar but to join the exiled Milo at Massilia and enjoy the red mullet and Hellenic cu

r which the propertied classes were sedulously praised by politicians at Rome forbade intervention in a struggle which was

in the land of Italy, as he had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his call. Even Picenum, his own barony, went over

They would have it thus,’ said Caesar as he gazed upon the Roman dead at Pharsalus, half in patriot grief for the havoc of

and enemies, many illustrious consulars. Ahenobarbus fought and fell at Pharsalus, and Q. Metellus Scipio ended worthy of

out the guilt of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all, than his younger and more active rival, a sp

ictator would have been assassinated in the Senate by honourable men, at the foot of his own statue. That was not the po

of law and order. Caesar’s following was heterogeneous in composition at its kernel a small group of men paramount in soci

rgency period would be quite short flickered up for a moment, to wane at once and perish utterly. 1 In January 44 B.C. Cae

ppear that subsequent accounts have been guilty of attributing a part at least of the cult of Divus Julius to that very di

e for the new man from Arpinum was derided as ‘the first foreign king at Rome since the Tarquinii’. 2 It was to silence ru

silence rumour that Caesar made an ostentatious refusal of the diadem at a public ceremony. ‘Caesarem se, non regem esse.

e heir to Caesar’s name, his grand-nephew, attracted little attention at the time of his first appearance in Rome. The you

Caesar stands out as a realist and an opportunist. In the short time at his disposal he can hardly have made plans for a

d Pompeians whose good sense should guarantee peace. For that period, at least, a salutary pause from political activity:

esent was unbearable, the future hopeless. It was necessary to strike at once absence, the passage of time and the solid b

aesar diverged sharply for eleven years. But Brutus, after Pharsalus, at once gave up a lost cause, receiving pardon from

ts. It is not necessary to believe that Caesar planned to establish at Rome a ‘Hellenistic Monarchy’, whatever meaning m

Dictator’s political deputy until a new leader, emerging unexpected, at first tore it in pieces again, but ultimately, af

rperna (cos. 92, censor 86) died in the spring of 49 (Dio 41, 14, 5), at the age of ninety-eight, so it was alleged (Pliny

i, the consul who had placed a sword in the hand of Pompeius, mindful at last of a marriage-connexion with the family of C

rm: as aedile Caelius detected and repressed frauds in the waterworks at Rome, composing a memoir that became a classic in

ar’s generosity, revealed in corruption and patronage, knew no limits at all. The most varied motives, ideals and loyalt

their allegiance. 1 Not only senators chose Caesar, but young nobiles at that, kinsmen of the consulars who supported Pomp

revenge and as an example to deter posterity from raising dissension at Rome, Sulla outlawed his adversaries, confiscated

sum of money. 2 He now stood with Caesar and commanded the right wing at Pharsalus, renewing for Caesar the luck of Sulla.

the three disgraced consulars, not all dubious characters. Gabinius, at least, an old Pompeian partisan, author of saluta

it is true, were disappointed or ungrateful: yet of the whole number, at least eight subsequently became consuls. Only two

ompeius was probably desirous of conciliating the financial interests at this time. 3 For the list, Drumann-Groebe, Ge

cius Galba, whose parent may plausibly be discovered in the consilium at Asculum (ILS 8888). 5 For a full list, Drumann-

o matter Caesar’s faction numbered not only many senators but nobiles at that. Most conspicuous of all is the group of n

cia in plebem Romanam essent. ’ 4 ILS 2988 (the worship of Vediovis at Bovillae by the ‘genteiles Iuliei’). 5 Münzer,

stocracy, conspicuous in the Julii and in the Claudii. The novus homo at Rome was all too anxiously engaged in forgetting

d invincible they could tear down the very heavens, so he told people at Hispalis, misguided Spaniards. 4 The centurions w

nfancy had known slavery and degradation: captured by Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, he had been led or carried in a Roman tr

as an Oriental despot himself. In the West, in the Gallic provinces at least, the inherited and personal preponderance o

envied and hated for his princely pleasure-gardens in Rome, his villa at Tusculum. The Dictatorship found him building, a

. 14, 21, 3; Ad fam. 15, 19, 3; De off. 2, 29. 2 Ad Att. 12, 2, 2: ‘ at Balbus aedificat. τί γἀ⍴ αùτῷ µέλ∊ι’; 3 Dio 43,

n he was not the heir, of a family with municipal repute and standing at least not all centurions were rustic and humble i

1, 46, 4. On the whole question of the social standing of centurions at this time, cf. the evidence and arguments adduced

ro, Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). A man of this name was a municipal magistrate at Acerrae (CIL X, 3758). L. Decidius Saxa may also

C. and P. Hostilius Saserna, can be distinguished, of whom the first at least was a senator (Münzer, P-W VII, 2512 ff.).

rom Cremona. As for Helvius Cinna, cf. fr. 1 of his poems; for Helvii at Brixia, CIL v, 4237; 4425 f.; 4612; 4877. 5 Cn.

;080 citizens as well. The provincia, which received a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118 B.C., before all Italy beca

e arguments hold for Caesar’s Senate, with added force, and render it at the same time more difficult and less important t

tutions over the peninsula could transform their internal economy. As at Rome under a Republican constitution, so in the m

ngs and gods, and through all the frauds of pedigree and legend could at the least lay claim to a respectable antiquity. T

omewhere in central Italy, bears a kindred name to a deity worshipped at Narnia. 4 Vespasian laughed when adulation invent

Octavii. Trouble for nothing: there was solid and authentic testimony at Velitrae the name of a townward there, an altar a

een to expel the Aleuadae from Thessalian Larisa. Simplified history, at Rome and elsewhere, tells of cities or nations, o

vidia pelli armis coeptum. ’ PageBook=>084 The governing class at Rome had not always disdained the aristocracies o

r cities. Tradition affirmed that monarchs of foreign stock had ruled at Rome. More important than the kings were their ri

bine land came Attus Clausus with the army of his clients and settled at Rome, the ancestor of the gens Claudia. 1 Sabine,

imes recalled their local and alien provenance. 4 In strife for power at Rome, the patricians were ready to enlist allies

ria and south into Campania. 5 The concession of political equality at Rome by the patricians in the middle of the fourt

nation. 3 The plebeian houses might acquire wealth and dynastic power at Rome, but they could never enter the rigid and de

s figure, Marcius of Corioli, ostensibly an exile from Rome and Roman at heart, perhaps belongs more truly to Latin or Vol

me or compunction. About the early admissions to power and nobility at Rome much will remain obscure and controversial.

1 Pliny, NH 7, 136 (a Tusculan consul who deserted and became consul at Rome in the same year). On the Plautii, Münzer, R

the towns of Italy he acquired power and advanced partisans to office at Rome. 1 But the Marian party had been defeated

peoples of the central highlands, had not belonged to the Roman State at all, but were autonomous allies. Italy had now be

families that had long since been incorporated in the Roman State, or at least subjected to Roman influences. In a wide re

and Italia was the new state which they established with its capital at Corfinium. 1 This was secession. The proposal to

he Roman franchise to the allies was first made by agrarian reformers at Rome, with interested motives. A cause of dissens

roy the tyrant city. 4 Sulla saved Rome. He defeated the Samnite army at the Colline Gate and made a desolation of Samnium

ood loyal to Rome, raising a private army conspicuous on Sulla’s side at the capture of the town of Pompeii: his two sons

e at the capture of the town of Pompeii: his two sons became praetors at Rome. 1 A certain Statius fought bravely for Samn

s. 3 He desired that the sentiment and voice of Italy should be heard at Rome but it was the Italy of the post-Sullan orde

hey were a noted commercial family, trading with the East (for Granii at Delos see BCH XXXI (1907), 443 f; XXXVI (1912), 4

ederate peoples of the Bellum Italicum now taste revenge and requital at last. The Paeligni have to wait a generation yet,

le. History has record of a family of Ventidii, municipal magistrates at Auximum, enemies of the Pompeii. 4 When the young

be confined to Rome, but must embrace all Italy. That Italy should at last enter the government of the enlarged state i

hem a sharp lesson. Nor would a seat in the lower ranks of the Senate at Rome have been an extreme honour and unmixed bles

or to Balbus he did not gratify the expectations of Rabirius; and who at this time had ever heard of Salvidienus Rufus, Vi

ntageous position. Lepidus had troops under his command, with results at once apparent. At dawn on March 16th he occupied

ing of March 17th the Senate met. Antonius took charge of the debate, at once thwarting the proposal of Ti. Claudius Nero,

his hand with cool skill. The Liberators and their friends had lost, at once and for ever, the chance of gaining an ascen

ditions of the Roman Senate and the Roman People they had no sympathy at all. The politicians of the previous age, whether

uried his daughter Julia with the honours of a princess; they cheered at the games, the shows and the triumphs of the Dict

otism. As late as July he expected popular manifestations of sympathy at the games furnished by him, in absence, in honour

bitants of the towns of Italy. With the veterans, the Liberators were at once confronted by a solid block of vested intere

abella had suppressed a recrudescence of the irregular cult of Caesar at Rome: it was hoped that he might be induced to su

rutus’ friend, approached Atticus with an invitation to place himself at the head of a consortium of bankers. 5 Atticus, a

sing of Dolabella, Ad Att. 14, 19, 5. 2 Cassius urged Cicero to get at Hirtius, Ad Att. 15, 5, 1. 3 Ad Att. 15, 1, 3:

ed, Trebonius went to Asia, Cimber to Bithynia. There were no legions at all in Asia and in Bithynia, only two in the Cisa

s of Caesar. Antonius was an intrepid and dashing cavalry leader: yet at the same time a steady and resourceful general. H

they were nothing new or alarming in the holders of office and power at Rome. In the end it was not debauchery that ruine

or and return to normal government, the direction of the State passed at once to the supreme magistrates. Antonius display

cord. The degree of his responsibility for the turn which events took at the funeral will be debated: it was certainly in

doubt Antonius desired them to be away from Rome: a temporary absence at least might have been admitted by the friends of

ismay among the friends of the Liberators and many a secret muttering at the failure of the coup d’état. Yet some could fi

uch to be thankful for, as partisan testimony was prepared to concede at a later date and for abusive comparisons. 1 The

e Balkan and eastern wars, it might be doubted whether much was still at Rome for Antonius to take. The character and fate

lf in the place of the Dictator and succeed to sole and supreme power at Rome as though the fate of Caesar were not a warn

portant vassal in Asia, worth conciliating and hardly to be prevented at this juncture. 3 Ib. 14, 12, 1. Caesar had give

bertas in a period of crisis would mean the strife of faction, veiled at first under honourable names and confined for a t

ed for a time to the scramble for honours and emolument, to break out at the last into civil war again. Deplored by the Li

>110 1 Ad Att. 14, 14, 4 2 For details about all the provinces at this time, cf. W. Sternkopf, Hermes XLVII(1912),

(L. Staius Murcus and Q. Marcius Crispus)1 and the garrison stationed at Alexandria to maintain order in the dependent kin

scure. The quaestor C. Antistius Vetus was still apparently in charge at the end of 45 B.C. (Ad Att. 14, 9, 3), L. Staius

mily that lacked nobility: his grandfather, a rich banker established at the small town of Velitrae, had shunned the burde

an alliance maintained the fortunes of the family. The widow Atia was at once transferred in matrimony to L. Marcius Phili

s sanctus innocens dives’. 3 For these relationships, see Table III at end. Balbus himself, on the maternal side, was a

acter and personality of the principal agent is of doubtful advantage at the best of times it either imparts a specious un

of Octavianus will best be left to emerge from his actions. One thing at least is clear. From the beginning, his sense for

eed, traditional sense of the solidarity of the family, or resentment at the thwarting of his own legitimate aspirations i

onius in the end. The news of the Ides of March found the young man at Apollonia, a town on the coast of Albania, occupi

too astute to confine his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Oc

te to confine his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Octavianus,

a board of seven commissioners. They were chosen, as was traditional at Rome, from partisans. 1 The Liberators remained

isans. 1 The Liberators remained, an anomalous factor. On June 5th, at the instigation of Antonius, the Senate appointed

tus and Cassius were in doubts whether to accept. A family conference at Antium, presided over by Servilia, debated the qu

e the memory of Caesar retained over the populace. The heir of Caesar at once devoted himself to Caesarian propaganda. G

customary devices for the organization of popular sentiment. Already, at the Ludi Ceriales, Octavianus had made an attempt

the Dictator by the Senate and the diadem vainly offered by Antonius at the classic scene of the Lupercalia. 3 He was pro

tions of note during the Ludi Apollinares, celebrated in the name and at the expense of Brutus, the urban praetor, on July

abundant funds,1 which along with his own money he expended lavishly at the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris, in honour of the tri

as known before the event that there would be criticism of the consul at the meeting of the Senate announced for August 1s

e would have to make a choice. Sanguine informants from Rome reported at Rhegium an expectation that Antonius might surren

t. ’ 3 Phil. 1, 8, cf. Ad Att. 16, 7, 1. 4 So Cicero was informed at Leucopetra, near Rhegium, on or soon after August

ero is quite certain. PageBook=>118 These hopes were shattered at a blow. The prospect of a split between the Caesa

word of the veterans silenced the Senate of Rome. When L. Piso spoke, at the session of August 1st, there was no man to su

erhaps he suggested that Cisalpine Gaul should cease to be a province at the end of the year and be added to Italy. That w

ita placuit ut ea lecta de reversione primum coeperim cogitare. ’ So at least on the surface, which is all that we know.

, pressure from a competitor was now beginning to force him to choose at last between the Senate and the veterans. The Sen

e moderns sometimes obscure the nature and sources of political power at Rome. They were patent to contemporaries. For the

one remaining. Legitimate primacy, it is true, could only be attained at Rome through many extra-constitutional resources,

hi and a long line of demagogues. Rumours went about in the July days at Rome that Octavianus, though a patrician, had des

n, had designs upon this office. 1 Nothing came of it for the moment: at need, he would always be able to purchase one or

ve in the legions or settled in the military colonies of Italy. While at Apollonia, Octavianus made himself known to the s

the immediate and still tangible past. The young Pompeius had grasped at once the technique of raising a private army, sec

coherent party. For lack of that, the great Pompeius had been forced at the last into a fatal alliance with his enemies t

venture or of gain that certain intimate friends of the dead autocrat at once lent their support and devotion to his son a

take the lead and act. 1 NotesPage=>122 1 The whole situation at this time is summed up by Dio (45, 11, 1 ff.) wit

2, 3, 1. PageBook=>124 later, a dark episode Antonius arrested at his house certain of the veteran soldiers of his

ame to Rome through private sources. It was reported that the legions at Alexandria in Egypt were riotous, that Cassius wa

r, Cassius might appeal to the large armies in Syria. It was probably at this point that Dolabella, without awaiting the e

solved to take over one part of his consular province, the Cisalpina, at once. Then Plancus would raise no difficulties ab

s had brought the news. Further, Scaptius, Brutus’ agent, had arrived at Rome. Servilia promised to pass on her informatio

ome three thousand veterans. The new Pompeius now had an army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he

. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius from returning to Rome

ruria and the region lying towards Ravenna. He now established a base at Arretium, the town of one of his chief partisans.

or Octavianus and turned westwards. Antonius confronted the mutineers at Alba Fucens. They would listen neither to argumen

he praetor C. Antonius. On the following day, after a solemn review at Tibur, where not only the troops but a great part

His enemies had drawn the sword: naked force must decide. But not all at once Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavianu

amily and patriotism of Octavianus, Phil. 3, 15 ff. 2 See Table III at end. PageBook=>128 active help from them i

bject he preserved monumental discretion, giving visitors no guidance at all. 2 To be sure, he had dissuaded the taking up

o Octavianus. 4 Nothing else is known of their attitude or activities at this time. NotesPage=>128 1 His father, L.

proconsul in Hispania Citerior, after which last command he triumphed at the end of 45 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 50): he is not hea

consulate, August 43 B.C. Pinarius, otherwise unknown, was a general at Philippi and probably the same person as the Anto

est associates, the foundation-members of the faction. In his company at the camp of Apollonia were Q. Salvidienus Rufus a

thing to say: even when it became safe to inquire or publish, nothing at all could be discovered. 3 Before long a very dif

resent along with two other Etruscans, M. Perperna and C. Tarquitius, at the banquet where Sertorius was murdered (Sallust

e private fortune of Caesar the Dictator and the various state moneys at his disposal. Antonius is charged with refusing t

to the Balkans, had sent in advance to Brundisium, or farther, a part at least of the reserves of money which he needed fo

mbezzled the sum of seven hundred million sesterces deposited in Rome at the Temple of Ops. 1 Only the clumsy arts of an a

e clumsy arts of an apologist reveal the awkward fact that Octavianus at Brundisium in April, for a time at least, had con

l the awkward fact that Octavianus at Brundisium in April, for a time at least, had control both of certain funds destined

sed to finance the war-chest of the Liberators, would not have looked at this venture. No matter: Caesar’s heir secured al

have looked at this venture. No matter: Caesar’s heir secured almost at once the financial secretaries and political agen

Ad Att. 14, 21, 2: ‘et nosti virum quam tectus. ’ 5 As cos. stiff, at the end of 40 B.C. The last mention of him, Ad At

er (so Münzer, P-W xiv, 206). About the last three names few attempts at identification have been made, none satisfactory.

natorial rank by Caesar. He commanded the legio Martia for Octavianus at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 33, 4): who impelled the legi

aesarians, who were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius, alarmed at his power. In the first place, the consuls- desig

enting the actions of others. Even a nonentity is a power when consul at Rome. A policy they had, and they might achieve i

hey would gladly see Antonius curbed but not destroyed: they were not at all willing to be captured by an anti-Caesarian f

Calenus, an able politician. 1 Pansa, however, encouraged Octavianus at a quite early date. Along with Pansa in this co

ever, withdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or at least his influence, is sufficiently demonstrated

e of his career. Yet it would be perverse and unjust to rail and carp at an aspirant to political honours who, after espou

science and acquiesced in a large measure of authoritative government at Rome. He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutus l

ecision or hope to be discerned among the Liberators, as the congress at Antium showed, or any armed support from the prov

ed, however, and returned, though heavy of heart and with no prospect at all of playing a directing part in Roman politics

olicy of Antonius, Cicero, it might be argued, came out into the open at last, and made history by a resolute defence of t

d Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cognizance at Leucopetra. Only a domestic quarrel, it might app

us for his part exerted every art to win the confidence of Cicero, or at least to commit him openly to the revolutionary c

ina of Volaterrae with demands for an interview, for Cicero was close at hand. 1 Cicero refused to be compromised in publi

agent Balbus might be detected in the background. For Cicero, in fear at the prospect of Antonius’ return with troops from

About Octavianus, Cicero was indeed most dubious. The veterans arose at the call of Caesar’s heir, the towns of Campania

great following; and he might win more respectable backing. ‘But look at his age, his name. ’6 Octavianus was but a youth,

he vaunted the excellence of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time he felt that he could trust Octavianus.

concord and ordered government might still have been achieved. Now, at last, a chance had come to redeem all, to assert

ise was published in 51 B.C. About the same time Cicero had also been at work upon the Laws, which described in detail the

or earlier failures and earlier desertions, if that were the question at issue. It is not: a natural and indeed laudable p

defend his policy. It is presumptuous to hold judgement over the dead at all, improper to adduce any standards other than

e complicated than that, issues entangled, factions and personalities at variance. The imperious eloquence of Cicero could

eclared and ferocious. But Cicero’s political feuds, however spirited at the outset, had not always been sustained with co

et, had not always been sustained with constancy. 1 Cicero might rail at the consulars: but the advocates of concord and a

nd the scenes private ambition, family politics and high finance were at their old games. Cicero and the ambiguous contest

in the name of liberty, the deeds of Pompeius, and a Brutus besieged at Mutina. There was no respite: at Rome the struggl

s of Pompeius, and a Brutus besieged at Mutina. There was no respite: at Rome the struggle was prosecuted, in secret intri

Vatinius ranged from human sacrifices to the wearing of a black toga at a banquet. 1 Piso and Gabinius were a brace of vu

orrupting the corrupt, compelled him to write indecent verses. 3 This at Rome: in his province lust was matched with cruel

province lust was matched with cruelty. Virgins of the best families at Byzantium cast themselves down wells to escape th

iso’s colleague Gabinius curled his hair, gave exhibitions of dancing at fashionable dinner-parties and brutally impeded t

d and a debauchee he was effeminate and a coward. Instead of fighting at Caesar’s side in Spain, he lurked at Rome. How di

nd a coward. Instead of fighting at Caesar’s side in Spain, he lurked at Rome. How different was gallant young Dolabella!

id person of native African extraction, a baker or seller of perfumes at Aricia. 4 As for Piso, his grandfather did not co

so, his grandfather did not come from the ancient colony of Placentia at all it was Mediolanium, and he was an Insubrian G

mpire might become her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had never mattered! 7 From the g

ight become her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had never mattered! 7 From the grosser

were protected by long familiarity, by a sense of humour, or by skill at retaliation. Certain charges, believed or not, be

but his beloved soldiery who devised the appropriate songs of licence at Caesar’s triumph. 10 The victims of invective d

misrepresentation, which, if it could not deceive the hardened adept at the game of Roman politics, none the less might i

e innocent or the neutral. Merely to accuse one’s opponents of aiming at regnum or dominatio that was too simple, too crud

, of peace and legitimate government. That was precisely the question at Rome where and what was the legitimate authority

, according to the canons of Greek political thought, no constitution at all. This meant that a revolution could be carrie

But the Revolution did not impede or annul the use of political fraud at Rome. On the contrary, the vocabulary was furbish

er in society or labels of political allegiance. Virtus itself stands at the peak of the hierarchy, transcending mores.

tate of public emergency was the excuse for sedition. But the Antonii at least kept faith among themselves: the younger br

ord no doubt as well as in deed; Pollio likewise, though not an adept at smooth language. Political intrigue in times of

gh-minded champion of concord and the Commonwealth. The legionaries at least were sincere. From personal loyalty they mi

nversion of a military leader might sometimes have to be enforced, or at least accelerated, by the arguments of a common h

his Sullan enemies, partly to palliate the guilt of civil war. Almost at once he composed a propaganda-letter, addressed t

of the government could secure sanction for almost any arbitrary act: at the worst, a state of public emergency or a ‘high

wn initiative, privato consilio, it was claimed that the Senate could at once legalize treason, condoning the private act

to develop a programme for future action. Octavianus had no standing at all before the law, and Brutus was insecure. Anto

ey. The claim urged for D. Brutus might perhaps be defended: he was at least a magistrate and held his province through

ses this argument to demonstrate that Antonius is not really a consul at all should excite suspicion. The conception of a

e was now to be played against the People and the army commanders. As at present composed, with its preponderance of Caesa

an consulars, an eminent but over- lauded group,2 only two were alive at the end of 44 B.C., Cicero and Ser. Sulpicius Ruf

. 3 This dearth explains the prominence, if not the primacy, that now at last fell to Cicero in his old age, after twenty

en in the Curia. The remaining five Cicero did not count as consulars at all: that is to say, they were Caesarians. His ha

Senate and senior statesmen. Without armed aid from the provinces, or at least loyal support from the provincial governors

east loyal support from the provincial governors, usurpation of power at Rome was doomed to collapse. Gallia Cisalpina dom

f Caesar and of Antonius but a Republican, Pollio found his loyalties at variance or out of date: it is pretty clear that

he whereabouts of the Liberators there was still no certain knowledge at Rome at the end of the year. That they would in f

abouts of the Liberators there was still no certain knowledge at Rome at the end of the year. That they would in fact not

volution in the East. The friends and relatives of Brutus and Cassius at Rome, whatever they knew, probably kept a discree

e auctoritas of the Senate NotesPage=>167 1 Phil. 5. Something at least of Calenus’ speech can be recovered from Di

sal of Antonius was neither unreasonable nor contumacious. As justice at Rome derived from politics, with legality a casua

that was the possession of an army. To give up his army and surrender at the discretion of a party that claimed to be the

and certain extinction. Considering the recent conduct of his enemies at Rome and in Italy, he had every reason to demand

h. 2 After departing from Italy, Brutus went to Athens and was seen at the lectures of philosophers. It may be presumed

the lectures of philosophers. It may be presumed that his agents were at work in Macedonia and elsewhere. He was aided by

one of his own near relatives. 3 When all was ready, and the decision at last taken, he moved with rapidity. The quaestors

er. Such was the situation that confronted C. Antonius when he landed at Dyrrhachium to take over the province of Macedoni

when he landed at Dyrrhachium to take over the province of Macedonia at the beginning of January. Brutus quickly defeat

and backed out. The embassy, he urged, would be futile: to negotiate at this stage would NotesPage=>172 1 Phil, 10

ting in concert with each other and presumably with Antonius. Lepidus at least seems to have made no secret of his agreeme

nus were encamped along the Via Aemilia to the south-east of Bononia, at Claterna and at Forum Cornelii. In March they mov

d along the Via Aemilia to the south-east of Bononia, at Claterna and at Forum Cornelii. In March they moved forward in th

’ PageBook=>174 separately. He met and broke the army of Pansa at Forum Gallorum some seven miles south-east of Mut

ril 14th). 1 Seven days later, Antonius was forced to risk a battle at Mutina. He was defeated but not routed; on the ot

At Rome the exultation was unbounded. Antonius and his followers were at last declared public enemies. For the victorious

c fervour of the levies of Republican Italy. 4 When it came to battle at Mutina, the grim and silent sword-work of the vet

ν∈ὐταξ ίᾳ καὶ σιωπῇ γιγνόμ∈να ἐΦ ορῶσιν. PageBook=>175 victory at Mutina was deceptive and ruinous. The ingenious p

. He secured a start of two days, for D. Brutus went to consult Pansa at Bononia, only to find that the consul had succumb

overshadowed for a time the person of Octavianus. Hirtius and Pansa, at the head of armies, might have been able to arres

as soon as he had served the purposes of the enemies of Antonius. So at least he inferred from the measures passed in the

tesPage=>164 M. Junius Silanus, his kinsman, had actually fought at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 30, 1). It was Q. Terentius C

army were unreliable. So Plancus turned back and established himself at Cularo (Grenoble). There he waited for D. Brutus

espised Lepidus may yet in treachery be held true to the Roman People at a time when patriotism and high principle were in

citizens, the generals and the politicians found themselves thwarted at every turn by the desires of the soldiery on the

allies, opened negotiations with provincial governors but did not act at once. The news of armies raised in Italy and Caes

d in Italy and Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have convinced him at last that there was no room left for scruple or f

tant to force the pace and preclude compromise in this matter perhaps at variance with the more resolute Cassius. 2 In any

ould have been a fatal step. The Caesarian generals would have united at once to destroy him Octavianus in his true colour

months Caesar’s heir set out to march on Rome. He crossed the Rubicon at the head of eight legions and then pushed on with

sinking hulk of the Republic. Two veteran legions from Africa arrived at Ostia. Along with a legion of recruits they were

e could now face as an equal. Antonius had been thwarted and defeated at Mutina. That was enough. It lay neither in the pl

(tresviri rei publicae constituendae). When a coalition seized power at Rome, it employed as instruments of domination th

Caesarians Servilius and Calvinus were consulars already, and nobiles at that. Political compacts among the nobiles were

the islands of Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica. The possession of Africa at this time was dubious, disputed in a local civil

life. The Triumvirs, however, decided to root out their opponents all at once, alleging in excuse the base ingratitude wit

company and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul he had been harried by faction

tal of victims was probably never as high as was believed with horror at the time, or uncritically since, perpetuated in f

n money. 2 There had been an extenuating feature of faction- contests at Rome the worst extremities could sometimes be avo

e worst extremities could sometimes be avoided, among the aristocracy at least. Sulla had many enemies among the nobiles,

e procured his doom. The Caesarian party was fighting the Republicans at Rome as it was soon to fight them in the East. Bu

wsuit. 7 Namely L. Quinctius, of unascertained origin, who perished at sea (Appian, BC 4, 27, 114). 8 Pro Cluentio, pa

ts. 1 Arruntius did the same. 2 The Arruntii were an opulent family at Atina, a Volscian town, perhaps not of senatorial

hey were companions in adversity. The beneficiaries of Sulla suffered at last. The Triumvirs declared a regular vendetta a

8 But a capital levy often defeats its own purpose. The return was at once seen to be disappointing. From virtue or fro

n from everybody in possession of the census of a Roman knight; 1 and at the beginning of the next year a fresh list was d

p, confiscating real property only. 2 Hitherto the game of politics at Rome had been financed by the spoils of the provi

ere was a singular dearth, recalling the days when Cinna was dominant at Rome. In December of the year 44 B.C. the Senat

n his tenure of office, stricken by shame and horror, it was alleged, at the proscriptions which it was his duty to announ

hree dynasts be excluded, the surviving consulars now numbered twelve at the most, probably less. P. Vatinius celebrates a

Republic. 10 Most of the assassins of Caesar had no doubt left Italy at an early date; and the party was NotesPage=>

commanders in his civil wars naturally fare better; 3 but two of them at least, having passed over to the Liberators, curt

frustrated an invasion of the island. As for Antonius, he was held up at Brundisium by a hostile navy under the Republican

arian fleet was strong enough to force the passage. Their supremacy at sea was short-lived. Pompeius, it is true, did no

tonius pressed on: the young Caesar, prostrate from illness, lingered at Dyrrhachium. NotesPage=>202 1 Dio 47, 18,

ty of the native chieftains. Then, crossing into Asia, he met Cassius at Smyrna towards the end of the year 43. Cassius ha

He had encountered Dolabella, defeated him in battle and besieged him at Laodicaea in Syria. In despair Dolabella took his

Lycians and draining the wealth of Asia. Brutus and Cassius met again at Ephesus. In the late summer of 42 their armies pa

nd despondent, warned by the ghost of Caesar. On the contrary, Brutus at last was calm and decided. After the triumph of t

is way through the marsh to the south around the flank of Cassius, he at last forced on a battle. Octavianus had now come

ver, eastern princes and their levies were deserting. Brutus gave way at last. After a tenacious and bloody contest, the

but a contest of despots over the corpse of liberty. The men who fell at Philippi fought for a principle, a tradition and

tavianus returned to Italy. On the way he fell ill again and lingered at Brundisium, too weak to proceed. 2 Rumour spoke f

feud and took on the colours of an ancient wrong. Political contests at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerat

ts at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerated were fought at the expense of Italy. Denied justice and liberty,

Octavianus, gross and mendacious, exaggerated the role of Fulvia both at the time and later, putting her person and her ac

Antonius, sent a deputation and arranged a meeting of the adversaries at Gabii, half-way between Rome and Praeneste. It wa

lief from Pollio and Ventidius. He was quickly undeceived. Octavianus at once invested Perusia with an elaborate ring of f

with Agrippa, he confronted Pollio and Ventidius, who, undecided and at variance, refused battle and retired through the

occupied with establishing veterans near Beneventum, enlisted troops at the bidding of Fulvia,7 while the Republican Ti.

northwards and took up a waiting position, as befitted his character, at Spoletium. NotesPage=>210 1 Appian, BC 5,

obscenity about Pollio, who evaded the challenge with a pointed sneer at the man of the proscriptions. 4 As the siege co

g across the Apennines, they were arrested by Agrippa and Salvidienus at Fulginiae, less than twenty miles from Perusia th

quoting examples that are quite convincing. 4 Macrobius 2, 4, 21: ‘ at ego taceo: non est enim facile in eum scribere qu

us Julius. 3 Where Caesar’s heir now stood, Italy learned in horror at Perusia and in shame at Nursia. On the monument e

sar’s heir now stood, Italy learned in horror at Perusia and in shame at Nursia. On the monument erected in memory of the

illustrious year of Pollio had begun. Yet Octavianus was in no way at the end of his difficulties. He was master of Ita

th and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assailed at once. Pompeius drove out M. Lurius and captured S

. Sextius, the former governor, who had remained in the province, was at last overcome and killed. 3 Caesar’s heir would s

vercome and killed. 3 Caesar’s heir would soon be trapped and crushed at last. That way all odds pointed and most men’s ho

, BC 5, 26, 103. 3 Ib. 5, 26, 102; Dio 48, 22, 1 ff. T. Sextius had at last suppressed Q. Cornificius and won Africa for

ne, passed leisurely onwards to Egypt. After a short and merry winter at Alexandria, he left Egypt in the early spring of

ra more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all. Nor did he see the Queen of Egypt again unti

educed the governor, Decidius Saxa, to sore straits. Antonius arrived at Tyre. Of trouble in Italy, the most disquieting r

tment of Perusia, it may be that he had no cognizance when he arrived at Tyre in February of the year 40, but learned only

serted and proscribed his associates before a year had passed; again, at Perusia, he stamped out the liberties of Rome and

. For war, his prospects were better than he could have hoped; and he at once demonstrated his old generalship by the sudd

ss of legions: they were famished and unreliable, and he had no ships at all. Not merely did Antonius hold the sea and sta

might not have happened: the armed confrontation of the angry dynasts at Brundisium portended a renewal of warfare, proscr

augurated by Pollio, ‘te duce’. The Golden Age is to be fulfilled, or at least inaugurated, by a child soon to be born.

B. Snell, Hermes LXXIII (1938), 237 ff. 2 The last Ludi Saeculares at Rome had been celebrated in 149 B.C. They were th

en celebrated in 149 B.C. They were therefore due to recur in 39 B.C. at least on one calculation. The Etruscan seer Vulca

A string of Messianic candidates with spurious credentials or none at all may summarily be dismissed. A definite claim

confidence instal a younger son of Pollio, Saloninus, who duly smiled at birth and conveniently perished almost at once. 4

Saloninus, who duly smiled at birth and conveniently perished almost at once. 4 Yet the very existence, not merely the re

te. Antonius’ son, heir to the NotesPage=>219 1 Ecl. 4, 26 f.: at simul heroum laudes et facta parentis iam legere

ost binding and personal of pledges, offered a secure hope of concord at last. The reconciled leaders, escorted by some

mads was transient. Brundisium freed the energies of Rome. Antonius at once dispatched Ventidius against the enemy. With

e moved with Caesarian decision and rapidity. In three great battles, at the Cilician Gates, at Mount Amanus (39 B.C.) and

decision and rapidity. In three great battles, at the Cilician Gates, at Mount Amanus (39 B.C.) and at Gindarus (38 B.C.)

e great battles, at the Cilician Gates, at Mount Amanus (39 B.C.) and at Gindarus (38 B.C.) he shattered and dispersed the

e from his quaestorship (40 or 39) to his consulate (32), were struck at Zacynthus, BMC, R. Rep. 11, 500; 504; 508; 524. N

Italy for a conference in the spring of the year 38. Antonius arrived at Brundisium, but not finding his colleague there,

olleague there, and being refused admittance to the town, he departed at once, alleging pressure of Parthian affairs: by l

from disgust of politics. Resentful and suspicious, the dynasts met at Tarentum. Both the patience of Antonius and the d

to secure an accommodation between her brother and her husband or so at least it was alleged, in order to represent Anton

obiography, cf. F. Blumenthal, Wiener Studien XXXVI (1914), 84 f., or at least influenced by court tradition, which embell

ve standing, security and the possession of the western provinces. He at once dispatched to Gaul and Spain the ablest amon

e success as a general. The Pact of Puteoli brought Italy a respite at last from raids and famine, and to Octavianus an

harge of conspiracy a Republican admiral, Staius Murcus. 3 Defeated at Pharsalus but not destroyed, the family and facti

ion of the Pompeii had incurred heavy losses through desperate valour at Thapsus and Munda; and princes or local dynasts i

BMC, R. Rep. 11, 564 f. (coins of his admiral Q. Nasidius, honouring at the same time Pompeius Magnus and the god of the

nexions. Herself in the direct line of the Claudii (her father, slain at Philippi, was a Claudius adopted in infancy by th

d the husband showed himself complaisant. The marriage was celebrated at once, to the enrichment of public scandal (Jan. 1

alliances, though the day was long past when that alone brought power at Rome. His brother-in-law the consular P. Serviliu

stiny, save for the eldest son, is unknown. They were surely employed at an early age for dynastic alliances. It is not kn

ssed into service, and Agrippa proceeded to construct a great harbour at the Lucrine Lake beside Puteoli in the Bay of Nap

July 1st. The fighting was varied and confused. Agrippa won a victory at Mylae but Octavianus himself was defeated in a gr

ptured Pompeius and put him to death, either on his own initiative or at the instigation of his uncle Plancus, the governo

his own person. Octavianus objected: Lepidus, with twenty-two legions at his back, ordered Octavianus to depart from Sicil

ampaign in Sicily the presence of Maecenas had been urgently required at Rome; 3 and there had been disturbances in Etruri

he Triumvirs. Their iron rule in Italy, while it crushed liberty, had at least maintained a semblance of peace in the four

nd throughout the whole of Italy. How desperate had been his plight at the time of the War of Perusia has already been d

hat year, but Maecenas and Salvidienus were not even senators. Again, at Brundisium his position was critical. Caesar’s he

perations against the Liberators in Macedonia. Nor are senators’ sons at all frequent in the revolutionary faction. The Pe

ip with Cicero, Atticus and Balbus. 2 One of them, C. Peducaeus, fell at Mutina for the Republic or for Octavianus. 3 Sex.

the Dictator’s new senators. The younger Balbus was probably in Spain at the same time as Peducaeus; 6 and the obscure adm

X, 46 f. and 51. This man was present, along with Agrippa and Balbus, at the death-bed of Atticus in 32 B.C. (Nepos, Vita

ded between 40 and 19 B.C. 7 Dio 48, 30, 7. He was later an admiral at Actium (Velleius 2, 85, 2). 8 Porphyrio on Hora

ficers and a senator before the assassination, was a loyal Caesarian, at first a partisan of Antonius. 5 L. Cornificius (c

Laronius (cos. suff. 33) and indeed of his subsequent history nothing at all is known. 2 Destined ere long to a place in w

d and eloquent Messalla, ‘fulgentissimus iuvenis’, fought for liberty at Philippi and was proud of it. He then followed An

tained the appellation of imperator. 3 Cornificius held the consulate at the beginning of 35 B.C.; the upstart Laronius an

age rested in the hands of the Triumvirs, Octavianus, by his presence at Rome, was in a position of distinct advantage ove

Atrium Libertatis and equipped it with the first public library known at Rome for to Libertas Pollio ever paid homage, and

s became consul for the second time, and his influence, not total but at least preponderating, may perhaps be detected in

had many enemies, the victims of confiscation, rancorous and impotent at the moment, but a danger for the near future, sho

member of consular age or standing. The patricians were sparse enough at the best of seasons: Octavianus created new famil

ed one Claudius only, one Aemilius, partisans of Octavianus; no Fabii at all, of the patrician Cornelii two at the most, p

rtisans of Octavianus; no Fabii at all, of the patrician Cornelii two at the most, perhaps only one; 2 no Valerii yet, but

transactions of high policy were conducted by the rulers in secret or at a distance from Rome. Contemporaries were paine

ory might confer the highest rewards. The practice of public speaking at Rome had recently been carried to perfection when

y no means the only exponents of this Attic tendency in Roman oratory at NotesPage=>245 1 Sallust, BJ 3, 1: ‘neque

speech would be well matched with the temper of a military age. Some at least of the merits of the plain style, which cou

te how rotten and fraudulent was the Republican government that ruled at Rome between the two Dictatorships. Not Caesar’s

ne, flagrant in contrast with his earlier life. No matter: Sallustius at once set the fashion of a studied archaic style a

Caesar the Dictator became a subject of literary warfare, for a time at least, until his heir discountenanced an uncomfor

th the hazardous support of mercenary armies. There was fair evidence at hand to confirm the deeply- rooted belief, held a

f Brundisium:1 how long he remained an Antonian, there is no evidence at all. Virgil, however, persevered with poetry, c

ce of NotesPage=>253 1 Not that there is any definite evidence at all: the Arcadian scenery of Ecl. 10 could not sa

ke the original dedication: but a poem in honour of Octavianus stands at the head of the series. 3 Varro wrote a Bellum

as the tragedian Varius Rufus, they journeyed together to Brundisium, at that time when the rulers of the world were to me

, at that time when the rulers of the world were to meet not far away at Tarentum (37 B.C.). 2 Q. Horatius Flaccus was t

pay for the best. The young man was sent to prosecute higher studies at Athens. The arrival of Brutus, a noble, a patriot

e lectures of philosophers into the army of the Liberators. He fought at Philippi, for the Republic but not from Republica

from Republican convictions: it was but the accident of his presence at a university city, at an impressionable age and i

ctions: it was but the accident of his presence at a university city, at an impressionable age and in the company of young

charges of highway robbery outstanding against certain senators could at last be annulled. 3 The Caesarian soldiers were

ple. It was much more than the rule of the nobiles that had collapsed at Philippi. The doom of empire was revealed the rul

ablished. 1 T. Pomponius Atticus died in 32 B.C., aged seventy-seven: at his bedside stood old Balbus and Marcus Agrippa,

of a new policy had become discernible, the prime agents were already at work. But the acts of the young dynast even now c

and his predominance was confirmed by the renewal of the Triumvirate at Tarentum when that office lapsed, Antonian consul

Tarentum when that office lapsed, Antonian consuls would be in power at Rome. Antonius had already lost the better part o

victor of Philippi should have driven the Parthians out of Asia. When at last his hands were free he departed to Syria, su

y more. These grants do not seem to have excited alarm or criticism at Rome: only later did they become a sore point and

given birth to twin children, not a matter of any importance hitherto at least in so far as concerned Roman politics, the

gions. Thus Artavasdes, given impunity, could desert with his cavalry at a critical moment. The Parthians and Medes, well

LS 886) may have been won earlier, in 40-39 B.C. PageBook=>265 at not less than a quarter of his whole army. 1 High

With Media Antonius was now on good terms, for Mede and Parthian had at once quarrelled after their victory. NotesPage=

ght thousand men lost on the retreat. Tarn (CAH x, 75) fixes the loss at thirty-seven per cent, of the whole army. 2 Q.

source for these transactions. 3 As in the matter of the conference at Tarentum, the role of Octavia has probably been e

3-32 B.C. In the year 33 B.C., with his frontiers in order and Asia at peace, recovering from oppression and looking for

to a new era of prosperity, with legions, cavalry, ships and treasure at his command, Antonius appeared the preponderant p

pito (cos. suff. 33) precious little is known. One of the negotiators at Tarentum in 37 B.C. (Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 32 f.), h

nius 36). 7 M. Insteius from Pisaurum (Cicero, Phil. 13, 26) fought at Actium (Plutarch, Antonius 65). Q. Didius, attest

of the assassins in will and sympathy, if not in the deed, he fought at Philippi. Then, refusing either to agree with Mes

Pompeius deserted to Antonius. 1 His father-in-law L. Scribonius Libo at once became consul (34 B.C.), but seems to have l

BMC, R. Rep. 11, 564 f.; Appian, BC 5, 139, 579) fought as an admiral at Actium (Dio 50, 13, 5); for Turullius, cf. BMC, R

Pompeius and then with Antonius (Dio 51, 4, 3). M. Octavius, admiral at Actium (Plutarch, Antonius 65), perhaps a son of

e or upon Roman sentiment. Nor did any outcry of indignant patriotism at once denounce the strange pageantry that Alexandr

ed: the resplendent donations, whatever they were, made no difference at all to provincial administration in the East. Yet

’ acts and dispositions were not immediately exploited by his enemies at Rome. The time was not quite ripe. The official

f detail. It is strange that neither Velleius (2, 82, 2 f.) nor Livy ( at least to judge by Per. 131) fully exploited this

tuted his own person for the Ptolemies. Caesar Augustus was therefore at the same time a magistrate at Rome and a king in

tolemies. Caesar Augustus was therefore at the same time a magistrate at Rome and a king in Egypt. But that does not prove

. W. Tarn, JRS XXII (1932), H9 ff. PageBook=>274 When he dwelt at Athens with Octavia, Antonius’ behaviour might be

exaggeration and credulity have run riot. When Antonius met Cleopatra at Tarsus, it was Aphrodite meeting Dionysus, for th

was quite able to repel her insistent attempts to augment her kingdom at the expense of Judaea. There is no sign of infatu

Judaea. There is no sign of infatuation here if infatuation there was at all. Antonius the enslaved sensualist belongs to

all the East against Rome, establish herself as empress of the world at Rome and inaugurate a new universal kingdom. 4 In

ned for publicity. The old themes, familiar from reciprocal invective at the time of Octavianus’ first essay in armed viol

women alluded to may be the wives of certain associates of Octavianus at least Terentilla is presumably Terentia, the wife

ed vessels of gold for domestic and intimate purposes. Messalla wrote at least three pamphlets against Antonius (Charisius

ointless deception. The sudden prominence of consuls and of a tribune at the beginning of 32 B.C. may be taken as fair pro

taken as fair proof that the Triumvirate had come to an end, legally at least. PageBook=>278 steps to have his pos

reat-grandson of Sulla. Historic names might convey the guarantee, or at least advertise the show, of support from the Rom

ius on the Fasti. These consuls might have been designated for office at an earlier date. L. Cornelius Cinna (pr. 44 B.C.)

His enemy would soon have to make a ruinous decision. Antonius was at Ephesus; his army had recently been raised to the

f not of prime importance. Antonius, being a Roman citizen, could not at any time contract a legally valid marriage with a

wager with Antonius, and displayed his versatile talents prominently at court masques in Alexandria. 3 Antonius stood b

mitiopolis, in Cleopatra’s portion of Cilicia Aspera, was founded, or at least named, in his honour: this conjecture is co

oάτρᾳ τι άχθεσθέντεϛ (50, 3,2). Velleius, no safe guide about Plancus at any time, alleges that this corrupt character, ‘i

ὰϛ εὐκατηγʋρήτʋνϛ (Plutarch, Antonius 58). The hypothesis of forgery, at least partial, should not summarily be dismissed.

the less the will was held genuine, and did not fail in its working, at least on some orders of the population, for it co

of allegiance to me and chose me as its leader in the war which I won at Actium. ’4 So Augustus wrote in the majestic memo

he manner in which the measure was carried out there stands no record at all. The oath of allegiance was perhaps not a sin

pport. 3 When a Claudian faction encouraged a revolutionary agitation at Rome with tribunes’ laws and the division of land

r revolution, for reaction or for domination, even for all three ends at once. The tribune Livius Drusus, working in conse

n politics and to thwart the popular tribune or military dynast. Such at least was the plea and profession. The local gent

tesman. 1 Pompeius had sponsored the movement. When Pompeius fell ill at Naples in 50 B.C. Italian towns offered up prayer

of ‘Italian’. Within a few years of Actium, a patriotic poet revolted at the mere thought that Roman soldiers, captives fr

eniently oblivious of recent Italian history. The Marsi had no reason at all to be passionately attached to Roman gods and

f Roman politicians, a firm disinclination to join in quarrels fought at her expense. Why should Italy sacrifice brave son

at her expense. Why should Italy sacrifice brave sons and fair lands at the bidding of enemies of Caesar or of Antonius?

and irrelevant when compared with the armed domination of Octavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimida

trife for power an ideal, august and patriotic character. But not all at once. A conscious and united Italy cannot have

Caesar the Dictator in the last month of his life, or the oath taken at Tibur to the consul Antonius in a public emergenc

e acutely invokes four documents: the oath of the Paphlagonians taken at Gangra in the name of Augustus after the annexati

Antonius. Rival factions in the towns could now emerge, seizing power at the expense of absent enemies and establishing a

d it may fairly be conjectured that no opposition confronted Maecenas at Arretium, where his ancestors had ruled as kings,

gooned. What were the real sentiments of the upper and middle classes at this time? Many a man might discern a patent frau

tic indignation. Landowners, especially the newly enriched, shuddered at the prospect of impoverishment or another revolut

ed by certain melancholy reflections to the same course of action, or at least of acquiescence. The better sort of people

ass, but to the nobiles. Their cause had fallen long ago, not perhaps at Pharsalus, but finally and fatally at Philippi. T

ad fallen long ago, not perhaps at Pharsalus, but finally and fatally at Philippi. They knew it, and they knew the price o

no town of Italy save Patavium (Strabo, p. 169). For numerous knights at Corduba, subjected to a levy in 48 B.C., cf. Bell

had to stand beside Cleopatra—there could be no turning back. Patrae at the mouth of the Gulf of Corinth was his head-qua

ntrap him with the aid of superior sea-power. Not perhaps by a battle at sea: the greatest general of the day would prefer

their final success in the Sicilian War. Octavianus did not strike at Dyrrhachium or Apollonia. Making an early beginni

gued, with Kromayer, that Antonius had already been severely defeated at sea, baffled on land. 6 The names of the comman

break through and follow Cleopatra in flight to Egypt. Treachery was at work in the land-army. Canidius the commander sou

ected. Certain of the Antonians were executed, but Sosius was spared, at the instance, it was alleged, of L. Arruntius, an

ith many legions to be paid, demobilized or employed. He sent Agrippa at once to Italy. The work must begin without delay.

Italy. There had been a plot—or so it was alleged. It was suppressed at once by Maecenas. 2 The author was a son of the r

nces, the repercussions of a Roman civil war would soon be felt. Some at least of the triumphs soon to be held by Caesaria

ellum Alexandrinum. Cleopatra survived Antonius by a few days which at once passed into anecdote and legend. To Octavian

ch, Antonius 79 (Gallus). Proculeius had been holding a naval command at Ccphallcnia after the Battle of Actium, BMC, R. R

of Antonius in order to render it more systematic. Temples dedicated at Nicaea and Ephesus for the cult of the goddess Ro

ommand in Spain may have preceded that of Taurus. He is not mentioned at Actium. As for Gaul, Dio records operations of No

t the Temple of Janus should be closed, a sign that all the world was at peace on land and sea. 5 The imposing and archaic

t: the word ‘pax’ can seldom be divorced from notions of conquest, or at least compulsion. It was Rome’s imperial destiny

pulsion. It was Rome’s imperial destiny to compel the nations to live at peace, with clemency towards the subject and supp

duty could no longer be evaded on the plea of wars abroad or faction at home. Peace had been established, there was only

torial powers of that office, had the question been of concern to men at the time. From 31 B.C onwards he had been consul

y. If the young despot were not willing of his own accord to adopt—or at least publish— some tolerable compromise with Sen

been conceded since Actium to other proconsuls, and to one commander at least who was perhaps not a proconsul and was cer

robbing Crassus of the title of imperator Octavianus raised, perhaps at an untimely moment, the delicate question of his

September 25th, 27 B.C., was in command of a great military province at the time of Crassus’ dispute with Octavianus. The

lently harmonious account of the restoration of Republican government at Rome. The denial to Crassus of the title of imp

nsecration of the rule of the sole imperator. 4 Not only prestige was at stake—the armed proconsuls were a menace. Yet it

or the holder of vague and tremendous powers did not make its way all at once. Princeps remained also and very truly Dux,

ch appeared in 23 B.C.). Propertius uses it but once, ‘dux’, however, at least twice. 1 As late as the publication of the

dictatorial powers of the Triumvirate, pure usurpation, or act of law at Rome. To translate the term ‘princeps’ Greeks emp

ae 6) tell against this theory. 2 Res Gestae 34, cf. ILS 82 (a copy at Potentia in Picenum).. 3 Dio says that Augustus

Cisalpine Gaul had ceased to be a province. Augustus’ own armies lay at a distance, disposed on the periphery of the Empi

virate, still gave him the means to initiate and direct public policy at Rome if not to control through consular imperium

-dictatorial position in Rome as consul for the third time (52 B.C.), at first without a colleague, under a mandate to hea

private army, through special commands abroad and political compacts at home, devised to subvert or suspend the constitut

27). 3 Tacitus, in his history of legislation (Ann. 3, 28), passes at once from 52 B.C. to 28 B.C. In between, ‘non mos

o in the Republic of Augustus:2 very little attention was paid to him at all, or to Pompeius. Genuine Pompeians there stil

ons, a king and a god to the subject populations. Above all, he stood at the head of a large and well organized political

after the Civil Wars he has not deigned to allude to this transaction at all. 2 In truth, it may be regarded merely as the

egalization, and therefore the strengthening, of despotic power. Such at least was the conception of Tacitus when he refer

ule; he observed that the pay of Augustus’ military guard was doubled at the same time—and that in virtue of the Senate’s

he Republican constitution should operate unhampered—and that it did, at least in the earlier years of his presidency. 5 A

he source and origin of his domination. When a faction seized power at Rome, the consulate and the provincial armies wer

nymous A. Terentius Varro Murena. No doubt about any of these men, or at least no candidate hostile to the Princeps. Tauru

as not surrendering power. Very different his real purpose, disguised at the time and seldom suspected since—he wished to

ain, Baetica, to the list of public provinces in 27 B.C. Which is not at all likely. Strabo is even worse. In his account

(p. 840), Gallia Narbonensis as well as Baetica is senatorial. Syria at this time was simply the Antonian province (Syria

icia Campestris), to which Cyprus, taken from Egypt after Actium, was at first added. 2 L. Ganter, Die Provinzialverwalt

he interested loyalty of partisans of lower standing—and novi homines at that. Hence the conspicuous lack of legates of Au

ius Vetus in 35 or 34 B.C. (Appian, Ill. 17) and by Messalla Corvinus at a date difficult to determine (Dio 49, 38, 3, und

3, 25, 3 f.; Strabo, p. 205). M. Appuleius (cos. 20 B.C.) is attested at Tridentum, bearing the title of ‘legatus’, perhap

23 B.C. (ILS 86). Note also a proconsul, L. Piso, sitting in justice at Mediolanium (Suetonius, De rhet. 6): presumably t

of the others had consular ancestors—if their parents were senatorial at all, they were obscure and low in rank. These leg

ing Syria for Caesar as quaestor in 45 B.C., he joined the Liberators at the end of the following year (above, p. 171).

a (cos. 20) is known; as for L, Arruntius (cos. 22), only his command at Actium is attested. L. Tarius Rufus (cos. suff. 1

r, below, p. 362, n. 2); and Vinicius had a tribe named in his honour at Corinth (L’ann. ép., 1919, 2). XXIII. CRISIS IN

an idiot or an absentee. That would take time. Augustus’ provincia at once called for attention. He turned first to the

or the legates in Spain in 26-19 B.C., ib. 315 ff. P. Carisius coined at Emerita (BMC, R. Emp. 1, 51 ff.). 5 Orosius 6,

tim to his indiscretion, or his ambition. A conspiracy was hatched or at least discovered. The author was Fannius Caepio,

e truth of the matter will never be known: it was known to few enough at the time, and they preferred not to publish a sec

ubted and is confirmed, if that were needed, by the five edicts found at Cyrene (for a text of which, cf. J. G. C Anderson

), 167 ff. Dio mentions no grant of imperium to Agrippa. That Agrippa at this early date possessed imperium maius over the

nt, the Principate assumed form and definition. If an exact date must at all costs be sought in what is a process, not a s

ecular Games should be celebrated precisely in that year; 5 and it is at least remarkable that certain Odes of Horace (pub

had already received dispensations allowing them to hold magistracies at an early age. 2 PageNote. 340 1 Suetonius, Di

uld have their word to say about that. Two different conceptions were at war, recalling the rivalry between Antonius, the

tant honours accorded to the young and untried Marcellus. Reports ran at Rome of dissension between the two. Agrippa’s dep

ent to Rhodes has coloured earlier history. PageBook=>343 Some at least of the perils which this critical year reve

p d’état. It was bad enough that the young man should become consul at the age of twenty-three: his adoption would be ca

of public utility was logical and intimidating. Agrippa did not stop at aqueducts. He composed and published a memorandum

t in turn. Augustus spent long periods of residence in the provinces, at Tarraco, Lugdunum and Samos. But the Princeps aft

ces, at Tarraco, Lugdunum and Samos. But the Princeps after all stood at the head of the Roman State and would be required

8 The appointment of a single deputy-leader was not enough. Agrippa at once proceeded to his duties. Before long Marcell

ate. Over three hundred senators had chosen Antonius and the Republic at the time of the coup d’état of 32 B.C Some made q

the consular L. Gellius Poplicola or of three other Antonian admirals at Actium. 1 Nobiles were required to adorn the Se

of Antonius may have been allowed to retain senatorial rank, in name at least. As soon as a census came they would forfei

nd M. Octavius. But, for that matter, few Triumviral consuls even are at all prominent under the Principate. 2 Dio 51, 4

blic the financiers had all too often been a political nuisance. When at variance with the Senate, they endangered for gai

on either side set a high standard of mobility, supply and strategy, at once enhancing the importance of equestrian praef

is a highly obscure subject. The post of praefectus cohortis does not at first belong to it, but takes time to develop. No

onquest of Egypt and remained there as the first Prefect of the land, at the head of three legions. Certain other province

andfather of Livia Drusilla held the office of a municipal magistrate at Fundi, so her irreverent great-grandson alleged.

several relatives of consular rank (Velleius 2, 127, 3), cf. Table VI at end. 4 Tacitus, Ann. 4, 40: ‘C. Proculeium et q

n from the colonies and municipia. 3 NotesPage=>359 1 Augustus at first fixed it at a mere 400,000 sesterces, subse

s and municipia. 3 NotesPage=>359 1 Augustus at first fixed it at a mere 400,000 sesterces, subsequently raising it

e encouraged by grant of the latus clavus in youth and passing almost at once into the Senate, others after a military car

Paterculus, of Campanian and Samnite stock, after equestrian service at last became quaestor. 1 Contemporary and parallel

d priestly families tracing descent unbroken from gods and heroes, or at least from a long line of local magnates, bound b

fantastic names had never been heard of before in the Senate or even at Rome. They were the first senators of their famil

‘-idius’. 3 ILS 5925. He has two gentilicia. Each of them is found at Canusium and nowhere else (‘Sotidius’: CIL IX, 34

ng their entry to the Senate. The concordia ordinum thus achieved was at the same time a consensus Italiae, for it represe

e town councillors were to cast their votes in absence for candidates at Roman elections. 2 If the experiment was ever mad

ecause it was a mockery, given the true character of popular election at Rome it was quite superfluous. The absence of a

n of a theory or the act of any one man, it could hardly be suspended at one blow. Even had he desired, a ruler would be i

iotalentus (clearly of non-Roman extraction), held a minor magistracy at least perhaps as promotion for a special service

lienus, from Forum Julii); 9502 f. (C. Caristanius Fronto, a colonist at Pisidian Antioch). 4 Not only Gallus. C. Turran

nt is clear. The minor magistracies were not definitely regulated all at once. 1 For the rest, the practice of the revolut

constitution. Sulla the Dictator had probably fixed thirty as the age at which the quaestorship could be held, forty- two

dienus Rufus. Rome came to witness younger and younger consuls Pollio at thirty-six, Agrippa at twenty-six. The constituti

to witness younger and younger consuls Pollio at thirty-six, Agrippa at twenty-six. The constitution never recovered from

Augustus in the first years masked or palliated some of its maladies at least no juvenile consuls are attested for some t

us. 2 Distances were preserved. The young nobilis often became consul at the prescribed term, but the son of a Roman knigh

were expected to use that freedom. On the other hand, the candidate, at least for the consulate, would do well to seek th

d five nobiles. With 28 B.C. annual consulates come back, monopolized at first by Augustus, Agrippa and Taurus. Of the con

he aristocrats who rallied to the Principate, receiving the consulate at the earliest age permissible, if not with dispens

led for legates of consular standing. Yet this was apparent by 12 B.C at least, when four or five large commands already e

4 Namely Syria, Gaul, Illyricum (probably taken over by the Princeps at this point) and Spain, which probably still had t

against Sex. Pompeius and elsewhere. But L. Tarius Rufus, an admiral at Actium, rose at last to the consulate after a com

mpeius and elsewhere. But L. Tarius Rufus, an admiral at Actium, rose at last to the consulate after a command in the Balk

advancement. Of his political adherents, a number were unamiable, or at least unpopular, like Titius, Tarius and Quiriniu

rief in duration and ill- starred. 1 Pride of birth, prejudicial or at least unprofitable while the Triumvirs ruled in R

etition was acute and intense. The consular Fasti reveal the best, or at least the most alert and most astute, but not the

3; Cornelius Dolabella, father of the consul of A.D. 10, ib., C 1345; at least two men of the name of Cornelius Sisenna, i

her sons were Sex. Appuleius and M. Appuleius, both consuls, no doubt at an early age. The schemes devised by Augustus i

tas clientelas Appius regebat et caecus et senex. ’ 2 See Table III at end. 3 For the evidence about the two Marcellas

s Appianus. 5 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 22 f., cf. PIR2, A 420, and Table IV at end. PageBook=>380 Power, distinction and

s possessed a variety of properties in Istria, whole armies of slaves at Rome. 3 The successful military man of parsimonio

lina, paraded like a princess. It was her habit to appear, not merely at state banquets, but on less exacting occasions, d

ons, draped in all her pearls, and little else: her attire was valued at a mere forty million sesterces. 8 Senatorial ra

ll patricians had a long start. M. Aemilius Lepidus became a pontifex at the age of twenty-five:1 he was a patrician. The

they continued thus to be recruited. 3 Calvisius and Taurus each held at least two priesthoods; 4 the excellent Sentius Sa

e had been reduced again in the wars, being represented in the Senate at the time of Actium by not many more than twenty m

would be available before long. But they would not suffice. Augustus at once proceeded to create new patrician families b

lar, like the Aelii Lamiae. 9 NotesPage=>382 1 He was pontifex at least as early as 64 B.C., Macrobius 3, 13, II.

ould be resigned by the Senate to the Princeps. 1 If appointed by lot at all, certain of the military proconsuls in the ea

up by Cichorius, Hermes XXXIX (1904), 470, is hazardous: see Table VI at end. PageBook=>385 Influences more secret

eBook=>385 Influences more secret and more sinister were quietly at work all the time women and freedmen. The great p

, majestic and heroic. Livia might seldom be visible in public save at religious ceremonies, escorted by Roman matrons,

ion of Antonia’s favour was L. Vitellius, a knight’s son, but a power at the court of Caligula and three times consul, col

e space of a single year were all persons conspicuous and influential at Court. Such were the ways that led to wealth an

lated through a pervasive system of patronage and nepotism. Hence and at this price a well ordered state such as Sulla and

een consulars alive, mostly of no consequence. By the year of Pollio, at the time of the Pact of Brundisium, their total a

was first published abroad an emperor could be created elsewhere than at Rome. 2 Everybody had known about it. After the

bunicia potestas. 2 The deputy was soon on his travels again and back at his work. After a sojourn of four years as vicege

same year promulgated regulations of pay and service which recognized at last the existence of a standing army and consecr

from the field of politics. Never again was provision for the soldier at the end of service to coerce the government and t

stus. Tiberius retired, bitter and contumacious, to a voluntary exile at Rhodes. NotesPage=>391 1 Dio 54, 20, 3 f.

o ‘secreta mandata’: in order that the legatus Augusti might override at need the proconsul of Macedonia? 4 Dio 54, 31,

pted as his own. Down to 13 B.C., Augustus and Agrippa conducted or at least superintended the foreign and frontier poli

uperintended the foreign and frontier policy of the Empire from close at hand, with long periods of residence in the provi

rtunistic rule of the Princeps; and special commands could be created at will, to face an emergency or to promote a partis

rank and was commonly reckoned as praetorian. Yet on three occasions at least in the Principate of Augustus, Galatia was

f Tiberius are those of M. Vinicius in Germany (c. A.D. 2) and coolly at that (2, 104, 2). Naturally enough, not a word of

obably not abundant; and two pages of the manuscript of Dio were lost at this point. Innocent trust in the fraudulent Vell

Patronage was justified in its results and patronage was no new thing at Rome. Under the Republic the command of an army

mand of an army was the reward of birth, ambition or greed, to be won at the cost of intrigue and corruption. Noble famili

bles or politicians were always futile or disastrous. The Romans were at least preserved from the dreary calamities that s

gt;395 1 Cyprus and Narbonensis in 22 B.C. (Dio 54, 4, 1). The date at which Baetica was severed from Hispania Ulterior

in continuous and repeated provincial commands. Of an unbroken career at the head of armies or in the government of provin

tended that the military achievements of his rule should be glorified at the expense of their real but subordinate authors

Galatia are an instructive class. Four men of note governed Galatia at different times, one when praetorian, the others

it may be, legate of Syria. 8 NotesPage=>398 1 He is attested at some time between 13 and 8 B.C. (Josephus AJ 16,

ey, JRS XXIV (1934), 43 ff. Strabo (p. 748) says that he was governor at the time of the surrender of the Parthian hostage

e rhet. 6), describing a case tried before him when he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzling. On the career of

be sufficient or secure support, for it may belong to another L. Piso at a slightly later date; and Castabala was the capi

great battle all but disastrous for Rome, and remained for two years at the head of his army till the insurgents were ove

of Syria. 5 Dio 55, 28, 2 f.; SEG VI, 646 (a dedication to Silvanus at Attaleia in Pamphylia). For his proconsulate of A

rty when Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile. Whatever had happened at Rome, there would have been a lull in operations

stein argues for 14–13 B.C. (when he is in fact attested in Illyricum at the beginning of the Bellum Pannonicum) cf. Jahre

wo curatores annonae of that year and the next, whose function passed at once to an equestrian prefect. 6 Again, appeals f

were tamed, trained and harnessed to the service of the Roman People at home and abroad. Plebs and army, provinces and ki

of the Princeps; 5 not always without cause. But careful supervision at first and then the abolition of free election soo

f Augustus, there was scarcely ever a public building erected in Rome at private expense. Nor any more triumphs. At the mo

modest but firm, to the governors of provinces. 4 Yet not entirely at the expense of the Senate. That body even regains

ly for a few years, after which Augustus established an imperial mint at Lugdunum, cf. H. Mattingly, BMC, R. Emp. I, xiii

of senior statesmen holding no public office, the intrigues of ladies at the centre of high society or hanging ambiguous a

ef Dictatorship of Caesar. While the Senate held empty debate or none at all, and prominent dignitaries waited muttering o

arty and certain members of the reigning family were probably present at most deliberations. Whether the rule of Augustus

dized from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of money at his disposal he paid the bounty to discharged sol

soon after, of the cura annonae. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 7. His son was at once appointed to be his colleague, ib. 1, 24.

(4 B.C.), the future status of Judaea was debated in a crown council at which were present Gaius Caesar, the adopted son

Drusus, Tiberius retired morosely to Rhodes. A crisis had supervened, at the very core of the party. Another followed befo

s), though correctly diagnosing the nature of the crisis, were rather at a loss to explain Agrippa’s dispatch to the East.

the rule of the young princes was to be consolidated in his absence, at his expense and at the expense of the Roman Peopl

ung princes was to be consolidated in his absence, at his expense and at the expense of the Roman People. In the last six

um obstaret initiis’. That was the reason which Tiberius himself gave at a later date (Suetonius, Tib. 10, 2). 3 Tacitus

spensations and early distinction, it is true. Tiberius became consul at the age of twenty-nine but that was after service

oman youth to monarchy was something very different. Tiberius dwelt at Rhodes. His career was ended, his life precarious

en loose from the Caesarian party, alienated his deputy and a section at least of his adherents. While Augustus lived, he

ims that the whole world felt the shock of Tiberius’ departure. 1 Not at all: both the Princeps and his party were strong

place of Augustus. 1 Cinna was one of themselves, noble and patrician at that, and so was Tiberius Augustus had never been

politician derived commonly from a more recent nobility, or from none at all. The firmest defenders of Libertas were noble

public rumour and private intrigue. As the family circle of Augustus at one time comprised no fewer than three pairs of w

a; his grandfather, the enemy of both Caesar and Pompeius, had fallen at Pharsalus; his father was the great Republican ad

tion. 3 NotesPage=>422 1 Propertius 4, 11, 63 ff. See Table IV at end. 2 Nothing at all is known about M. Livius

>422 1 Propertius 4, 11, 63 ff. See Table IV at end. 2 Nothing at all is known about M. Livius Drusus Libo, cos. 15

to the end, and the Metelli, soon to fade away, cannot show a consul at this time. 4 Other families dominant in the oliga

ssalla’s family-relations are exceedingly complicated. He was married at least twice (one of his wives was probably a Calp

i, the consul of A.D. 7 is a Junius Silanus by birth. 5 See Table V at end. PageBook=>424 L. Calpurnius Piso (cos

289; for a stemma of the Pisones, ib., facing p. 54. See also Table V at end. 2 His daughter (PIR2, C 323) married L. No

a family of the new nobility which can show highly eminent connexions at this time: the first wife of P. Quinctilius Varus

tilius Varus was the aunt of this Asprenas, cf. the stemma, Table VII at end. Further, one of the Volusii married a Nonia

la (cos. A.D. 10), cf. PIR2, C 1348 and the stemma shown on Table VII at end. 4 Q. Volusius was the son-in-law of a Tibe

ficult to explain, cf. P-W 11 A, 885 ff.; for the stemma, see Table V at end. L. Scribonius Libo and M. Scribonius Libo Dr

knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was unrelenting. He at once dispatched a missive to Julia, breaking off

l reception. Lollius was all-powerful. Tiberius’ life was in danger at a banquet in the presence of Gaius Caesar and Lol

our and died, of his own hand, so it was reported. Everybody rejoiced at his death, says Velleius, a contemporary witness

by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when governor of Gaul, Lollius had suffered at the hands of raiding Germans a trifling defeat, s

aesar, Lucius, when on his way to Spain succumbed to illness and died at Massilia a few days after Tiberius’ return, the C

the family of that general could with decency permit. 4 The soldiers at least were quite glad to see Tiberius, a cautious

spei responderi felicius. ’ These pious prayers were answered almost at once by famine, pestilence and years of warfare,

the discipline of the camp or the playing-field: it was out of place at Court. His coeval, Germanicus’ young brother Clau

no more authentic, was the report of one of his latest conversations, at which the claims and the dispositions of certain

ius in Illyricum, and in this year was governor of Hispania Citerior, at the head of three legions. 1 Tiberius could trust

althy and talented family, newly ennobled through his father, admiral at Actium, consul in 22 B.C., and the author of a hi

d prospered; 3 likewise P. Quinctilius Varus, a person of consequence at Rome he had married Claudia Pulchra, the daughter

plures bellum pavescere, alii cupere. ’2 So Tacitus, but he proceeds at once to demolish that impression. Velleius Paterc

ce by L. Aelius Lamia. 2 On August 19th, A.D. 14, the Princeps died at Nola in Campania. Tiberius, who had set out for I

s successor. At Rome, magistrates and Senate, soldiers and populace at once took a personal oath in the name of Tiberius

cipate upon the heir whom he had designated. Tiberius himself was ill at ease, conscious of his ambiguous position and his

c conferment of legal and constitutional power. Deed and phrase recur at the beginning of Nero’s reign. 3 From first to la

iters of Augustan Rome ingenuously debated whether Alexander himself, at the height and peak of his power, could have prev

o have made a beginning. It was abortive: if promulgated, his law was at once withdrawn in the face of protest and opposit

ex Papia Poppaea of the year A.D. 9.1 Regeneration was now vigorously at work upon the Roman People. The New Age could con

r from their own class, preferred alliance with a freedwoman, or none at all. With marriage and without it, the tone and

y lacking in the city states of Greece but inculcated from early days at Rome by the military needs of the Republic, namel

tution of the cult of the Lares compitales and the genius of Augustus at Rome, and by priesthoods in the towns. 6 PageNo

n, it is true, was Lepidus, the pontifex maximus, living in seclusion at Circeii. Augustus did not strip him of that honou

our. In 29 B.C. the Temple of Divus Julius vowed by the Triumvirs was at last dedicated. The next year saw the completion

Neither god had failed him. Divus Julius prevailed over the Republic at Philippi, Apollo kept faith at Actium: vincit R

vus Julius prevailed over the Republic at Philippi, Apollo kept faith at Actium: vincit Roma fide Phoebi. 1 The myth o

d for service. If the citizen refused to fight, the city would perish at the hands of its enemies or its mercenaries. Pa

ers, especially the freedman class, the antithesis of urban and rural at this time in Italy was not complete and exclusive

the spurious Lycurgus to the authentic and revolutionary Gracchi were at one in awarding to moral and military excellence

e and with resentment, in the towns of Italy. The Roman noble sneered at the municipal man he was priggish and parsimoniou

an bourgeoisie had their sweet revenge when the New State was erected at the expense of the nobiles, as a result of their

of Rome was encouraged to make public demonstrations in the Forum or at the theatre, rallying in defence of a constitutio

s. The demagogue Clodius was in his pay. The Dictatorship of Caesar at once became an object of lampoons. More deadly, h

chief of cabinet, Maecenas, captured the most promising of the poets at an early stage and nursed them into the Principat

rius, R. Studien, 325 ff. The theory that the Ars Poetica was written at a late date in Horace’s life and was dedicated to

it. After eloquent discourse upon high themes Horace recovers himself at the end: non hoc iocosae conveniet lyrae: quo

t of heaven, a slave to duty. ‘Sum pius Aeneas’, as he stamps himself at once. Throughout all hazards of his high mission,

etur ab urbe. 3 From the first decision in council with his friends at Apollonia, the young Caesar had not wavered or tu

personal domination, but the unity of Rome and Italy, reconciliation at last. That was his mission: nec mihi regna peto

foedera mittant. 6 In the same years the historian Livy was already at work upon the majestic and comprehensive theme of

ic features of Caesar the Dictator, some of them recently acquired or at least enhanced. Romulus was a king, the favourite

rs of the Perusine War: they subsequently regained their property, or at least compensation. History does not record, or l

onnexion with the Transpadani; 1 and Brutus’ father had been besieged at Mutina by Pompeius. In the time of Augustus, Medi

iliation, there must still have been Romans who were a little shocked at hearing the army of the Roman People described as

, his junior by about ten years, outlasted Augustus and died in exile at the age of sixty. Ovid in his Amores sang of illi

an dynast solicited the favour of the sovran people by lavish display at games, shows and triumphs. As a showman, none cou

set up a monument in honour of a girl who had produced five children at one birth. 5 For reasons less obvious a centenari

birth. 5 For reasons less obvious a centenarian actress was produced at games vowed and celebrated for the health of Augu

exhibited in the voting-booths of the Roman People. 7 When Lepidus at last died in 12 B.C., Augustus assumed the dignit

eful Senate and a regenerated people participated. The new régime was at peace with the gods and honoured the land. Earth

house. The temple of Mars the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fought against the assassins of

. 3 At Carthage there stood an altar of the Gens Augusta reproducing, at least in part, the sculptures of the Ara Pacis Au

least in part, the sculptures of the Ara Pacis Augustae; 4 and altars at Tarraco and Narbo were dedicated to the cult of t

er in the War of Actium: it did not lapse when he became a magistrate at Rome and in relation to the laws of Rome. A simil

the Eastern provinces when they were reconquered from Antonius. Later at least, soon after the territory of Paphlagonia wa

3 ILS 50, 54, 56–60. Cf. the inscriptions of Aeneas and of Romulus at Pompeii, ILS 63 f. 4 On this, E. Strong in CAH

he West was different. The Roman towns had altars but not temples, as at Tarraco and at Narbo. There was as yet no provinc

ferent. The Roman towns had altars but not temples, as at Tarraco and at Narbo. There was as yet no provincial cult in the

the imperator without worshipping power in the eastern fashion. Such at least was the theory in so far as concerned Galli

give the war the character of a crusade. To this end Drusus dedicated at Lugdunum an altar to Rome and Augustus where depu

s, incompletely conquered twenty years before, would have risen again at the earliest opportunity when Roman armies were a

nies were outposts of the ruling people, fractions of the army placed at strategic positions and capable of supplying troo

could do nothing but the Roman plebs remembered. When Titius presided at games held in the Theatre of Pompeius the people

om members of that body that serious opposition to the new régime was at all likely to come and then not from the majority

lus Antonius killed these were all events that threatened the dynasty at its heart and core and compromised the existence

unable or unwilling to overthrow the New State that had been built up at their expense. They had no illusions about it and

l allowance made for hostile propaganda, it will have to be conceded, at the very least, that his native caution was happi

ldiers of Brutus broke into the camp and tent of the Caesarian leader at Philippi: he was not there. After the example s

s’ constancy in the last emergency, if believed, would reveal one man at least who was killed though begging for life. 5 I

C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condoned the return of one of t

suppress any activity that could do him no harm. Tiberius was alarmed at the frequency of libellous publications, but Augu

nce. In 26 B.C. he had laid down the office of praefectus urbi almost at once; and it was his habit to boast openly that h

litics. 2 As he had been among the earliest of the nobiles who fought at Philippi to pass from Antonius to Octavianus, the

ue., did not always come before the courts; but politics are probably at the bottom of a number of recorded causes célèbre

d in history he was critical as well as creative. Sallustius had died at his task, carrying his Historiae no farther than

upon this interesting document have not been preserved. Of the style at least he will have approved, if it recalled the u

members of the dynasty or partisans of the government to retribution at last: curramus praecipites et, dum iacet in r

Few of them, indeed, survived in Juvenal’s day, and they mattered not at all. The Empire had broken their power and their

esion to lost causes Pompeius, Libertas and Antonius. Cato’s son fell at Philippi and the Porcii lapsed into obscurity if

e family of Brutus, his sister, Cassius’ wife, was the last. She died at the age of ninety-three. At her funeral were born

y force or craft he had defeated the Aemilii and the Antonii: to rule at Rome, he needed their descendants. The heir to hi

an noble, the Claudian had aspired to primacy among his peers but not at the cost of personal humiliation, through disaste

d brought into conflict with Caesar, he followed Cato’s lead and fell at Pharsalus. Whatever had been the vicissitudes of

issitudes of the subsequent struggle, if the Liberators had prevailed at Philippi or Antonius at Actium, the ultimate resu

ent struggle, if the Liberators had prevailed at Philippi or Antonius at Actium, the ultimate result might have been much

Junii Silani, PIR1, 1 541 if.; the stemma, ib. 550; cf. also Table IV at end. M. Junius Silanus, the ‘pecus aurea’, was ki

of necessity conjectural, cf. PIR2 C, facing p. 362. See also Table V at end. PageBook=>497 By paradox all of these

Table V at end. PageBook=>497 By paradox all of these families at first escaped alliance with the ruling dynasty, p

first escaped alliance with the ruling dynasty, providing no victims at all for the domestic dramas of Augustus’ Principa

Licinius Crassus Frugi, cos. A.D. 27. 7 For the stemma, cf. Table V at end. 8 PIR2, C 259. 9 C. Calpurnius Piso, cos

ancus and Pollio, tenacious of life themselves, each produced one son at least. Daughters, however, were the heirs of the

le end. But Gallus propagated the Asinii with six sons, of whom three at least attained to consular rank:4 a direct descen

dren one of the reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There were others: at this time there can have been in existence few di

erius, by Caligula and by Claudius, a statue was erected in the Forum at Rome bearing an inscription that commemorated his

consuls: only one man of this class commands an army, and a small one at that. He was Ti. Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, an o

he same time, however, a new scourge arose which, for the aristocracy at least, counterbalanced other benefits. The Sena

hat, it stole their saints and their catchwords. Despotism, enthroned at Rome, was arrayed in robes torn from the corpse o

that ideal, Brutus and Cassius, who had fought against Caesar’s heir at Philippi, could not have been invoked to support

d from despotism and restored to Libertas. The Roman People grieved at the decline in power and splendour of the ancient

authentic history in epic verse, a typical and traditional occupation at Rome, came from Corduba. His Pharsalia recorded t

the tragedy the Empire gave no scope for the display of civic virtue at home and abroad, for it sought to abolish war and

arty and debarred from attacking the head of the government, has been at work here, eager to enhance or to invent an obscu

cardinal crime of being on the ‘wrong side’ in politics and profiting at the expense of their betters. The game of traduci

ry prospered. Q. Dellius, proverbial for agility, deserted every side at the right moment. It is curious that Horace shoul

s, and despite the frieze of weapons on the mausoleum he was building at Caieta, he had seldom been responsible for the sh

ent. PageBook=>512 With that to his credit Plancus could smile at the impotent envy of his detractors and the ignob

ion to Libertas. But Libertas was destroyed when Virtus was shattered at Philippi. Political liberty, it could be maintain

Fall, c. VII, init. PageBook=>514 They could be safe and happy at last. As a survivor of the proscriptions stated,

, with its full record of great wars abroad and political dissensions at home, was a splendid subject for history. Well mi

t a restoration of the Free State if Brutus and Cassius had prevailed at Philippi. Such was the conventional and vulgar op

ninus who survived all the perils of the Julio- Claudian age and died at the age of ninety-three. 2 As for the family of t

earlier in the founding of the New State. Politics were abolished, or at least sterilized. As a result, history and orator

until 2 B.C. that Augustus was acclaimed pater patriae. Horace hints at it long before: hie ames dici pater atque princep

scription that was to stand outside his monument, the Res Gestae]5 or at the least, it may be conjectured that some such d

, 259. Antipater the Idumaean, 76, 262. Antistius Labeo, perishes at Philippi, 228. Antistius Labeo, M., Republican

nia Citerior, 329 f., 332; his descendants, 499. Antium, conference at , 116. Antonia, married to Pythodorus, 262. An

tecting deity of Augustus, 448, 454. Apollonia, Octavianus’ friends at , 129, 463. Appius, see Claudius. Appuleii, 289,

Arpinum, 86. Arretium, 83, 87, 125, 129, 289; statues and elogia at , 473. Arruntii, 194, 425, 497, 499. Arruntius

r, 209 ff.; dictum about Octavianus, 211; his consulate, 218 f., 369; at Brundisium, 217; and the Fourth Eclogue, 218 ff.;

th Eclogue, 218 ff.; in Macedonia, 222 f.; his triumph, 222, 241; not at Tarentum, 225; his public library, 241; attitude

st Carthage promote novi homines, 19, 238, 244; altar of gens Augusta at , 473. Cassii, 19, 492. Cassius of Parma, assa

76. Coponius, C, enemy of Plancus, 283, 379. Coptos, list of soldiers at , 457. Corduba, 292, 356, 420, 478, 483, 507.

ate, 80 f.; relations with Octavianus, 114, 131, 133; consulate, 220; at the bedside of Atticus, 257; historical importanc

, 473. Cura legum et morum, 443. Cura rei publicae, 313. Curatores, at Rome, 403. Curio, see Scribonius. Cursus honoru

Narbonensis. Gallius, Q. (pr. 43 B.C.), 187. Games, demonstrations at , 116 f., 459, 478; under the Principate, 468 f.

adenses, 393, 399, 476. Horatius Flaccus, Q., 198; Epodes, 16, 218; at Tarentum, 225; early life and writings, 254; styl

; governor of Macedonia, 110 f.; with the Liberators, 171, 198; death at Philippi, 205. Hostilius Saserna, C., Caesarian

late and alliance with Pompeius, 8, 33 f.; his consular province, 36; at Ravenna and Luca, 37; relations with Pompeius, 40

k in imperial service, 506. Julius Vercondaridubnus, C, high priest at Lugdunum, 475. Julius Viator, Ti., freedman’s son

armies, 201, 355; victims of the proscriptions, 195; in 32 B.C., 290; at Gades and Corduba, 292; sentiments about the new

side of Antonius, 268 f.; descendants of, 492; their memory honoured at Mediolanium, 465, 478. Libertas, 5, 57, 59, 70,

cipate, 320 f., 516 f. Libertas Augusta, 506. Liberty, nature of, at Rome, 2, 59, 154 ff.; incompatible with peace and

86; opposition literature, 486 f.; creation of a classical literature at Rome, 461; repression of, 486; decline of, 487, 5

milia Lepida, 379; honours for, 417, 472, 474; death of, 430; mourned at Pisa, 472. Lucretius Carus, T., 251, 461; quote

di Saeculares, 84, 218, 339, 381 f., 443. Lugdunum, 347, 406; altar at , 474 patriotism of, 478. Lurius, M., partisan o

Lurius, M., partisan of Octavianus, 235, 376; in Sardinia, 213, 216; at Actium, 297; wealth, 380. Lusitania, origin as

9, 189, 229, 238, 345, 378, 421 ff., 491 ff.; legislation concerning, at Rome, 443 ff. Marrucini, 91, 169, 359, 485. M

5 f.; and Octavianus, 301. Mediolanium, 150, 503; L. Piso proconsul at , 329, 398; the Liberators honoured there, 465, 47

om, 76, 263; honours Pompeius and Theophanes, 263. Narbo, 80; altar at , 473. Narcissus, imperial freedman, 386. Narnia,

at, 473. Narcissus, imperial freedman, 386. Narnia, 200; a local god at , 83. Nasidius, Q., Pompeian and Antonian admira

rty of Caesar, 61 ff., 94; in the proscriptions, 192, 195; casualties at Philippi, 205 f.; under the Triumvirate, 243 f.,

imus status, 320; according to Seneca, 518 f. Oratory, function of, at Rome, 149 ff.; under the Triumvirate, 245 f.; dif

1. Patavinitas, nature of, 485 f. Patavium, 465; total of knights at , 292; senator from, 363; conspirator from, 478; r

ights at, 292; senator from, 363; conspirator from, 478; requisitions at , 464; prudery of, 455, 485; opulence of, 485; ‘Pa

97; related to Messalla, 237. Peducaei, 235. Peducaeus, C., falls at Mutina, 235. Peducaeus, Sex., legate of Caesar,

ons in 59–53 B.C., 36 ff.; sole consulate, 39; in 52–50 B.C., 40 ff.; at the outbreak of the Civil War, 42 f., 45 ff.; his

a, 65; an oriental dynast, 30, 54, 74, 261 f., 473; excessive honours at Rome, 32; at Miletopolis, 30; at Mytilene, 263; P

ental dynast, 30, 54, 74, 261 f., 473; excessive honours at Rome, 32; at Miletopolis, 30; at Mytilene, 263; Pompeius as a

, 74, 261 f., 473; excessive honours at Rome, 32; at Miletopolis, 30; at Mytilene, 263; Pompeius as a precedent for August

e, 35, 76, 262; as a secret agent, 407; as a historian, 459; honoured at Mytilene, 263; descendants, 356, 367. Pompeius

9, 440 ff.; dubious features of, 452 f. Religion, political use of, at Rome, 68, 256; in the East, 263, 273 f., 473 f.;

, 511 f. Representation, meaning of, in politics, 93, 364; of Italy at Rome, 91, 93, 364 f.; indirect, 364, 519. Repub

8 ff.; social status of, 80 ff.; Triumviral, 196 ff.; with Octavianus at Actium, 293, 349. Senatus consulta under the Pr

58, 69; as amatchmaker, 58, 69, 491; profits from confiscations, 77; at the conference of Antium, 116; helped by Atticus,

rus and Lollius, 381; enfranchisement, 446. Snobbery, character of, at Rome, 150 f., 358, 509 f.; in the municipia, 101,

8, 509 f.; in the municipia, 101, 360 f., 454. Society, classes of, at Rome, 10 ff., 352, 365, 510 f., 521; prejudice in

us, C. (cos. 32 B.C.), novus homo and Antonian partisan, 200, 267 f.; at Zacynthus, 223; as legate of Syria, 224, 264; bui

a, 224, 264; builds temple of Apollo, 241; in 32 B.C., 276, 278, 327; at Actium, 295 ff.; as a survivor, 349 f.; his origi

in Sicily, 231; in Africa, 233; priesthoods, 238; in Illyricum, 240; at Actium, 297; perhaps proconsul of Macedonia, 302;

; at Actium, 297; perhaps proconsul of Macedonia, 302; in Spain, 302; at Rome, 372; praefectus urbi, 403 f.; his career in

1), 423, 425. Statio principis, 520. Statius the Samnite, senator at Rome, 88, 195. Stendhal, compared with Pollio, 48

. suff. 16 B.C.), novus homo, 362, 373, 376, 397, 403, 425, 452, 498; at Actium, 297; perhaps proconsul of Illyricum, 330;

origin, 363; wealth, 382. Tarquinii, 18, 55, 59, 85. Tarraco, altar at , 473. Tarraconensis, see Hispania Citerior. Tau

267, 281; a city named after him, 281, 405; deserts Antonius, 281 f.; at Actium, 297; under the Principate, 328, 349; lega

denied to senators, 404. Triumvirate, founding of, 188 f.; reinforced at Brundisium, 217; renewal at Tarentum, 225; date o

umvirate, founding of, 188 f.; reinforced at Brundisium, 217; renewal at Tarentum, 225; date of expiry, 225, 277 f., 279;

, P., relations with Pollio, 218 f., 252 f.; with Maecenas, 253, 460; at Tarentum, 225; the Eclogues, 253; the Fourth Eclo

C.), 95, 129, 131, 187, 201, 331, 335, 336; his origin and name, 129; at Apollonia, 129; in the Perusine War, 209 ff.; in

ies Caecilia, 238; in Illyricum, 240; work on aqueducts, 241 f., 403; at the bedside of Atticus, 257; in the War of Actium