ritical attitude towards Augustus. If Caesar and Antonius by contrast are treated rather leniently, the reason may be disco

on of the gentler emotions and the domestic virtues. Δύναµις and Tύχη are the presiding divinities. The style is likewise d

ry, this book could hardly have existed. In detail my principal debts are to the numerous prosopographical studies of Münze

sed fashion has been the cause of peculiar difficulties. Many of them are bare names, void of personal detail; their import

esent volume that will make him raise his eyebrows. Its imperfections are patent and flagrant. It has not been composed in

ctim of violence and despotism. The fame and fate of Cicero, however, are one thing: quite different is the estimate of his

onventional, NotesPage=>006 1 Pollio’s three letters to Cicero are valuable documents (Ad fam. 10, 31–3), especially

nisters and agents of power, the same men but in different garb. They are the government of the New State. It will theref

er class, formed yet a distinct minority in the Senate. The nobiles are predominant: yet in the last generation of the Fr

sconius 53 = p. 60 Clark). 4 Only four of the consuls of 79–75 B.C. are heard of after 74. PageBook=>023 After a t

. Republik, 77 f. A number of men from Picenum, of the tribus Velina, are attested in the consilium of Cn. Pompeius Strabo

e family relationships of the various Cornelii Lentuli in this period are highly problematical (P-W IV, 1381; 1389; 1393).

against Pompeius and the establishment of the Dictatorship of Caesar are events that move in a harmony so swift and sure a

in absence and retain his province until the end of the year 49 B.C. are still matters of controversy. 1 If they were ever

lious proconsul and legitimate authority. Such venturesome expedients are commonly the work of hot blood and muddled heads.

he dignity and the interests of their own order. Liberty and the laws are high-sounding words. They will often be rendered,

do not arise from the conflict of conventional right and wrong. They are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus e

most intemperate allegations thrown about by malignant contemporaries are repeated by credulous posterity and consecrated a

urions and soldiers, scribes and sons of freedmen. 2 These categories are neither alarming nor novel. In theory, every free

9, 10, 7), a vὲĸuια (ib. 9, 18, 2). The principal pieces of evidence are : Dio 42, 51, 5; 43, 20, 2; 27, 1; 47, 3; 48, 22,

uliar and proper claim to be the home of trousered senators. No names are recorded. Yet surmise about origins and social st

11, 3) or ‘iam ex tota Italia delecti’ (Cicero, Pro Sulla 24). There are plenty of odd but significant examples of the ‘ho

of the Roman plebs. The earliest new families to reach the consulate are plainly immigrant. Not merely the towns of Latium

The Fulvii came from Tusculum, the Plautii from Tibur. 1 The Marcii are probably a regal and priestly house from the sout

401. 7 Ib. XIX, 892 ff.; RA, 05 ff. PageBook=>086 But these are exceptions rather than examples. The governing ol

sPage=>087 1 The coins of the Italici (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 317 ff.) are highly revealing, above all the coin of the gener

was the scene of faction and internecine strife. Not only the Italici are hostile to Pompeius and the legitimate government

s and south to Campania and Samnium. 5 Such alien and non-Latin names are casually revealed in the lowest ranks of the Roma

Willems, LeSénat 1, 181; W. Schulze, LE, 104 ff The earliest consuls are P. Alfenus Varus (suff. 39) and L. Passienus Rufu

lippics, the series of speeches in which he assailed an absent enemy, are an eternal monument of eloquence, of rancour, of

he character of Antonius such as unnatural vice or flagrant cowardice are trivial, ridiculous or conventional. That the pri

is problematical. 3 The wilder charges of corruption and embezzlement are hard to establish or to refute. In October Antoni

violence and corruption to equal the first consulate of Caesar. Nor are there sufficient grounds for the partial and exag

high treason. So far the plea for Antonius. Security and aggression are terms of partisan interpretation. Though Antonius

ost all posterity into a false estimate of his political capacity. We are left with slander or romantic biography. PageBo

ology or condemnation on moral and emotional grounds. All conventions are baffled and defied by Caesar’s heir. Not for noth

in Gaul in 38 B.C., BMC, R. Rep. 11, 411 ff. 2 Antonius’ own words are quoted by Cicero, Phil. 13, 24: ‘et te, o puer, q

lution to use them. An NotesPage=>120 1 Date and circumstances are vague, various and inconsistent in the ancient au

⍴γα έγίγν∊тo. The motives of the politicians who supported Octavianus are thus reproduced: έ⌽ίλoυν µέν γἀ⍴ oùδὲт∊⍴oν, vὲων

or: they received a share of his fortune through the will, which they are said to have resigned to Octavianus. 4 Nothing el

men of senatorial rank can be discovered among his generals and they are not an impressive company. 1 Senators who had c

te early date. Along with Pansa in this context certain other names are mentioned, P. Servilius, L. Piso and Cicero: th

n other names are mentioned, P. Servilius, L. Piso and Cicero: they are described as neutrals, their policy dishonest. 2

lampoon. Crime, vice and corruption in the last age of the Republic are embodied in types as perfect of their kind as are

age of the Republic are embodied in types as perfect of their kind as are the civic and moral paragons of early days; which

l paragons of early days; which is fitting, for the evil and the good are both the fabrication of skilled literary artists.

ealth was sordid and degrading. But if the enterprise and the profits are large enough, bankers and merchants may be styled

, consensus Italiae? A cool scrutiny will suggest doubts: these terms are very far from corresponding with definite parties

r from corresponding with definite parties or definite policies. They are rather ‘ideals’, to which lip-service was inevita

d by Heaven itself, namely that all things advantageous for the State are right and lawful’. 7 Extraordinary commands were

as, so custom prescribed, should direct the policy of the State: they are suitably designated as ‘auctores publici consilii

f Cicero through the months when he clamoured for war. 4 ‘The consuls are excellent, the consulars a scandal. ’5 ‘The Senat

other for a time. A small river ran between the camps. When soldiers are citizens, rhetoric is worth regiments. At a famou

sPage=>167 1 Ad fam. 10, 11, 2 (the words ‘furor’ and ‘furiosus’ are used). 2 Ib. 12, 5, 3: ‘populi vero Romani toti

I, 17. PageBook=>171 ‘Read again your words and deny that they are the supplications of a slave to a despot. ’1 Cice

ut a chill and mature terrorist. 1 Condemnation and apology, however, are equally out of place. 2 The Triumvirs were piti

also able to save the knight L. Julius NotesPage=>192 1 There are full accounts of his end in Livy (quoted by Senec

s, such as the Aelii Lamiae from Formiae or the Vinicii of Cales, who are not known to have been proscribed, either enjoyed

substance and repute from the towns of Italy. Change and casualties are most clearly evident among the army commanders. O

re now dead. After the establishment of the Triumvirate, four of them are found holding high command. Of these, T. Sextius

. Some had held independent command under Caesar: Allienus and Staius are soon heard of no more, but C. Calvisius Sabinus g

r; and some of the assassins, such as Tillius Cimber and Q. Ligarius, are not heard of again. 2 As Brutus exclaimed, quot

al (11, 20) praises their ‘Romana simplicitas’, quoting examples that are quite convincing. 4 Macrobius 2, 4, 21: ‘at ego

nd made for the coast of the Adriatic. Ventidius’ march and movements are obscure. Pollio retired north- eastwards and held

than a personification of an era in its infancy, its parents likewise are neither celestial nor apocalyptic, but a Roman fa

iety. 2 The accounts in Dio 48, 54, 1 f. and Plutarch, Antonius 35, are clearly hostile to Antonius, deriving from the Au

h Saxa opened the operations against the Liberators in Macedonia. Nor are senators’ sons at all frequent in the revolutiona

commissioner. The political affiliations of this mysterious character are not unequivocally recorded. PageBook=>236

riety and quick reward, then lapsing into obscurity again. Some names are known, but are only names, accidentally preserved

reward, then lapsing into obscurity again. Some names are known, but are only names, accidentally preserved, such as the a

nd property. 6 The earlier activities of both Lepidus and Ap. Pulcher are obscure probably tortuous. 7 The principal memb

parted (Dio 49, 38, 4). 2 The precise dates of the various triumphs are provided by the Acta Triumphalia (CIL 12, p. 50 a

). For the buildings of the viri tnumphales, the most important texts are Suetonius, Divus Aug. 29, 5; Tacitus, Ann. 3, 72.

rs, and iterations, there were thirty- eight consuls. Of these, three are difficult to classify (C. Norbanus Flaccus and L.

nelius, cos. and cos. suff. 38, and Marcius, cos. suff. 36). Ten only are sons or descendants of consular families. There r

acitus (25, 3, cf. 17, 1), Calvus, Caelius, Brutus, Caesar and Pollio are accorded the rank of ‘classical’ orators next to

e home of Cinna has been inferred from fr. 1 of his poems; and Helvii are not unknown on inscriptions of Brixia (above, p.

ctavianus on Cephallenia after Actium, cf. BMC, R. Rep. II 533. There are many uncertainties in this field. Valuable additi

NotesPage=>270 1 Plutarch (Antonius 54) and Dio (49, 41, 1 ff.) are lavish of detail. It is strange that neither Vell

ng literature. Cleopatra was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are more insistent and more dangerous forms of domina

personal enmities and rivalries. In a civil war fleets and legions are not the most important things. Under what name an

ld count upon tried military men like Sosius and Canidius. No names are recorded in the company of Plancus and Titius. Ne

sea, baffled on land. 6 The names of the commanders on either side are given by Velleius 2, 85, 2 Plutarch, Antonius 65;

subjugating both Britain and Parthia to the rule of Rome. 1 No themes are more frequent in the decade after Actium—or less

ovinces occur Africa, Illyricum and Macedonia, where armed proconsuls are definitely attested in the early years of the Pri

s certainly Pompeian rather than Caesarian, just as its avowed ideals are Republican, not absolutist. Seeking to establish

em novandum in legibus ‘(ib. 3, 12). In fact, the changes he proposes are few and modest, little more than coercion of trib

74. 5 The extraction and other connexions of this remarkable person are highly obscure (P-W V A, 706 ff.). Nor is his nom

provincia rather than as governors of provinces. To begin with, they are praetorian in a majority. That was to be expected

is consulate. It was Sex. Appuleius, a kinsman of the Princeps. 1 Nor are the other consuls of the age of the Revolution an

g. Yet the novi homines like Q. Laronius, M. Herennius, L. Vinicius are not found in charge of military provinces; still

provincial governors in the early years of the Principate of Augustus are not to be had. 3 Namely M. Acilius Glabrio (cos

ed in 21 and 19 B.C. respectively (CIL 12, p. 50). 4 Dio and Strabo are inadequate here. The public provinces in 27 B.C.

charge of the military provinces of Illyricum and Macedonia; and such are in fact attested, namely three of the principal m

uted. 4 As for the provincia of the Princeps east and west, six names are attested as legates in the first four years of th

gh birth in evidence. The family and connexions of one of the legates are uncertain; 2 none of the others had consular ance

independent of the Princeps and equal to him in rank. Only two names are recorded in this period. 3 Certain novi homines,

of mutual affection they knew too much for that, and revolutionaries are not sentimental. Their loyalty to Augustus was al

e was the leader of a party. At the core of a Roman political group are the family and most intimate friends of the real

bsurd for the aftermath of Actium, when the lines were composed, they are not even appropriate to a later date, when Agripp

us and M. Octavius. But, for that matter, few Triumviral consuls even are at all prominent under the Principate. 2 Dio 51

n soon occupy military posts; 7 and, just as under the Republic, they are attested as senators in the purified Senate of Au

s 3, 8, 10). Early examples of ex-centurions in the militia equestris are T. Marius (Val. Max. 7, 8, 6, cf. CIL XI, 6058),

dle. For the most part only minor and indirect taxes in the provinces are now let out to tax-farmers. Banished from polit

e, the praefectus fabrum. The names alone of some of these officers are sufficient testimony. 2 Wars waged between Roma

Cornelius Gallus led whole armies to victory. Salvidienus and Gallus are symbols of the Revolution. Peace and a well-order

uestrian service at last became quaestor. 1 Contemporary and parallel are two other municipal partisans, from Treia in Pice

f Latium long decayed, like Lanuvium, provide senators for Rome there are remote towns of no note before or barely named, l

: but he purchased large estates in Picenum (Pliny, NH 18, 37). There are amphora-stamps of Tarius Rufus in the museums of

onjecture. Apart from these two men (and Quirinius and Valgius) there are in all the years 15 B.C. A.D. 3 very few consuls

lgius) there are in all the years 15 B.C. A.D. 3 very few consuls who are not of consular families. The mere six novi homin

use. Two other consuls in this period, though not locally identified, are certainly of municipal extraction. 1 These men

xtended to colonies of full citizen-rights in the provinces, for they are an integral part of the Roman State, wherever the

terstand, 291 ff. 6 And, should they possess the Jus Italicum, they are treated as a part of Italy, even for fiscal purpo

masked or palliated some of its maladies at least no juvenile consuls are attested for some time. None the less, in the ord

t;371 1 Dio 54, 6, 2 ff. Consular elections in the years 22–19 B.C. are very puzzling. It almost looks as though, in each

eir credit, as against eleven nobiles. 1 Conspicuous among the latter are men whose fathers through death or defeat in the

ad missed the consulate. Here and on the Fasti of the years following are to be discovered the aristocrats who rallied to t

, down to and including 6 B.C., a period of thirteen years, only four are recorded, two of them caused by death. 3 Augustus

ines erat aliquis virtutum amor. ’ 4 Nobiles who miss the consulate are , for example, Cornelius Sulla Felix, PIR2, C 1463

long the more important of his provinces were held by consulars, who are the principal ministers of state and therefore de

s, so designated by terms which develop almost into titles; and there are grades among his friends. 2 When the Princeps, of

3 In portraiture and statuary, Augustus and the members of his house are depicted, not always quiet and unpretentious, lik

provinces. The Senate becomes a body of civil servants: magistracies are depressed and converted into qualifying stages in

principes was to be decorative. Except for Agrippa, only six of them are later chosen to command armies, as legates or pro

er. 140; Seneca, Epp. 83, 14. The three years of the Bellum Thracicum are either 13–11 or 12–10 B.C. According to Seneca (l

y military operations that he mentions during the absence of Tiberius are those of M. Vinicius in Germany (c. A.D. 2) and c

4). Cicero had C. Pomptinus (Ad Jam. 15, 4, 8). Flaccus and Pomptinus are described by Sallust (BC 45, 2) as ‘homines milit

ivus Aug. 38. 6 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 38, 2. 7 At this time, they are often, perhaps usually, quaestorian in rank, cf.

heir real but subordinate authors. Many important military operations are barely known, other campaigns no doubt have lapse

and administrators in the New State. None the less, certain examples are pertinent and suggestive. The problems of the e

be a menace to the government in Rome. NotesPage=>397 1 Fleets are now commanded by Roman knights, e.g. ILS 2688 and

rn province that called for special treatment. The legates of Galatia are an instructive class. Four men of note governed

.C.) is attested in Galatia-Pamphylia c. 13 B.C.5 His earlier posts are unknown, dubious or controversial. 6 From Galatia

ribing a case tried before him when he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzling. On the career of this man, cf. now

Though incomplete, these annals of four senatorial careers of service are instructive and impressive. Quirinius was certain

ss Germany from the Danube to the Elbe; 3 after him and before A.D. 4 are perhaps to be inserted the names of M. Vinicius a

NotesPage=>400 1 Dateless operations on and beyond the Danube are attested by Res Gestae 30; Florus 2, 28 f.; Tacit

34), 60 ff. C. Patsch (Wiener S-B. 214, 1 (1932), 104 ff.) and others are in favour of 10 B.C. On Cn, Cornelius Lentulus (F

roconsulate of Africa. 3 There was also fighting in Africa. 4 These are not the only names that mattered in the critical

only names that mattered in the critical period in question, but they are enough to illuminate the varied composition of th

ready discussed, there is a total of ten eminent men. Of these, three are novi homines, next to Agrippa and Taurus the most

had he needed or cared to justify the various bodies of advisers that are attested in his Principate. No sooner was the Fre

successful in his invasion of Arabia. More modest and more useful men are later found, such as C. Turranius, C. Julius Aqui

or very closely related to the reigning family; and only two of them are known to have commanded armies in the period of T

litary but strong support, not far below monarchic hope. The Marcelli are close to the end, and the Metelli, soon to fade a

4 Other families dominant in the oligarchy of government after Sulla are now missing or sadly reduced above all the factio

of the Pisones. 5 NotesPage=>423 1 Messalla’s family-relations are exceedingly complicated. He was married at least

9782); Messallinus (cos. 3 B.C.) and Cotta Messallinus (cos. A.D. 20) are his sons, Messalla Barbatus Appianus (cos. 12 B.C

n the difficulties about Cotta, cf. PIR2, A 1488. To be noted further are connexions with the successful novi homines M. Lo

8892. 2 Note M. Livius Drusus Libo (cos. 15 B.C.), whose connexions are unknown. The other relationships are tortuous and

(cos. 15 B.C.), whose connexions are unknown. The other relationships are tortuous and difficult to explain, cf. P-W 11 A,

nonentity but a great political lady. Her paramours the five nobiles are not innocent triflers or moral reprobates but a f

he Reign of Tiberius (1931), 43 f., cf. 67. PageBook=>435 Such are the two Vibii from the small town of Larinum in S

rty. Members of families that hitherto had not risen to the consulate are prominent yet not paradoxical, for this was a Cla

soldiers were apathetic (Suetonius, Tib. 21, 5, where Augustus’ words are quoted: ‘inter tot rerum difficultates κɑì τοσɑύτ

), 232 ff. 2 The two Epistulae, even though authenticity be denied, are far from contemptible. 3 Suetonius, Divus Aug.

Cato Cato stood for the established order. Virgil, Horace and Livy are the enduring glories of the Principate; and all t

ing the princes Gaius and Lucius. 1 The assemblies of whole provinces are now organized to display gratitude and homage. Ga

ression and injustice. The vices and cruelties of the legate Carisius are said to have caused a rising in Spain. 2 He was d

nsation of justice and benevolence. Few trials of offending governors are recorded in the time of Augustus: one of them rev

als, it is true., did not always come before the courts; but politics are probably at the bottom of a number of recorded ca

Seianus, the chief minister of state. The variations of the technique are curious and instructive. Not enough to celebrate

o notus’. The descent and relationships of M. Servilius (cos. A.D. 3) Are Not Known. Like His Son, He May Have Had The cogn

ppear utterly or prolong their family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the new families ennobled for loyal service in th

one son. M. Papius Mutilus the Samnite and the two Vibii from Larinum are the first and the last consuls of their families.

irth, of which house after the consul of A.D. 3 no direct descendants are known. 8 Juvenal speaks of Domitian as ‘Lamiaru

ilitary commands. Eight legions on the Rhine, brigaded in two armies, are in themselves a large part of the history of the

ars pass, however, and among the army commanders of Claudius and Nero are to be found Curtius Rufus, whom some alleged to b

has all but exhausted the Republican and the Augustan nobility, there are still on the Fasti three Republican nobiles and s

a’ of the nobles. The true causes lie deeper: as has been shown, they are political and economic. It was the acute consciou

preme power but do not hold it for long. Africa and the eastern lands are pressing rapidly behind, soon almost to overwhelm

something more important than political liberty; and political rights are a means, not an end in themselves. That end is se

Princeps in war and the victims of his public or private treacheries are not mentioned by name but are consigned to contem

ms of his public or private treacheries are not mentioned by name but are consigned to contemptuous oblivion. Antonius is m

Fatherland, Sex. Pompeius as a pirate. Perusia and the proscriptions are forgotten, the coup d’état of 32 B.C. appears as

ut much more as a date than as an agent. Other allies of the Princeps are omitted, save for Tiberius, whose conquest of Ill

nstitutional position of the Princeps and most misleading. His powers are defined as legal and magisterial; and he excels a

nt of accounts of a Roman magistrate. Like Augustus, his Res Gestae are unique, defying verbal definition and explaining

B.C.). It is not certain, however, who he was. 36 B.C. The suffecti are revealed, L. Nonius (Asprenas) and a fragmentary

arcius. 35 B.C. The suffecti P. Cornelius (Scipio) and T. Peducaeus are new. 32 and 29 B.C. The two Valerii can now be

or it is often a valuable clue to ready identification; and cognomina are added, even when they do not occur in the documen

ilicia, save that Augustus, members of his family, and Roman emperors are entered under their conventional or most familiar

ered under their conventional or most familiar names. Names of places are included when important for their political alleg

endants. In each of them the most important persons and relationships are indicated, and the names of consuls are printed i

ant persons and relationships are indicated, and the names of consuls are printed in black type. On Tables I and II the dat

es of consuls are printed in black type. On Tables I and II the dates are given in years B.C. II. THE KINSMEN OF CATO T

of the Licinii Crassi, the consul of 14 B.C. The descendants of Sulla are taken from Groag’s table, PIR2, C, facing p. 362,

g’s table, PIR2, C, facing p. 362, where, as the author admits, there are uncertainties. Not less so in the matter of the A

s connexion with the Cornelii Lentuli, however, the views of E. Groag are here given preference, cf. the table in PIR2, C,