n may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permissio

uced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of

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any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer ISBN 0-19-881001-6 23 25 27 29 30 28

family, nomenclature, or rank; and most of them will be unfamiliar to any but a hardened prosopographer. For the sake of cl

necessity the conception was narrow only the ruling order could have any history at all and only the ruling city: only Rom

liance of powers, more important than a magistracy, more binding than any compact of oath or interest. Not that women were

hanging the value of money. The financiers were strong enough to ruin any politician or general who sought to secure fair t

ng away on close scrutiny, at once stands out, solid and manifest. In any age of the history of Republican Rome about twent

bborn to admit a master, even on their own terms. Nor was Pompeius in any way to their liking. His family was recent enough

Such a view is too simple to be historical. Caesar strove to avert any resort to open war. Both before and after the out

Divus Iulius 42 f.): the title of praefectus moribus did not make him any more popular (Ad fam. 9, 15, 5). 3 Suetonius, D

e, the monarchic aristocrat, recalling the kings of Rome and fatal to any Republic. NotesPage=>058 1 As Caesar obser

fourteen remain: no match, however, in eminence. Few of them were of any use to Caesar or to the State. During the previou

turn up on Caesar’s side, holding commands in the Civil Wars, without any strong political ties to explain NotesPage=>

cy proclaims that this person conducted financial operations, not for any personal profit, but to acquire the means for bou

ive up hope. An amnesty in the form of an offer of the citizenship to any who laid down their arms within sixty days may ha

istocracies. 2 The degree of sympathy for the Republican cause defies any close estimate: it may not be measured by optimis

e been altogether satisfied with his deputy. Yet there is no proof of any serious estrangement. 1 Lepidus, it is true, was

able and most useful there, whether as Master of the Horse or without any official title. PageBook=>105 Empire, whos

when attacked, later in the year, by his enemies in a manner which on any theory of legality can only be branded as high tr

om compromise and firm on principle, he would have been a nuisance to any government: not less so, but for different reason

on for his own consular province and with it an army adequate to defy any enterprises of his enemies. Late in March he had

was subsequently married to C. Marcellus (cos. 50 B.C.); the son, in any event assured of a brilliant career through these

or a better opportunity, he derived encouragement from the absence of any Republican manifestations of note during the Ludi

is amicitia and bade him take warning from the fate of Caesar. 1 Of any immediate intentions the Liberators said no word

yet the uneasy reconciliation with Octavianus could scarcely last. On any count, the outlook was black for the friends of s

consulars, though negative, irresolute and not followed by action of any kind, was certainly a check to Antonius, revealin

Postumus also shows up, as would be expected, benevolent and alert in any shady transaction. Along with Matius and Saserna

is faction retained the mark of its origin. A long time passes before any number of senators emerge on his side. When four

orship of Macedonia, both before and after the proconsul returned, on any excuse. Piso replied, no doubt with some effect.

ed, on any excuse. Piso replied, no doubt with some effect. 3 Nor did any political enemy or ambitious youth come forward t

ere consuls. The legislation of June 1st deepened his dismay. Nor was any decision or hope to be discerned among the Libera

discerned among the Liberators, as the congress at Antium showed, or any armed support from the provinces. Early July brou

fence of the Republic. But Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparable feud with Antonius or to any definite

had not committed himself to any irreparable feud with Antonius or to any definite line of action. The Senate had already a

vaunted the excellence of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time he felt that he could trust Octavianus. Neit

ments. In the Republic he set forth the lineaments and design, not of any programme or policy in the present, but simply th

esumptuous to hold judgement over the dead at all, improper to adduce any standards other than those of a man’s time, class

ORDS PageBook=>149 IN Rome of the Republic, not constrained by any law of libel, the literature of politics was seld

at all. This meant that a revolution could be carried through without any violation of legal and constitutional form. The P

a subject of partisan interpretation, of debate and of fraud: almost any plea could triumph by an appeal to custom or trad

et, even so, libertas could not be monopolized by the oligarchy or by any party in power. It was open to their opponents to

patriotic front. 6 Then war became just and heroic: rather than seek any accommodation with a citizen in arms, any hope or

nd heroic: rather than seek any accommodation with a citizen in arms, any hope or guarantee of concord, it is better to fig

e party in control of the government could secure sanction for almost any arbitrary act: at the worst, a state of public em

ta or libertas restituta lend themselves as crown and consecration to any process of violence and usurpation. But liberty,

day of the year, when momentous transactions were announced as though any individual or party wished to strike down that wo

the Roman State, a gilded statue should be set up on the Rostra or in any part of the Forum that Lepidus should choose. Lep

at variance or out of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all. The pessimistic an

be lost, for the beginning of hostilities in the north would preclude any compromise. Two attempts were made in March. In R

or peace: neither the Senate nor the People approves of them nor does any patriotic citizen. ’5 Lepidus did not forget the

ld be put to death: there was nothing to choose between Dolabella and any of the three Antonii; only practise a salutary se

this matter perhaps at variance with the more resolute Cassius. 2 In any event, principles and honour commanded a Republic

ent to drive their political enemies out of the land, thus precluding any armed insurrection in Italy when they settled acc

uch respectable examples conferred sanction upon crime and murder, if any were needed, among the propertied classes of the

l interests and representatives of the landed gentry, was averse from any radical redistribution of property in Italy. He m

sociates have behaved as they did, could security and power be won in any other way. The consequences of compelling a gener

Of the supposed dozen survivors among the consulars, only three claim any mention in subsequent history, and only one for l

ng is known of the services to the Triumvirs of either Asprenas or of any person called Marcius. 4 L. Staius Murcus was a

o Cleopatra more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all. Nor did he see the Queen of Egypt ag

ppian (BC 5, 75, 320) mentions the Dardani, but there is no record of any operations against them. The history of Macedonia

rve, if they had ever acquired, sufficient faith in the principles of any of the Pompeii, into whose fatal alliance they ha

gionaries of Pompeius a great number, being servile in origin, lacked any right or status: they were handed over to their f

profession of the Roman constitution there could be no rational hope any more. There was ordered government, and that was

ble but of the most ancient nobility, the patrician; which did not in any way hamper them from following a revolutionary le

deed of the consuls under the Triumvirate even professed or pretended any attachment to eloquence; and such of them as dese

r pretended any attachment to eloquence; and such of them as deserved any distinction for peaceful studies earned no honour

ould provide either a rational explanation of the nature of things or any comfort in adversity. Stoicism was a manly, arist

y errors, though not averse from an interest in Pythagoreanism, or in any other belief and practice, was sustained by an in

n works, he had gathered the materials of history rather than written any annals of note or permanence. The old scholar lac

of the decline to the destruction of Carthage, and refusing to detect any sign of internal discord so long as Rome had to c

revealing the dependence of NotesPage=>253 1 Not that there is any definite evidence at all: the Arcadian scenery of

their sentiments concerning state and society did not need to undergo any drastic transformation. The politician and the or

tinuous territory northwards into Syria. Antonius refused to give her any more. These grants do not seem to have excited

earlier, Cleopatra had given birth to twin children, not a matter of any importance hitherto at least in so far as concern

erving the needs of government and defence, were not knit together by any principle of uniformity but depended upon the tie

51, 7, 3), was perhaps appointed by Antonius. There is no evidence of any provincial commands held by L. Caninius Gallus, C

passed without repercussion in Rome or upon Roman sentiment. Nor did any outcry of indignant patriotism at once denounce t

f a Roman proconsul. Nor did Antonius in fact resign to alien princes any extensive or valuable territories that had previo

chy belonged divine honours in the East but not to monarchy alone: in any representative of power it was natural and normal

ot of prime importance. Antonius, being a Roman citizen, could not at any time contract a legally valid marriage with a for

ρᾳ τι άχθεσθέντεϛ (50, 3,2). Velleius, no safe guide about Plancus at any time, alleges that this corrupt character, ‘in om

the rest of Italy and riveted the shackles of servitude. Bononia, or any recalcitrant communities, would pay the price in

and by the Pompeii: that was a reality. More recently, Perusia. For any contest it would have been difficult enough to en

; and the power conferred by the consent of tota Italia far surpassed any attempts of earlier politicians to build up a fol

and war inevitable. In a restoration of liberty no man could believe any more. Yet if the coming struggle eliminated the l

ome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any party, still less for the fraud that was made to

e armies of Rome presented a greater danger to her stability than did any foreign enemy. After Actium, the victor who had s

r the military needs of the empire, fewer than thirty would be ample: any larger total was costly to maintain and a menace

ageBook=>308 marshals, such as Agrippa, Calvisius and Taurus, to any extremity. But the military oligarchy was highly

behind him. Treachery destroys both the credit and the confidence of any who deal in that commodity. No ruler could have f

bunician power)1 Octavianus possessed the means to face and frustrate any mere constitutional opposition in Rome. It would

tes of competence, a new regulation was required. No source records any political repercussions of the clash with Crassus

source records any political repercussions of the clash with Crassus, any hint of the attitude of other proconsuls. Had he

ight proclaiming that he advanced southwards in conquest farther than any army of the Roman People or monarch of Egypt. 4

3 Caesar’s heir came to use the term ‘princeps’, but not as part of any official titulature. There were other principes i

tator. Moreover, the young Caesar was a saviour and benefactor beyond any precedent. A new name was devised, expressing ven

proconsulare: as proconsul, he was merely the equal in public law of any other proconsul. In fact, his province was large

he more powerful of the armed provinces, stood as a guarantee against any recurrence of the anarchy out of which his domina

practice meant the sentiments of the oldest living senators. Lacking any perception of the dogma of progress—for it had no

cf. 28. 2 Augustus claimed to have exercised no more potestas than any of his colleagues in magistracy (Res Gestae 34).

ore testimony: ‘Cicero was a great orator—and a great patriot. ’2 But any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men who r

hed in phrases so vague and so innocuous that it could be employed by any party and adapted to any ends. The revolutionary

nd so innocuous that it could be employed by any party and adapted to any ends. The revolutionary Augustus exploited with a

eneration will neither evoke surprise nor reveal to a modern inquirer any secret about the rule of Augustus which was hidde

for the Revolution had now been stabilized. Neither the Princeps nor any of his adherents desired change and disturbance.

utus, who proclaimed a firm determination to fight to the end against any power that set itself above the laws, would have

t the new order was the best state of all, more truly Republican than any Republic, for it derived from consensus Italiae a

al maxims of political wisdom; it is more instructive to discover, in any time and under any system of government, the iden

cal wisdom; it is more instructive to discover, in any time and under any system of government, the identity of the agents

Flaccus and the polyonymous A. Terentius Varro Murena. No doubt about any of these men, or at least no candidate hostile to

and the years between Actium and the first constitutional settlement any more conspicuous. Most of them were young enough,

s can be found among his legates in the first dozen years, and hardly any consulars. Likewise in so far as concerns the p

men of his party were there, Agrippa, Taurus and Maecenas, to prevent any trouble. PageNote. 331 (No Notes) PageBook=

le person, only the detachment commanded by Augustus himself has left any record. The campaign was grim and arduous. Augu

; Dio 48, 42, 1 ff. 3 Apart from the Acta Triumphalia, no record of any fighting save when Taurus was there (Dio 51, 20,

awkward topic: Horace hastily passes him over in an Ode, disclaiming any talent to celebrate a soldier’s exploits. 5 Nor

nd the chief men in the governing oligarchy had averted the danger of any premature manifestation of hereditary monarchy; t

f these men. 1 Such a triumvirate existed, called into being not by any pre-ordained harmony or theory of politics, but b

g the Civil Wars no doubt a conventional assertion, not restricted to any one class of the wealthy in the Principate of Aug

accessible to a minor proconsul, but one more rich and powerful than any . A Roman knight led an army to the conquest of Eg

X, 751), might be related to this family. 2 There could scarcely be any doubt about [M]amius Murrius Umber (ILS 8968). Th

f popular election at Rome it was quite superfluous. The absence of any system of representative government from the repu

of popular sovranty through a republican constitution which permitted any free-born citizen to stand for magistracies but s

the governing faction was not the execution of a theory or the act of any one man, it could hardly be suspended at one blow

n had already proceeded so far that it could abate its rhythm without any danger of reaction. The greater number of his par

oscriptions. The Princeps had his revenge. He did not care to exclude any large body of nobiles from the Senate. But the ma

n more than as a lawyer. 5 Nor will the orator Q. Haterius have shown any alarming independence. 6 Certain of the most orig

r have created. The power of the People was broken. No place was left any more for those political pests, the demagogue and

the dynasts Antonius, Octavianus and Lepidus, only four of them find any mention in subsequent history. 1 NotesPage=>

th the dedication of an ode. 2 The nobiles can hardly be said to fare any better. 3 To the military men who served the dyna

enobarbus or even of Quirinius. Dio’s sources for this period were in any case probably not abundant; and two pages of the

years. 3 As for his own province, the Princeps was not restricted in any way his especial favourites, Tiberius and Drusus,

go on. After 19 B.C. there were no more triumphs of senators; and in any case Augustus would have wished, even if he had n

arcely ever a public building erected in Rome at private expense. Nor any more triumphs. At the most, a stray proconsul of

of the reigning dynasty of imperial Rome. Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a patron with divine honours. The cult

prechung im Principat des Augustus (1935), 93 ff. There can hardly be any doubt that their powers were developed and used,

sooner was the Free State restored than Augustus hastened to palliate any inconveniences that might arise from that alarmin

ert counsel and many advisers. It will not be imagined that there was any permanent body of counsellors to the Princeps or

d that there was any permanent body of counsellors to the Princeps or any constitutional organ. There was no cabinet but a

o known history among the equestrian councillors of the Princeps, but any Prefect of Egypt could furnish information about

nd the conferment of special powers upon his deputy proceeded without any unfortunate incidents in public. With the death o

o a successor, that person already held sufficient powers to preclude any real opposition. But the problem was to recur a

reckoned with especially the son of M. Antonius. More remarkable than any of them, however, is L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos

and thus more highly favoured in the matter of political matches than any save Drusus (the husband of the younger Antonia)

r services rendered and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndicate might app

cchi were incomplete or baffled; and the small holding had not become any more remunerative since then. Samnium was a desol

onstitution that meant nothing to them, and leaping with avidity upon any dramatic phrase that fitted the domination of Pom

at least compensation. History does not record, or legend embroider, any loss sustained by Livy the historians did not exc

ia 2, 354. No Roman husband, even in the lowest class of society, had any cause to suspect him (ib. 351 f.). PageBook=>

ghter Julia (A.D. 8) provided the excuse. There can be no question of any active complicity on the part of Ovid; the myster

Lollius’ disgrace was due to a political error of calculation, not to any defect of personal integrity. PageNotes. 477

r than forego a jest. 3 For Augustus it was inexpedient to suppress any activity that could do him no harm. Tiberius was

ed conspiracy against Caligula, and the family can show no consuls in any branch after Nero. 5 The Calpurnii, however, prov

Vatinius, Trebonius, Hirtius and Pansa left no consular descendants, any more than had Pompeius’ consuls Afranius and Gabi

pietatis immobilis erga principem’. 2 It might have been set up under any reign. Such men deserved to succeed. Vitellius wa

was prone to see only the ambition and the agency of individuals. On any count, Balbus should be added. The banker Atticus

e Emperor Claudius, as frank and merciless an enemy to the nobiles as any of his ancestors, or any of the rulers of Rome, i

ank and merciless an enemy to the nobiles as any of his ancestors, or any of the rulers of Rome, introduced his clients, th

c. Libertas, as has been sufficiently shown, may be appropriated by any faction and any government: it soon went the way

s has been sufficiently shown, may be appropriated by any faction and any government: it soon went the way of Pax and becam

or it sought to abolish war and politics. There could be no great men any more: the aristocracy was degraded and persecuted

One man only of all whom the Revolution had brought to power deserved any public repute, and that was Agrippa, so some held

as Tacitus observes. 4 The New State might be called monarchy, or by any other name. That did not matter. Personal rights

mly based in habit and theory as well as in fact, the very absence of any alternative form of rule was an encouragement to

and the benefits of an ordered state. Nor was there need for orators any more, for long speeches in the Senate or before t

al forms. Indeed, it was inconceivable that a Roman should live under any other dispensation. Hence Libertas could be invok

ading. His powers are defined as legal and magisterial; and he excels any colleague he might have, not in potestas, but onl

us and A. Caecina (Severus). What follows does not pretend to be in any sense an edition of a part of the Fasti. It is

ee of the five marriages of Pompeius Magnus. Neither this table nor any of the six that follow claims to be exhaustive, t