ape from the influence of the historians Sallust, Pollio and Tacitus, all of them Republican in sentiment. Hence a delibera

dged head of the Roman State was to baffle by its length and solidity all human and rational calculation. It lasted for for

ption of a specious title, the change in the definition of authority, all that made no difference to the source and facts o

nation is never the less effective for being veiled. Augustus applied all the arts of tone and nuance with the sure ease of

ef summary of the rise of Augustus {Ann, i, 2), makes no reference at all to the ‘Restoration of the Republic’ in 28 and 27

2 The Triumviral period is tangled, chaotic and hideous. To take it all for granted, however, and make a clean beginning

nd culmination, either melancholy or exultant. The conviction that it all had to happen is indeed difficult to discard. 1 Y

a humane and cultivated man, an enduring influence upon the course of all European civilization: he perished a victim of vi

ngular lack of adverse testimony from contemporary sources. Yet for all that, the history of the whole revolutionary peri

nd governed provinces; new-comers to the senatorial aristocracy, they all became deeply imbued with the traditional spirit

l became deeply imbued with the traditional spirit of that order; and all were preoccupied with the fall of Libertas and th

Libertas and the defeat of the governing class. Though symbolized for all time in the Battle of Philippi, it was a long pro

his design a depreciation of Augustus: his ability and greatness will all the more sharply be revealed by unfriendly presen

ality, actions and influence of the principal among his partisans. In all ages, whatever the form and name of government, b

es held office at Rome. Pompeius fought against it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come to terms. Nor could Caesar

tion, built up from the wreckage of other groups and superseding them all . The policy and acts of the Roman People were g

conception was narrow only the ruling order could have any history at all and only the ruling city: only Rome, not Italy. 1

2 And Pompeius is in the direct line of Marius, Cinna and Sulla. 3 It all seems inevitable, as though destiny ordained the

f ambition. 3 The patricians continued to wield an influence beyond all relation to their number; and the nobiles, though

, but its connotation is pretty clear. (As Gelzer shows, Cicero, with all the goodwill in the world, cannot attribute nobil

The nobilitas did not, it is true, stand like a solid rampart to bar all intruders. No need for that the conservative Roma

of lowly agents such as influential freedmen were not despised. Above all , it was necessary to conciliate the second order

Pro Sestio 137. Office was accessible to the ‘industria ac virtus’ of all citizens. There was not even a property-qualifica

n the higher ranks of the aristocracy rather than in the lower. It is all too easy to tax the Roman nobility in the last ep

or conservative ends by aristocratic demagogues. 2 With the Gracchi all the consequences of empire social, economic and p

ke it. The repercussions of the ten years’ war in Italy echoed over all the world. The Senate was confronted by continuou

With these three groups were linked in some fashion or other almost all the chief members of the government, the principe

ilius with better fortune for four years in Cilicia. Most glorious of all were the two Luculli, sons of a Metella and first

M. Licinius Crassus, who commanded NotesPage=>021 1 See, above all , the researches of Münzer, RA, 328 ff. For the st

o maintain the dignity of a family left in poverty and to provide for all his brothers and sisters; 3 the second was of lit

Cato; and Cato was dominated by his step-sister, a woman possessed of all the rapacious ambition of the patrician Servilii

tonem maternam obtinebat auctoritatem. ’ About this woman, cf., above all , Münzer, RA, 336 ff. PageBook=>024 prime.

ory and industry as an advocate, pressed his candidature, championing all popular causes, but none that were hopeless or ho

se. But he did not compromise his future or commit his allegiance for all time. Caesar possessed close kin in certain house

ve commonly been misunderstood. PageBook=>030 and resources of all the East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much

l and pervasive, was his influence in the West Africa and Mauretania, all Spain, and both provinces of Gaul. The power and

crofa, suitably eloquent about pigs (ib. 2, 4, 1 ff.) and a master of all rural science (ib. 1, 2, 10). 3 Varro served as

though a witty man and an orator as well as a soldier. 5 Pompeius set all his hopes on the next year. By scandalous bribery

peius in the East. Pompeius requested their acceptance by the Senate, all in one measure: Lucullus insisted on debate, poin

Caesar reconciled Crassus with Pompeius, to satisfy the ambitions of all three, and turned the year named after the consul

Cicero took heart. He proclaimed the ideal of a conservative union of all classes bound in loyalty to the Senate and guided

as not so in reality. Pompeius had not been idle. Though proconsul of all Spain, he resided in the suburban vicinity of Rom

f patronage for the party in control of the government. Nor was it at all likely that the dynast would abide by letter or s

im take command of the armed forces in Italy. Pompeius already held all Spain, in an anomalous and arbitrary fashion. As

ands of men loyal to the government, or at least not dangerous; 3 and all the kings, princes and tetrarchs, remembering the

er of Marcellinus (cos. 56), cf. P-W IV, 1390. 2 Not that they were all , or consistently, allies of Pompeius: Lentulus Su

nsul who was fighting the wars of the Republic in the East. Sulla had all the ambition of a Roman noble: but it was not his

rank, prestige and honour, summed up in the Latin word dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar, as he claimed, ‘his dignitas

e authority of the Senate and the liberties of the Roman People, that all the land would rise as one man against the invade

eaving Caesar entrapped between the legions of Spain and the hosts of all the East, and then to return, like Sulla, to vict

end. His former ally, the great Pompeius, glorious from victories in all quarters of the world, lay unburied on an Egyptia

d patriotic co-operation of the governing class, the attempt would be all in vain, the mere creation of arbitrary power, do

the guilt of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all , than his younger and more active rival, a spurio

turers, avid for gain and advancement, some for revolution. Yet for all that, in the matter of Caesar’s party the contras

title of Divi filius as consecration for the ruler of Rome. That was all he affected to inherit from Caesar, the halo. The

f the Hellenistic East. Thus may Caesar be represented as the heir in all things of Alexander the Macedonian and as the ant

d laudations of dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could not see a way out’, as o

this brought a tragic sense of impotence and frustration he had been all things and it was no good. 3 He had surpassed the

6 The assumption of a Dictatorship for life seemed to mock and dispel all hope of a return to normal and constitutional gov

an a crime a folly. The verdict is hasty and judges by results. It is all too easy to label the assassins as fanatic adepts

tus, invoking the sanctity of contracts, might have urged that, after all , they had ‘hired the money’. PageBook=>058

memory of Caesar’s amours with Servilia, public and notorious. Above all , to Brutus as to Cato, who stood by the ancient i

onism in a world-empire; and so was the power of the Roman plebs when all Italy enjoyed the franchise. Caesar in truth was

ciple, family tradition and the primacy of civic over private virtue, all these were in the game. Yet in the forefront of t

s respectively. On this faction (hostile to the Scipiones), cf. above all Miinzer, RA, 257 ff. Ch. V THE CAESARIAN PARTY

of another civil war after a brief respite of precarious peace. 2 In all , twenty-six men of consular standing were alive i

tter than his colleague Messalla or his illustrious predecessors, for all four had been involved in flagrant electoral scan

s generosity, revealed in corruption and patronage, knew no limits at all . The most varied motives, ideals and loyalties

ith Crassus; the younger son was dead, the elder followed Caesar, for all that his wife was a Caecilia Metella. 6 NotesPa

rsaries, confiscated their property and deprived their descendants of all political rights. Caesar, advocating clemency fro

ical effect, secured the restitution of Norbanus, Cinna and Carrinas, all names of historic note in the Marian faction. 2 H

soon or late to the Sullan system and the cause of Pompeius. But not all were now Pompeians P. Sulpicius Rufus, a kinsman,

nt. Further, Caesar brought back the three disgraced consulars, not all dubious characters. Gabinius, at least, an old Po

red not only many senators but nobiles at that. Most conspicuous of all is the group of nobiles of patrician stock. Caesa

nspicuous in the Julii and in the Claudii. The novus homo at Rome was all too anxiously engaged in forgetting his origin, i

e out, made savage threats of Sullan proscriptions. 3 The prince of all the bankers and financiers, C. Rabirius Postumus,

wn about his son, a banker whose business had wide ramifications over all the world. The disinterested and enlightened Post

tela. The practice spread to the provinces. Pompeius Magnus surpassed all the proconsuls before him. In the West, in Africa

. Gaul remained loyal during the Civil War. Pompeius Magnus counted all Spain in his clientela. Suitably adopting a Scipi

e proscribed and the victims of Roman political justice, partisans of all categories secured admission to the Senate by sta

the heir, of a family with municipal repute and standing at least not all centurions were rustic and humble in origin. The

ranks as centurions only one is sufficiently attested. 1 Worse than all that, Caesar elevated men from the provinces to a

, which received a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118 B.C., before all Italy became Roman, was also subjected to casual

about fleets and armies, vexing Cicero: he commanded them. 2 Above all , Caesar recruited for his new Senate the properti

cians of Rome, they asserted descent from kings and gods, and through all the frauds of pedigree and legend could at the le

ples of the central highlands, had not belonged to the Roman State at all , but were autonomous allies. Italy had now become

a rose against Rome and fought for freedom and justice. 3 They were all hardy, independent and martial peoples, the Marsi

lian insurgents. Marius had many adherents in the Etruscan towns; and all the Samnites marched on Rome, not from loyalty to

of the Italici (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 317 ff.) are highly revealing, above all the coin of the general Q. Silo which shows eight

revealed what everybody knew and few have recorded bitter discontent all over Italy, broken men and debtors ready for an a

s new senators, some four hundred in number, comprised adherents from all over Italy. Like the families proscribed by Sulla

and perhaps the last senators of their respective families. 3 Above all , the confederate peoples of the Bellum Italicum n

as a senator and consul in the revolutionary period. 2 Most famous of all was P. Ventidius, the army contractor. All poster

anchisement of Italy, could not be confined to Rome, but must embrace all Italy. That Italy should at last enter the gove

its ancient civilization. 2 The earliest consuls bearing these names all belong, as is appropriate, to families that furni

these regions but extends to Picenum and the Sabine country. 4 Above all , there is a type peculiar to the Sabellian people

e all, there is a type peculiar to the Sabellian peoples, thickest of all in the heart of the Apennines among the archaic t

Gallic campaigns. 5 Nine consuls took office in the years 48–44 B.C., all men with senatorial rank before the outbreak of t

patricians in high and striking relief. 6 The four novi homines were all signalized by military service in Gaul. 7 Notes

ius should be consuls in 41 B.C.3 But before these dispositions could all take effect, civil war broke out again and the mi

or law or precedent, appointing numerous suffect consuls as well. For all their admitted talents, it is by no means likely

he timid and the untrustworthy. Cicero, who had lent his eloquence to all political causes in turn, was sincere in one thin

ions of the Roman Senate and the Roman People they had no sympathy at all . The politicians of the previous age, whether con

ests. They were careful to profess in public an intention to maintain all the grants of the Dictator. Promises were added a

sted and promoted by the marshals Decimus Brutus and Trebonius before all . The honour of the army had been outraged. Thou

nstitution might appear to survive in Italy. Not everywhere, or among all classes. When Brutus and Cassius during the month

ons that describe the Liberators as guarded by the devoted loyalty of all Italy. 3 Brutus and Cassius were warmly welcomed

at the head of a consortium of bankers. 5 Atticus, anxiously avoiding all political entanglements, refused and wrecked the

er, or for safety, it was advisable to maintain or contract ties with all parties. Atticus was quite willing to offer Bru

Trebonius went to Asia, Cimber to Bithynia. There were no legions at all in Asia and in Bithynia, only two in the Cisalpin

Republicans did not dare to show themselves before the Roman People, all was not lost. The Dictator was dead, regretted by

ife so firmly imposed by the Dictatorship might even be prolonged. It all turned upon the Caesarian consul. Marcus Antoni

tole his partisans, and contrived against him the last coup d’état of all , the national front and the uniting of Italy. T

d and guileless manner deceived some of his contemporaries and almost all posterity into a false estimate of his political

Citerior. C. Asinius Pollio was in Hispania Ulterior. Nor was this all . The trusty and experienced Caesarian partisans P

sius, NotesPage=>110 1 Ad Att. 14, 14, 4 2 For details about all the provinces at this time, cf. W. Sternkopf, Her

gers of Roman politics. 1 Ambition broke out in the son, a model of all the virtues. 2 He married Atia, the daughter of M

der of the Caesarian NotesPage=>112 1 On the family, see above all Suetonius, Divus Aug. 1 ff., presenting authentic

is not enough to explain the ascension of Octavianus. A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his own st

es of a Caesarian and popular character were passed, a law permitting all ex-centurions, whether of the standing of Roman k

ero, who was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he embarked upon an all too familiar recital of lost opportunities. 3 T

n the Capitol. In revenge for the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as all men know, drove Brutus to his doom on the field o

ione primum coeperim cogitare. ’ So at least on the surface, which is all that we know. Yet Antonius may have spoken as he

sulate, the command of an army, the auctoritas of a senior statesman, all that was too long and too slow. He would have to

intance with Roman political behaviour that he possessed and that was all he needed. It is a common belief, attested by the

of Cicero as a statesman showed the need for courage and constancy in all the paths of duplicity. A change of front in poli

Cisalpine Gaul. Fresh levies were needed. Octavianus had not carried all Campania with him: two old Caesarians of military

im. His enemies had drawn the sword: naked force must decide. But not all at once Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavi

ngerous prominence. The emergence of his stepson as Caesar’s heir put all his talents to the test. On that subject he prese

ct he preserved monumental discretion, giving visitors no guidance at all . 2 To be sure, he had dissuaded the taking up of

Nicolaus, Vita Caesaris 18, 53; Velleius 2, 60, 1 and other sources, all deriving from the Autobiography of Augustus, cf.

ng to say: even when it became safe to inquire or publish, nothing at all could be discovered. 3 Before long a very differe

cause of Caesar’s heir was purely revolutionary in origin, attracting all the enemies of society old soldiers who had dissi

ar’s heir perhaps unjustly. The legacies to the plebs were paid after all by Octavianus, perhaps not wholly from his own fo

were very wealthy. The heir could claim their services. 2 Nor is this all . Caesar, intending to depart without delay to the

erge on his side. When four years have elapsed and Octavianus through all hazards, through all vicissitudes of craft and vi

n four years have elapsed and Octavianus through all hazards, through all vicissitudes of craft and violence, extorts recog

ght when he arrived in Campania. Friends of Caesar, to whom they owed all , they would surely not repel his heir. Yet these

would gladly see Antonius curbed but not destroyed: they were not at all willing to be captured by an anti-Caesarian facti

njoying the protection of his financial resources and his army. 3 Not all invention, perhaps. The subtle intriguers were no

might be said to have encouraged the designs of Octavianus. That was all they had in common in character, career and polic

with such robust conviction. Piso, a patriotic Roman, did not abandon all care for his country and lapse into timorous inac

l with neutrals as with enemies. Spain might bring them victory after all . The agonies of a long flirtation with neutrality

ce but aggravation of discord and impulsion to the most irrational of all civil wars. 3 After March 17th, the sharp perce

an position were rudely dispelled. Cicero’s changed decision had been all in vain. He persisted, however, and returned, tho

however, and returned, though heavy of heart and with no prospect at all of playing a directing part in Roman politics. 2

ch 17th; if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicero was all too often deluded in his political judgements. No

him in the end, if he did not prove pliable. It was Cato’s fatal plan all over again the doom of Antonius would warn the yo

heroic hour, in the long and varied public life of Cicero. Summoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle

long and varied public life of Cicero. Summoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle against Antonius, e

explanation. Cicero was spurred to desperate action by the memory of all the humiliations of the past exile, a fatal misca

still have been achieved. Now, at last, a chance had come to redeem all , to assert leadership, to free the State again or

er ends in tyranny, which is the negation of liberty, the laws and of all civilized life. 3 So much for Caesar. But the d

. 4 Cicero defined the nature of glory, no doubt showing how far, for all their splendour and power, the principes Crassus,

end his policy. It is presumptuous to hold judgement over the dead at all , improper to adduce any standards other than thos

ounted, for vigour, passion and intensity, among the most splendid of all the orations. But oratory can be a menace to post

nly a sincere and consistent champion of legality, but in this matter all too perspicacious a judge of men and politics. Ci

race of vultures, rapacious and obscene. 2 Piso to public view seemed all eyebrows and antique gravity. What dissimulation,

his grandfather did not come from the ancient colony of Placentia at all it was Mediolanium, and he was an Insubrian Gaul

raculous metamorphoses of character. Catilina was not a monster after all : a blended and enigmatic individual, he possessed

mes not merely respectable but even an occasion for just pride why we all come from the municipial! 5 Likewise the foreigne

less than that man from Gades, the irreproachable Balbus. Would that all good men and champions of Rome’s empire might bec

re might become her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had never mattered! 7 From the gross

when both were abolished. For the sake of peace and the common good, all power had to pass to one man. That was not the wo

aiming at regnum or dominatio that was too simple, too crude. It had all been heard before: but it might be hard to resist

e legitimate authority that could demand the unquestioning loyalty of all good citizens? Rome had an unwritten constituti

ccording to the canons of Greek political thought, no constitution at all . This meant that a revolution could be carried th

ete emptiness of content in this political eloquence. The boni, after all , did exist the propertied classes; and it was p

e, whatever be the acts of deception or violence in prospect. At Rome all men paid homage to libertas, holding it to be som

Next to freedom and legitimate government comes peace, a cause which all parties professed with such contentious zeal that

t smooth language. Political intrigue in times of peace played upon all the arts of gentle persuasion to convert an oppon

ς ἀτυξοῦντας πολίτας. PageBook=>160 own head. After the end of all the wars the victor proclaimed that he had killed

xpressly invoked ‘the ordinance enacted by Heaven itself, namely that all things advantageous for the State are right and l

ical mandate, a wider appeal thus lay ready to hand. All the phrases, all the weapons were there: when the constitution had

develop a programme for future action. Octavianus had no standing at all before the law, and Brutus was insecure. Antonius

this argument to demonstrate that Antonius is not really a consul at all should excite suspicion. The conception of a cons

ing member was now the youthful consul P. Cornelius Dolabella; and of all the patricians, primacy in rank and standing went

in the Curia. The remaining five Cicero did not count as consulars at all : that is to say, they were Caesarians. His harsh

es of the West stood Plancus, Lepidus and Pollio, Caesarian partisans all three, but diverse in character, attainments and

ns all three, but diverse in character, attainments and standing; and all three were to survive the years of the Revolution

is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all . The pessimistic and clear-sighted Republican fel

spite and time for negotiation. Even now the situation was not beyond all hope. NotesPage=>168 1 Pro Sestio 137: ‘de

ith Antonius, Brutus and Cassius had acted: they seized the armies of all the lands beyond the sea, from Illyricum to Egypt

the son of the great orator and one of his own near relatives. 3 When all was ready, and the decision at last taken, he mov

r the salvation of the State, no doubt. By the end of the year almost all Macedonia was in his hands; and not only Macedoni

legion. 5 Besiegers and besieged alike joined Cassius. That was not all . The Caesarian A. Allienus was conducting four le

n of making war against Dolabella, with an extraordinary command over all the provinces of the East. The revolutionary ch

patriotic and high-minded citizens Lepidus and Plancus, but spurning all thought of negotiation so long as Antonius retain

occasion for rejoicing. ‘Think rather of the desolation of Italy and all the fine soldiers slain’, wrote Pollio from Spain

. With a glorious victory to the credit of the patriotic armies and all the provinces of the East in the hands of Brutus

the hands of Brutus and Cassius, the Republic appeared to be winning all along the line. The NotesPage=>174 1 Ad fa

ook=>164 East were consigned to Cassius in one act. Nor was this all . Sextus Pompeius had already promised his aid to

oliticians about the ‘Marvellous unanimity of the Roman People and of all Italy’. 2 The energy of Antonius, the devotion

ty, interest or patriotism of the governors of the western provinces, all had conspired to preserve him from the armed viol

e and property, in the spirit and deed of revolution. On April 27th all Rome celebrated the glorious victory of Mutina. A

ver have said it. That did not matter. The happy invention epitomized all too faithfully the subtle and masterly policy of

n Cicero’s fanatical feud against Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations with M. Antonius he may still have hope

Salvidienus. Men fear death, exile and poverty too much. Cicero, for all his principles, accommodates himself to servitude

ropitious master. Brutus for his part will continue the fight against all powers that set themselves above the law. ’6 On

er written by Cicero to Octavianus, the Roman and the Republican lost all patience. NotesPage=>170 1 The evidence do

Roman world. Antonius when consul had abolished the Dictatorship for all time. The tyrannic office was now revived under a

lic life. The Triumvirs, however, decided to root out their opponents all at once, alleging in excuse the base ingratitude

menaces: ‘Sulla potuit, ego non potero? ’3 The realization surpassed all memory and all fears. As if to give a measure of

a potuit, ego non potero? ’3 The realization surpassed all memory and all fears. As if to give a measure of their ruthlessn

d. With them perished honour and security, family and friendship. Yet all was not unrelieved horror. History was to commemo

re pitiless, logical and concordant. On the list of the proscriptions all told they set one hundred and thirty senators and

a lack of evidence for the significant category, that of knights. In all , nearly 100 names of the proscribed have been rec

ed slaves could be detected. 6 As with the recruitment of the Senate, all rules and all propriety were now cast off in the

d be detected. 6 As with the recruitment of the Senate, all rules and all propriety were now cast off in the choice of magi

int and its leaders were the young men of the faction of Cato, almost all kinsmen of Marcus Brutus. When Brutus left Ital

f the imposing company of Caesar’s legates in the Gallic Wars2 almost all were now dead. After the establishment of the Tri

Roman People. A new generation of marshals enters the field, almost all non-Latin in their nomenclature. Some had held in

s upon the Fasti. 7 The Antonians Decidius, Ventidius and Canidius, all famed NotesPage=>200 1 Dio 47, 30, 5. Cf.

ribed. But the Caesarians claimed a right and a duty that transcended all else, the avenging of Caesar. Pietas prevailed, a

ed aside to deal with Sex. Pompeius, who by now had won possession of all Sicily, sending Salvidienus against him. 5 Lack o

en Antonius joined Lepidus and Plancus, Brutus may not have abandoned all hope of an accommodation with East and West so ev

ne account runs, through a defect of his eyesight1 and believing that all was lost, Cassius fell upon his sword. Such was t

ciple, a tradition and a class narrow, imperfect and outworn, but for all that the soul and spirit of Rome. No battle of

outworn, but for all that the soul and spirit of Rome. No battle of all the Civil Wars was so murderous to the aristocrac

e Gaul, they NotesPage=>206 1 Velleius 2, 71, 2 f.: these were all (including Drusus) related together. Of nobiles t

of the dynasts, the share of Caesar’s heir was arduous, unpopular and all but fatal to himself. No calculation could have p

the soldiery. Riots broke out and his life was in danger. Rome and all Italy was in confusion, with murderous street bat

ope of effecting a junction with the generals of his brother who held all the Gallic provinces. Octavianus, with Agrippa

Octavianus’ best marshal and last hope. The Triumvir’s own province, all Gaul beyond the Alps, was held for him by Calenus

of legions: they, too, had opposed Salvidienus. 2 But that was not all . The Republican fleets dominated the seas, Ahenob

and held Venetia for a time against the generals of Octavianus. Then all is a blank, save that he negotiated with the Repu

coeval Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus their senior had triumphed over all hazards. Confronted by their vigour and resolutio

hing with an armament from the East, Antonius’ man Calenus still held all Gaul beyond the Alps. On the coasts Ahenobarbus t

the east, Pompeius from the south and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assailed at once. Pompeius dro

. 3 Caesar’s heir would soon be trapped and crushed at last. That way all odds pointed and most men’s hopes. In his emerg

. His son, lacking experience or confidence, was induced to surrender all Gaul and eleven legions. 5 Octavianus left Italy

more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all . Nor did he see the Queen of Egypt again until ne

of legions: they were famished and unreliable, and he had no ships at all . Not merely did Antonius hold the sea and starve

tige of Antonius. PageBook=>217 Salvidienus with the armies of all Gaul was in negotiation and ready to desert. If a

ground, available for recruiting to both leaders, while Antonius held all the provinces beyond the sea, from Macedonia east

against class, the dominance of riot and violence, the dissolution of all obligations human and divine, a cumulation of hor

A string of Messianic candidates with spurious credentials or none at all may summarily be dismissed. A definite claim was

s the peer of Agrippa and Ventidius, and most remarkable, perhaps, of all the marshals of the Revolution. Like Balbus, he h

proletariat of Italy, and represented Caesarism and the Revolution in all that was most brutal and odious. Their reasoned a

southern Asia as far as the coast of Caria in the west, in the south all the lands from Syria down to Jerusalem. Most of t

nthus, BMC, R. Rep. 11, 500; 504; 508; 524. Not that Sosius was there all the time he governed Syria for Antonius in 38–36.

the East, with another woman. But that was not yet apparent, least of all to Antonius NotesPage=>226 (No Notes) Ch

th certain eminent Republicans now in the alliance of Antonius, above all Ahenobarbus; 2 and his own son was betrothed to a

land. They soon overran the greater part. Pompeius was forced to risk all on the chance of another sea-fight. Superior numb

here awaited him a welcome, sincere as never before. Many no doubt in all classes regretted the son of Pompeius the Great a

cond time in 40 B.C., with no record of his activity, and governor of all Spain for Octavianus the year after. No other n

ations against the Liberators in Macedonia. Nor are senators’ sons at all frequent in the revolutionary faction. The Peduca

f aliens and freedmen, of which support Pompeius had no monopoly, but all the odium. 2 C. Proculeius, however, now turns up

only a Roman knight, but a person of repute and consequence. 3 Above all , the full narrative of the Sicilian campaigns rev

iates seven men who had held or were very soon to hold the consulate, all men of distinction or moment, inherited or acquir

onius (cos. suff. 33) and indeed of his subsequent history nothing at all is known. 2 Destined ere long to a place in war a

ic careerists, like the dynastic Livia Drusilla, the greatest of them all , were to be amply NotesPage=>238 1 Dio 49,

on to inherit his leadership of the Caesarian party and monarchy over all the world. Of the Caesarian leaders, neither coul

tia with impunity. The inheritance of Empire demanded the conquest of all Illyricum and the Balkans up to the Danube and th

riumph (33) repaired a temple of Hercules. These were some, but not all , of the edifices that already foreshadowed the ma

f aedile, and carried out a vast programme of public works, restoring all conduits and drains, and building a new aqueduct,

imminent but for the peace that was to follow victory in the last of all the civil wars. NotesPage=>242 1 Dio 49, 4

ts, fulfilling a solemn pledge, restore the Republic after the end of all the wars. Though a formidable body of interests w

ars, impressive in number but not in dignity, recent creations almost all . By the end of the year 33 B.C. they numbered ove

enty-five men, the earliest consuls of their respective families (not all , of course, sons of Roman knights: there were a n

one Claudius only, one Aemilius, partisans of Octavianus; no Fabii at all , of the patrician Cornelii two at the most, perha

at was not the reason of his promotion. PageBook=>246 the best all bone and nerve, but liable to be dry, tenuous a

Spain, and devoted his energies to scholarship, taking as his subject all antiquities, human and divine. 1 Caesar had invok

s, for he, too, was witness of a political contest that stripped away all principle, all pretence, and showed the authentic

was witness of a political contest that stripped away all principle, all pretence, and showed the authentic features of a

ch him with Thucydides, admiring in him gravity, concision and, above all , an immortal rapidity of narrative. 5 He had cert

an immortal rapidity of narrative. 5 He had certainly forged a style all of his own, shunning the harmonies of formal rhet

of the decay of ancient virtue and the ruin of the Roman People with all the melancholy austerity of a moralist and a patr

ain and the establishment of despotic power. 3 With the past returned all the shapes and ministers of evil, great and small

ts of Epicurus, the passionate young lyric poets Calvus and Catullus, all died shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War

ilis and Cornificius was born of reputable senatorial stock. The rest all came from the province of Gallia Cisalpina, Cato,

rundisium:1 how long he remained an Antonian, there is no evidence at all . Virgil, however, persevered with poetry, compl

dour the nuptials of Antonius, the peace of Brundisium and the end of all the wars. Maecenas hoped to employ Virgil’s art i

of NotesPage=>253 1 Not that there is any definite evidence at all : the Arcadian scenery of Ecl. 10 could not safely

the full onrush of foreign religions or gross superstitions, invading all classes. T. Sextius, the Caesarian general in Afr

its shape and final formulation. This intermediate epoch showed in all things a strange mixture of the old and the new.

. Since then seven years had passed. But he was not yet the leader of all Italy. In this NotesPage=>257 1 Nepos, Vit

lent help to the invader, while Deiotarus, the most military of them all , lay low, aged but not decrepit: true to himself,

but not decrepit: true to himself, he had just grasped possession of all Galatia, murdering a tetrarch and a tetrarch’s wi

the fourth king. The policy and the choice of the agents goes beyond all praise: it was vindicated by history and by the j

doms of Alexander’s successors, the most coherent and durable of them all : a loss if destroyed, a risk to annex, a problem

s of personal allegiance. Pompeius Magnus, binding to his clientela all the kings, dynasts and cities of the wide East, h

t was not enough to acquire the adherence of influential dynasts over all the East, friends of Rome and friends of Antonius

vel or untimely: it revealed a habit and created a policy. At Ephesus all Asia proclaimed Caesar as a god manifest, son of

Gallic and Spanish cavalry and the levies of the client princes above all the Armenian horse of Artavasdes, for this was es

tion in the Roman State. The young Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, beyond all doubt the best of his family, refused to accept a

an, was led in golden chains to pay homage to Cleopatra. That was not all . Another ceremony was staged in the gymnasium. An

ueen of Kings’ over the eastern dependencies. Titles of kingdoms, not all of them in the power or gift of Antonius, were al

the resplendent donations, whatever they were, made no difference at all to provincial administration in the East. Yet eve

he strength of the Hellenistic monarchies. Rome spread confusion over all the East and in the end brought on herself wars f

aea. There is no sign of infatuation here if infatuation there was at all . Antonius the enslaved sensualist belongs to popu

ot fear Antonius: she was planning a war of revenge that was to array all the East against Rome, establish herself as empre

ly did not. 1 The propaganda of Octavianus magnified Cleopatra beyond all measure and decency. To ruin Antonius it was not

upremacy of Caesar’s heir and the resurgent nation of Italy. Yet, for all that, the contest soon assumed the august and sol

candal, and the private vices of lust, cruelty and cowardice. 1 Above all Octavianus attacked Antonius’ devotion to drink a

clear: he had been Triumvir for ten years (Res Gestae 7). A master in all the arts of political fraud did not need to stoop

id marriage with a foreign woman. PageBook=>281 able to retain all his partisans or prevent their adhesion to Octavi

ing a feud with subsequent repercussions. 1 Ahenobarbus was steadfast all through against the blandishments of Cleopatra, r

ion of belief may safely be recommended. Nor is it to be fancied that all the land rose as one man in patriotic ardour, cla

manner in which the measure was carried out there stands no record at all . The oath of allegiance was perhaps not a single

y one decree of the Caesarian leader and executed simultaneously over all Italy, but rather the culmination in the summer o

corrupt plebs or the packed and disreputable Senate of the city, but all Italy. The phrase was familiar from recent hist

d be invoked for revolution, for reaction or for domination, even for all three ends at once. The tribune Livius Drusus, wo

ently oblivious of recent Italian history. The Marsi had no reason at all to be passionately attached to Roman gods and gar

he strife for power an ideal, august and patriotic character. But not all at once. A conscious and united Italy cannot ha

a following among the propertied classes of Italy. The oath embraced all orders of society and attached a whole people to

On the character, form and true significance of the oath, see, above all , Premerstein, o.c, 26 ff., esp. 36 ff. For the wo

barian queen upon the Capitol with her eunuchs, her mosquito-nets and all the apparatus of oriental luxury. That was absurd

r. Octavianus, supported by the oath of allegiance and consensus of all Italy, usurped authority and the conduct of a pat

Queen of Egypt, the foreign enemy, the Roman leader declared war with all the traditional pomp of an ancient rite. With Ant

ncial cities like Gades and Corduba. 2 Old Balbus and his nephew were all but monarchic in their native Gades; it may be pr

leadership of Caesar, united in patriotic resolve for the last war of all . Hinc Augustus agens Italos in prolia Caesar

ns. 1 But would Roman soldiers fight for the Queen of Egypt? They had all the old personal loyalty of Caesarian legions to

cation. Antonius concentrated his forces in the neighbourhood. Then all is obscure. Months passed, with operations by lan

legions. The course, character and duration of the battle itself is all a mystery—and a topic of controversy. There may h

gnoble propaganda against Cleopatra, to the sworn and sacred union of all Italy. But the young Caesar required the glory of

ar required the glory of a victory that would surpass the greatest in all history, Roman or Hellenic. 4 In the official ver

al divinities of Nile. Against Rome were arrayed the motley levies of all the eastern lands, Egyptians, Arabs and Bactrians

ed by a renegade in un-Roman attire, ‘varus Antonius armis’. Worst of all , the foreign woman— sequiturque, nefas, Aegypti

no useful purpose : he even claimed that after his victory he spared all Roman citizens who asked to be spared. 4 dementia

war of revenge; and the last of the dynasts might desire to outshine all the generals of the Republic, Pompeius, Crassus a

gns in Illyricum, for the War of Actium and for the War of Alexandria— all wars of Rome against a foreign enemy. The martial

liberty and concord. Peace was a tangible blessing. For a generation, all parties had triven for peace: once attained, it b

nate had voted that the Temple of Janus should be closed, a sign that all the world was at peace on land and sea. 5 The imp

enemy. After Actium, the victor who had seduced in turn the armies of all his adversaries found himself in the embarrassing

g of the rich treasure from Egypt became everywhere apparent. 3 Above all , security of tenure was to be the watchword of th

moted to annul the illegal and arbitrary acts of the Triumvirate— not all of them surely: the scope and force of this act o

. From 31 B.C onwards he had been consul every year. But that was not all . The young despot not only conceded, but even cla

llegiance but to the crowning victory of Actium and the reconquest of all the eastern lands for Rome. 2 The consensus embra

ds for Rome. 2 The consensus embraced and the oath enlisted, not only all Italy, but the whole world. 3 In 28 B.C Caesar’s

es, who no doubt were numerous. Octavianus disowned him, breaking off all amicitia. After a prosecution for high treason in

s is even mentioned by the loyal historian Velleius Paterculus, hence all the more reason to revive suppressed discordances

e new Romulus, who tried to engross and concentrate on his own person all prestige and success in war, as an almost religio

proconsuls were a menace. Yet it would be inexpedient to remove them all . Octavianus decided upon a half-measure. Under

) describes the offence as ‘temerati crimen amici’. Gallus may, after all , have been simply sacrificed to conciliate the fe

e a wife from the noblest houses in Rome. 4 On this topic see above all J. Gage, Rev. hist, CLXXI (1933), 1 ff PageBook

nd of power, no surrender. Only words and forms were changed, and not all of them. As ‘dux’ the young Caesar had fought t

ublic; and the victor of Actium was the last and the greatest of them all . It could also fit a political leader—dux partium

e deemed to be over and gone. The word had too military a flavour for all palates: it would be expedient to overlay the har

ower. 1 The name was not always given in praise, for the princeps was all too often a political dynast, exerting illicit po

on for the holder of vague and tremendous powers did not make its way all at once. Princeps remained also and very truly Du

on January 13th, 27 B.C., when he solemnly announced that he resigned all powers and all provinces to the free disposal of

, 27 B.C., when he solemnly announced that he resigned all powers and all provinces to the free disposal of the Senate and

enate, People and magistrates were to resume the rightful exercise of all their functions. Three days later the Senate ag

f Senate and People had been restored. It remains to discover what it all amounted to. On the face of things, the new pow

and Egypt stood apart from the reckoning. But Augustus did not take all the legions: three proconsuls had armies under th

, sanguis meus! 6 Save for that veiled rebuke, no word of Caesar in all the epic record of Rome’s glorious past. Followin

e memory he had traduced after death. Again, Horace in the Odes omits all mention of Caesar the Dictator. Only the Julium s

ctator. Only the Julium sidus is there— the soul of Caesar, purged of all earthly stain, transmuted into a comet and lendin

sar’s heir. 1 The picture is consistent. Livy, Virgil and Horace of all Augustan writers stand closest to the government.

1 Odes I, 12, 47. 2 Plutarch, Cicero 49. 3 For example, and above all , E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchie u. das Principal des

no way peculiar to Cicero: the speeches of his peers and rivals have all perished. That being so, the resurgence of phrase

ers and ministers of despotism. There were none of them left—they had all joined the national government. Cicero would easi

ved to himself and to others that the new order was the best state of all , more truly Republican than any Republic, for it

from consensus Italiae and concordia ordinum; it commended itself to all good citizens, for it asserted the sacred rights

n the Republic of Augustus:2 very little attention was paid to him at all , or to Pompeius. Genuine Pompeians there still we

abstract speculation, but in the situation itself. Beyond and above all legal and written prescription stands auctoritas;

ugustus possessed indefinite and tremendous resources, open or secret— all that the principes in the last generation held, b

wisdom had chosen, with or without formal commendation. He controlled all the armies of the Roman People, in fact though no

or to the legions, a king and a god to the subject populations. Above all , he stood at the head of a large and well organiz

ated. Not, however, under the fatal name of dictator or monarch. 1 On all sides prevailed a conspiracy of decent reticence

er the Civil Wars he has not deigned to allude to this transaction at all . 2 In truth, it may be regarded merely as the leg

revocata. ’2 The words have a venerable and antiquarian ring. That is all ; and that is enough to show them up. Suetonius,

ent, the identity of the agents and ministers of power. That task has all too often been ignored or evaded. Augustus prop

inces had been governed by proconsuls, usually consular in rank. Thus all Spain, it appears, had been under one governor, w

o remove proconsuls from Spain, Gaul and Syria, becoming proconsul of all those regions himself. That was NotesPage=>3

, Baetica, to the list of public provinces in 27 B.C. Which is not at all likely. Strabo is even worse. In his account of t

actice. No longer the menace of a single consular proconsul governing all Spain, but instead two or three legates, inferior

garrison was kept small in size, perhaps some five or six legions in all . Reasons of internal politics thus helped to post

in fact attested, namely three of the principal marshals of Augustus, all novi homines. 2 Under the Triumvirate and in th

the others had consular ancestors—if their parents were senatorial at all , they were obscure and low in rank. These legates

torial debate and public policy, a vague and traditional control over all provincial governors. At need, he could revive th

s consul and proconsul, open, public and admitted. In the background, all the overwhelming prestige of his auctoritas, and

the background, all the overwhelming prestige of his auctoritas, and all the vast resources of personal domination over th

veterans to dismiss, cities to found, territories to organize. Above all , the Princeps must build up, for Rome, Italy and

n of forces. The Romans operated in three columns of invasion; and as all glory and all history now concentrate upon a sing

he Romans operated in three columns of invasion; and as all glory and all history now concentrate upon a single person, onl

of Carisius). PageBook=>333 In Citerior the next three legates all had hard fighting to do. 1 Finally in 19 B.C Agri

peace of the world reposed. Meagre and confused, the sources defy and all but preclude the attempt to reconstruct the true

ight well have been the last, and was certainly the most critical, in all the long Principate of Augustus. 3 From a const

eal a lack of satisfaction with the ‘felicissimus status’. Worse than all that, it touched the very heart and core of the p

me years, fervent and official language had celebrated the crusade of all Italy and the glorious victory of Actium for Acti

stained note of jubilation, as though men knew its falsity: behind it all there lurked a deep sense of disquiet and insecur

ave him a general initiative in policy, he took various powers, above all proconsular imperium over the whole empire. 2 In

erium over the whole empire. 2 In fact, but not in name, this reduced all proconsuls to the function of legates of Augustus

al. The new settlement liberated the consulate but planted domination all the more firmly. The tribunicia potestas was elus

estas was elusive and formidable; while imperium is so important that all mention of it is studiously omitted from the maje

τ ν π ραν ‘Ioνίoυ διάδoχoς Kαίσαρι. Against a grant of authority over all the East in 23 B.C. can be urged the fact that a

the Principate assumed form and definition. If an exact date must at all costs be sought in what is a process, not a serie

o the land of the distant and proverbial Garamantes. 3 That was not all . The appointment of a pair of censors in 22 B.C.

o be seen by the Roman People youthful but grave and melancholy, with all the burden of duty and destiny upon him. August

nal leader. In the critical year of Murena’s conspiracy and Augustus’ all but fatal illness the secret struggle for influen

re Livia, Maecenas and Agrippa. Augustus could not afford to alienate all three. In alliance they had made him, in alliance

ippa was in the habit of acknowledging a great debt. 1 On the surface all was harmony, as ever, and Agrippa continued to pl

ver present in counsel and ready for action. Agrippa had been through all the wars of the Revolution and had won most of th

this Augustan masterpiece. Virtus begets ambition; and Agrippa had all the ambition of a Roman. His refusal of honours w

es and their power. M. Vipsanius Agrippa was a better Republican than all the descendants of consuls his ideal of public ut

hreaten the leader’s monopoly of prestige and honour and would reveal all too barely the realities of power. That would nev

his secret and never told his true opinion about the leader whom they all supported for Rome’s sake. The service of the Sta

pa subsequently received proconsular power like that of Augustus over all the provinces of the Empire, and more than that,

he Empire, and more than that, the tribunicia potestas, he was not in all things the equal and colleague of Caesar Augustus

was thus established of two partners in supreme power, twin rulers of all the world, as a schematic and convenient theory m

vocally designated to assume the inheritance of sole power, to become all that Augustus had been. The nobiles would not hav

one man stood supreme, invested with power and with auctoritas beyond all others, he could invite to a share in his rule al

expected that the qualities requisite for a ruler of the world should all be found in one man. A triumvirate was ready to h

figure-head was desirable. Augustus, with his name and his luck, was all that and more. PageNote. 346 (No Notes) Pag

e too narrow, especially as concerned provinces and armies. Despite all the delegation to dependent princes or Greek citi

the provinces, at Tarraco, Lugdunum and Samos. But the Princeps after all stood at the head of the Roman State and would be

tes of three hundred and more disloyal or misguided senators were not all tenderly to be spared out of respect for dignity:

M. Octavius. But, for that matter, few Triumviral consuls even are at all prominent under the Principate. 2 Dio 51, 4, 6.

was the abolition of direct taxation in Italy, crushingly imposed by all parties in the struggle for power after Caesar’s

bly more easy. The justification for advancement lay in service above all , military service. In this way a soldier’s family

paid in money. 4 Soldiers dismissed in the years 7-2 B.C. received in all no less than four hundred million sesterces. 5 Th

are attested as senators in the purified Senate of Augustus. 8 Above all , freedmen were employed by the Princeps as his pe

XI, 6058), and L. Firmius (ILS 2226). On the whole subject, cf. above all A. Stein, Der r. Ritterstand (1927), 136 ff. 2

New State. In the last generation of the Republic the financiers had all too often been a political nuisance. When at vari

amour for the disgrace she brought upon her family, her ancestors and all posterity by succumbing to the vile embraces of a

backbone of Augustus’ faction, the prime agents in the plebiscite of all Italy. So the New State, perpetuating the Revolut

ria eastwards towards Picenum and the Sabine land. Now they came from all Italy in its widest extension, from the foothills

ng the garb and pretext of ancient virtue and manly independence, but all too often rapacious, corrupt and subservient to p

uld never pretend to derive from pure Latin stock. 2 Above and before all stands that blatant prodigy of nomenclature, Sex.

ut safe votes for the Princeps in his restored and sovran assembly of all Italy. Names more familiar than these now emerg

re. Apart from these two men (and Quirinius and Valgius) there are in all the years 15 B.C. A.D. 3 very few consuls who are

enum was now added the fresh vigour of the North. The newest Italy of all , Italia Transpadana, renowned already in Latin le

nction, proudly recorded on his tomb, of being the first senator from all the Paeligni. 4 NotesPage=>363 1 L. Aproni

a coalition of the municipal families, whether in the Senate or not, all alike now looking to Rome as their capital, to th

ter the imperial Senate, time and circumstance would ordain. 1 Over all the world were zealous and interested defenders o

ays and sentiments, a steady reinforcement of the citizen body. Above all , the propertied classes in the towns of the Empir

m Agrippa prized so highly, Polemo of Pontus or the Thracian dynasts, all worked for Rome, as though provincial governors.

Caesar admitted provincials. No evidence that Augustus expelled them all . The descendants of the Narbonensian partisans re

willing to make their peace with the military dynast. Augustus bent all his efforts to attaching these young nobiles to h

on of Marcellus; it may be conjectured that certain among them, above all Agrippa, whose policy prevailed on that occasion,

PageBook=>369 THE Princeps and his friends controlled access to all positions of honour and emolument in the senatori

opment is clear. The minor magistracies were not definitely regulated all at once. 1 For the rest, the practice of the revo

and themselves, down to the last survivor, Caesar’s heir. Engrossing all their power and all their patronage, he convenien

n to the last survivor, Caesar’s heir. Engrossing all their power and all their patronage, he conveniently revived the Repu

, leaving the other for free election. Compare Caesar’s practice, for all magistracies except the consulate (Suetonius, Div

other of the marshals. Nor will it be forgotten that Taurus was there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome was

ing programmes or solid merit. Caesar and the Triumvirs had changed all that. None the less, though modified, the old cat

Fabius Maximus, may even have enjoyed his confidence. 3 They were not all trusted: yet he could not deny them the consulate

with one another and with the dynasty; and though the Scipiones were all but extinct, numerous Lentuli saved and transmitt

Book=>380 Power, distinction and wealth, the Princeps had seized all the prerogatives of the nobility. The youth who h

patrimony for the good of the State found himself the richest man in all the world. Like the earlier dynasts, he spent for

t merely at state banquets, but on less exacting occasions, draped in all her pearls, and little else: her attire was value

, influence and patronage had always been paramount. Nobles and above all patricians had a long start. M. Aemilius Lepidus

when of quaestorian rank: Antonius was a noble. But Antonius required all Caesar’s influence behind him: he was contending

d be resigned by the Senate to the Princeps. 1 If appointed by lot at all , certain of the military proconsuls in the early

ht for liberty during the Bellum Perusinum and committed suicide when all was lost. 4 NotesPage=>383 1 For examples,

t;385 Influences more secret and more sinister were quietly at work all the time women and freedmen. The great political

ncluding Sallustius Crispus, Dellius, the Cocceii. 3 Compare, above all , the penetrating studies of A. Alföldi, RM XLIX (

he four emperors who followed Nero in the space of a single year were all persons conspicuous and influential at Court. S

orrupt and inefficient as might hastily be imagined, the governing of all Italy and a wide empire under the ideas and syste

i quam Romae fieri. ’ 3 On policy and events in the East, cf. above all J. G. C. Anderson, CAH X, 239 ff. 4 Suetonius,

rthern frontier, from Gaul to Macedonia: a great advance was designed all along the line. 1 Illyricum is the central theme,

by Thrace. The Roman territory was narrow and awkward, lacking above all in lateral communications there was (and is) no w

ever, was greater still. There was the Rhine as well. The glory of it all was intended to fall to Agrippa and the two Claud

earlier years, as deputy wherever Augustus happened not to be, above all as vicegerent of the whole East; and he was inten

dead and Tiberius in exile. The government resisted the trial. For all his capacity and merits, Tiberius was not the onl

nd Ahenobarbus receive no ode from Horace. PageBook=>393 Above all , there is a singular lack of historical evidence

skilled to lead native cavalry and to provide for commissariat. Not all men of senatorial rank were untried in active war

t along with Caecina Severus, the legate of Moesia, in a great battle all but disastrous for Rome, and remained for two yea

ps was Lollius. Silvanus and Piso, however, were nobiles. These men all held high command in the provinces of the East wi

assigned to M. Vinicius (ILS 8965). On the propriety of putting them all in this blank period 9 B.C.–A.D. 6 (or even more

distinguished of their class, namely Lollius, Quirinius and Vinicius, all with long careers of useful service. Of the rest,

a of individual politicians. 4 At Rome the Princeps seized control of all games and largesse. The descendants of great Repu

phies commemorated the glory and the vanity of the great Pompeius. Of all that, nothing more. Domitius and Titius were the

ve his name to commemorative games was Paullus Fabius Maximus. 4 On all sides the monarchic Princeps robbed the other pri

not crushed. The strife for wealth and powrer went on, concealed, but all the more intense and bitter, in the heart of the

o complains that the task of the historian has been aggravated beyond all measure under the Republic the great questions of

d have to be expert preparation and firm control behind the scenes of all public transactions. The era of cabinet governmen

fluence of wealthy knights, whether as individuals or as corporations all this has sufficiently been demonstrated. The domi

Dictatorship of Caesar. While the Senate held empty debate or none at all , and prominent dignitaries waited muttering on hi

the modest Proculeius, remained within their station. The greatest of all was Maecenas. After 23 B.C. Maecenas gradually lo

who had served in the provinces as procurators became available above all the Prefects of Egypt, a land strictly managed on

Augustus the Father of his Country. 3 Religion, law and literature all came under guidance, from above and from behind.

m controlled the greater number of the military regions directly, and all provinces indirectly. The statute of 23 B.C. may

of the northern frontier and was willing to communicate them. Above all , Agrippa was there. The Romans thought in terms o

e definition of official powers, the phraseology to disguise them and all the elaborate setting of a solemn political show.

the Princeps, though sometimes exaggerated and always malevolent, was all too well founded. The propaganda of Octavianus ha

followed in 17 B.C. the Princeps adopted the two boys as his own. In all , this fruitful union produced five children two d

a high ambition; like Agrippa, he would yield to Augustus but not in all things. His pride had been wounded, his dignitas

honours and royal inheritance that awaited the princes. But that was all in the situation already. Nobody could have been

Rome in the absence of Tiberius. For the internal history cf., above all , E. Groag, Wiener Studien XL (1918), 150 ff.; XLI

that the whole world felt the shock of Tiberius’ departure. 1 Not at all : both the Princeps and his party were strong enou

nce is dramatic and impressive. Close behind comes Quirinius. Above all , several groups of nobiles, the peers and rivals

f the Roman People, the master of the legions, the king of kings. For all that, they might flourish in the shadow of the mo

itician derived commonly from a more recent nobility, or from none at all . The firmest defenders of Libertas were nobles of

the authentic spirit of the Republic and the Republican virtues, were all sons of Roman knights, of municipal extraction; a

three pairs of women bearing the names Octavia, Antonia and Marcella, all of whom except the daughters of M. Antonius were

the son of Sex. Appuleius. 4 These four consulars were perhaps not all outstanding in talent or very closely related to

;422 1 Propertius 4, 11, 63 ff. See Table IV at end. 2 Nothing at all is known about M. Livius Drusus Libo, cos. 15 B.C

still lived on; and he had something of a party. 1 The Scipiones were all but extinct; 2 but the other great branch of the

rchy of government after Sulla are now missing or sadly reduced above all the faction of the Liberators. Certain great ho

son or grandson of the consul of 38 B.C., and a Cornelius Scipio were all relegated. 5 The offence may have been transgress

und the accomplished Antonius more amiable than her grim husband. But all is uncertain if Augustus struck down Julia and An

raiding Germans a trifling defeat, soon repaired but magnified beyond all measure by his detractors. 5 In the following yea

erainty; Maroboduus, the ruler of a Bohemian kingdom, was isolated on all sides. 6 NotesPage=>431 1 Quoted by Sueton

st Lepidus not Gallus, however, the husband of Vipsania. Gallus, with all his father’s fierce independence of spirit, was d

on. In the background, however, stand certain noble houses which, for all their social eminence, do not seem to have been i

ndividual character as a people. While they took over and assimilated all that the Hellenes could give, they shaped their h

subdued to their rule nations more intractable than the conqueror of all the East had ever seen. In a surge of patriotic e

tas and his magnitudo animi, the candour and the chivalry of Antonius all these qualities had to be eradicated from the pri

poor, but the State was rich. His immoral and selfish descendants had all but ruined the Roman People. Conquest, wealth and

e ‘mos maiorum’. That office savoured of regimentation, its title was all too revealing. More to the point, he did not need

rom their own class, preferred alliance with a freedwoman, or none at all . With marriage and without it, the tone and hab

ned collapse of Rome and the Empire, engendered a feeling of guilt it all came from neglect of the ancient gods. The evil w

favour of Antonius, by a procedure condemned as irregular. 3 As in all else, the First Citizen could act without law or

. In 28 B.C. the Senate entrusted Augustus with the task of repairing all temples in the city of Rome. No fewer than eighty

of Actium was religious as well as national on the one side Rome and all the gods of Italy, on the other the bestial divin

ourage’. The Roman People occupied a privileged rank in the empire of all the world. Privilege should stand for service. If

gainst Rome in the last struggle of the peoples of the Apennine above all the Marsi, ‘genus acre virum’, a tribe small in n

Marsi, ‘genus acre virum’, a tribe small in numbers but renowned for all time in war. In the exaltation of ‘Itala virtus’

ions of Rome to battle against the Parthians; and the Principate, for all its profession of peace, called on Rome and Italy

ion of peace, called on Rome and Italy to supply soldiers for warfare all over the world. They were united now, and strong,

ar had inspired visions of the Fortunate Isles, where nature provided all fruits without the work of man’s hand, might medi

. 451 1 Aen. 12, 827. 2 Georgics 2, 173 f. 3 On this, cf. above all M. Rostovtzeff, Soc. and Ec. Hist., 50 ff. 4 No

that the other was a Picene. That was no palliation. These men before all others should have provided the ‘Itala virtus’ th

scount of the allegations of Antonius, the scandal about Terentia and all the gossip that infests the back-stairs of monarc

e. The Augustus of history and panegyric stands aloof and alone, with all the power and all the glory. But he did not win p

history and panegyric stands aloof and alone, with all the power and all the glory. But he did not win power and hold it b

cultu victuque’, effected much by his personal example. Yet more than all that, the sober standards prevalent in the societ

commendation. Here too a contrast between appearance and reality. For all the talk about the peasant farmer, all the glorif

en appearance and reality. For all the talk about the peasant farmer, all the glorification of the martial ideals of an imp

eans abundant. On the other hand, northern or provincial Italy, above all the parts beyond the Po, a region predominantly C

like Sulla’s men. Even freedmen were not treated as outcasts. Above all , the aristocracy was sharply recalled to its here

Princeps, now a monopolist of the means of influencing opinion, used all his arts to persuade men to accept the Principate

to duty. ‘Sum pius Aeneas’, as he stamps himself at once. Throughout all hazards of his high mission, Aeneas is sober, ste

. PageBook=>463 And so Aeneas follows his mission, sacrificing all emotion to pietas, firm in resolution but sombre

estiny foretold the coming of a great ruler in Italy and conqueror of all the world: sed fore qui gravidam imperiis belloqu

rgil, Horace and Livy are the enduring glories of the Principate; and all three were on terms of personal friendship with A

heir genius was not the creation of the Augustan Principate. They had all grown to manhood and to maturity in the period of

to manhood and to maturity in the period of the Revolution; and they all repaid Augustus more than he or the age could giv

2 On the other hand, Bononia was in the clientela of the Antonii. But all these diverse loyalties, as was fitting in a colo

heavier emphasis and a fuller emotional content than elsewhere. 3 For all the talk of a united Italy and all the realities

onal content than elsewhere. 3 For all the talk of a united Italy and all the realities of reconciliation, there must still

but the name of Rome: omnia Romanae cedent miracula terrae. 1 Not all the poets were inclined by character or situation

ed by the patriotic theme, or the repeated instances of Maecenas. For all his dislike of war, he could turn away from his l

ligious observances with sympathy as well as with elegance. More than all this, however, the lament which he composed in me

the proceeds went towards dedications in the temples. 2 That was not all . When Augustus carried out his organization of th

The Princeps’ own form and features were reproduced in Rome and over all the world. It is true that he caused no fewer tha

f. 2 Phil. 5, 43. PageBook=>472 Perusia, Philippi and Actium all had their portents. With victory, the flood of mi

inhabitants of the region, natives and Roman citizens alike, swore by all gods and by Augustus himself a solemn and compreh

er of the propertied classes which the Empire preserved and supported all over the world, whether in the cities of Asia or

l dynasts. C. Julius Eurycles, the lord of Sparta and greatest man in all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for

members of that body that serious opposition to the new régime was at all likely to come and then not from the majority. Th

ue for which Julia was banished and Iullus Antonius killed these were all events that threatened the dynasty at its heart a

t, a defect which he sought to repair by wearing high heels. Nor were all his features prepossessing he had bad teeth and s

alpably fraudulent. His personal courage was not above reproach. With all allowance made for hostile propaganda, it will ha

licly burned. That did not matter, said Cassius Severus, who had them all by heart. 7 But Cassius did not go unscathed. Thi

aker’s daughter turned prostitute. 1 It was Cassius who defined for all time the character and capacity of Paullus Fabius

blican historian A. Cremutius Cordus, whose vivid pages proscribed to all eternity the authors of the proscriptions,5 survi

o attack or traduce the Founder was an offence against the State. Not all emperors, however, were succeeded by rulers who h

? ’1 The satirist Juvenal makes mock of pedigrees. Not, however, with all the fierce, free invective of a robust democrat.

of them, indeed, survived in Juvenal’s day, and they mattered not at all . The Empire had broken their power and their spir

been not merely political but social. Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar were all more than mere faction-leaders; yet the personal

of Augustus produced no more consuls after that time. That was not all . To Roman and aristocratic pride the families tha

lican virtue. The Principate was not a monarchy in name. That made it all the worse. The duty of rule was a grievous servit

udii met and mingled in their successors. Caligula, Claudius and Nero all had Antonian blood in their veins, Nero from both

he Princeps. The union was blessed with three sons and two daughters, all of whom in turn, by death or relegation, paid ful

udii, their rivals and social equals. It was fitting that they should all end with the end of a period. Crassus’ grandson

cing p. 362. See also Table V at end. PageBook=>497 By paradox all of these families at first escaped alliance with

rst escaped alliance with the ruling dynasty, providing no victims at all for the domestic dramas of Augustus’ Principate.

eius; 6 hence a family foredoomed like the Silani, with four brothers all to perish by violent ends, among them that irrepr

f Augustan consular names to adorn the Fasti their principal use. For all else they were believed a danger, though often on

e Etruscan A. Caecina was prolific. 1 P. Silius Nerva had three sons, all consulars. 2 But his three grandsons, two consuls

Hadrian. 9 For prudence and for success, it might have seemed that all would be outdone by the Cocceii, Antonian partisa

madenti’ (4, 154). 9 P-W XVII, 877 f.; for the stemma, ib., 870. Of all noble houses, however, the Acilii Glabriones, not

iduals. On any count, Balbus should be added. The banker Atticus knew all about contemporary history: Balbus had a share in

e emperor, he would still have been one of the wealthiest citizens in all the world. Hostility to the nobiles was engrain

r a long interval of years the proconsulate of Asia or of Africa. For all else it was perilous. Even if the nobilis forgot

e suspicious. Though the murderous tyranny of the Julio-Claudians has all but exhausted the Republican and the Augustan nob

ost part, govern the great military provinces of the Empire. Though all too often arrogant, selfish and licentious, the g

rival ambitions of Seianus’ faction and the family of Germanicus. At all turns the nobiles were imperilled above all and i

family of Germanicus. At all turns the nobiles were imperilled above all and in the last resort by the fears of Tiberius a

adulation and a pragmatic justification of success. One man only of all whom the Revolution had brought to power deserved

ivid and detestable. The novus homo, avid and thrusting, stripped off all pretence in the race for wealth and power. The no

mpetent, bears in those epithets the blame for three legions lost not all his own fault. 2 The most eminent of the patricia

reflect with no little complacency that throughout his campaigns, for all his title of imperator bis, and despite the friez

ollia Paullina, and the venerable L. Volusius Saturninus who survived all the perils of the Julio- Claudian age and died at

rinceps, beyond contest the greatest of the principes and better than all of them. They had been selfish dynasts, but he wa

‘statio’: so did contemporaries. 3 Augustus’ rule was dominion over all the world. To the Roman People his relationship w

er than arbitrary or formal. It was said that he arrogated to himself all the functions of Senate, magistrates and laws. 7

ever rule was, and his position became ever more monarchic. Yet with all this, Augustus was not indispensable that was the

this, Augustus was not indispensable that was the greatest triumph of all . Had he died in the early years of the Principate

estic scandals and by disasters on the frontiers of empire. 1 Yet for all that, when the end came it found him serene and c

ortune the greatest of duces and principes, intended to outshine them all . At the very moment when he was engaged upon the

tten, the coup d’état of 32 B.C. appears as a spontaneous uprising of all Italy, Philippi is transformed into the victory o

e auspices of Augustus is suitably commemorated. 2 Most masterly of all is the formulation of the chapter that describes

ulare in virtue of which Augustus controlled, directly or indirectly, all provinces and all armies. Yet these powers were t

which Augustus controlled, directly or indirectly, all provinces and all armies. Yet these powers were the twin pillars of

For power he had sacrificed everything; he had achieved the height of all mortal ambition and in his ambition he had saved

89; under the Triumvirate, 189, 207, 213, 227, 292, 326; governors of all Spain in 39–27 B.C., 227, 239, 292, 302 f., 309,

table nor any of the six that follow claims to be exhaustive, to give all collaterals or descendants. In each of them the m