, and make a clean beginning after Actium or in 27 B.C. is an offence
against
the nature of history and is the prime cause of m
ture. Heaven and the verdict of history conspire to load the scales
against
the vanquished. Brutus and Cassius lie damned to
he estimate of his political activity when he raised up Caesar’s heir
against
Antonius. The last year of Cicero’s life, full of
estored oligarchy of the nobiles held office at Rome. Pompeius fought
against
it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come
tween class and class. Naked power prevailed. 4 The anger of Heaven
against
the Roman People was revealed in signal and conti
t, jealous to guard his dignitas, that is, rank, prestige and honour,
against
the attacks of his personal enemies. 2 The plea o
acks of his personal enemies. 2 The plea of security and self-defence
against
aggression was often invoked by a politician when
er, the ornament and bulwark of the Roman State. 2 Cicero never spoke
against
these ‘homines honestissimi’ and never let them d
irst in his consulate as concordia ordinum between Senate and knights
against
the improbi, but later widened to a consensus omn
them on the side of the dominant oligarchy. He failed, and they rose
against
Rome in the name of freedom and justice. On the B
reduced. But Etruria, despoiled and resentful, rose again for Lepidus
against
the Roman oligarchy. 1 Lepidus was suppressed.
he provinces and on the frontiers of its wide and cumbersome dominion
against
Sertorius and the last survivors of the Marian fa
inst Sertorius and the last survivors of the Marian faction in Spain,
against
the great Mithridates and against the Pirates. La
ors of the Marian faction in Spain, against the great Mithridates and
against
the Pirates. Lack of capacity among the principal
ies had earned or confirmed their title of nobility by command in war
against
the Samnites and the Carthaginians: some had main
eached the consulate. 5 Philippus steeled the Senate to take action
against
Lepidus (Sallust, Hist. I, 77 M); and he secured
upid. 1 Their heraldic badge was an elephant, commemorating a victory
against
the Carthaginians. 2 The Metelli prevailed by the
d vocantur illi optimates. ’ 3 For example, in defence of Verres or
against
the bills of Gabinius and Manilius. There was a f
iracundia’, Caesar, BC 3, 16, 3. 4 P. Clodius was an ally of Cicero
against
Catilina. The Claudii were presumably trying to c
mies. But this patrician demagogue lacked fear or scruple. Contending
against
two of the principes, he won through bribery and
h Sulla. The implacable Cato detested the financiers. He stood firm
against
Italians, hating them from his very infancy; 3 an
more was involved than the privileges of an oligarchy: in the contest
against
Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Cato and his kinsmen Notes
peace, through illegality and treachery. He held a command in Africa
against
Marian remnants and triumphed, though not a senat
e after six years of absence, when he had terminated the war in Spain
against
Sertorius, Pompeius combined with another army co
tribune’s law the People conferred upon their champion a vast command
against
the Pirates, with proconsular authority over the
and claim the support of Pompeius even though the one of them turned
against
the People when elected consul and the other lent
dy to his allies and tireless in the law-courts, he might yet prevail
against
the popularity and laurels of Pompeius. When th
m. pet. 5, cf. 51. Compare also Cicero’s whole argument in the speech
against
the land bill of Rullus. 3 Both actions and mot
ier L. Afranius commanded armies for Pompeius in Spain and in the war
against
Mithridates. 5 Among other Picene partisans may b
on goats (ib. 2, 3, 1), who had been a legate of Pompeius in the war
against
the Pirates (ib. 2, praef. 6). Another member of
our of his family. 6 Everything went wrong. The consul Celer turned
against
Pompeius, and Afranius was a catastrophe, his onl
, 3. 8 Dio 37, 49, 4 ff. (Metellus Creticus (cos. 69) bore a grudge
against
Pompeius as the result of an earlier clash, in 67
bitter feud by giving testimony, under secret and domestic pressure,
against
P. Clodius; 2 and he had prevented the Pompeian c
o’s, and the greater delusion. The leader of the Optimates had fought
against
the consuls and tribunes of Pompeius Magnus, mock
s not yet ready to drop his ally. He needed Caesar for counterbalance
against
the Catonian party until he made final choice bet
hints of going to Spain, but forced by the Optimates, not altogether
against
his will, to demand a legion from Caesar. The pre
mmonwealth. Curio became a popular hero, and the People was incited
against
the Senate. The threat of a coalition between Pom
e, or Caesar’s victory and the rewards of greed and ambition in a war
against
the Sullan oligarchy. Italy began to stir. In t
consular Ahenobarbus, had suffered defeat in contest for an augurship
against
M. Antonius, sent from Gaul by Caesar. 3 That eve
posal came up in the Senate again, revealing an overpowering majority
against
both dynasts. 2 The consul C. Marcellus denounced
oyal support of Cato, Ahenobarbus and Brutus joined a sacred vendetta
against
Pompeius. For Cato or for the Republic they postp
o worse evils and a subverting of the constitution. After long strife
against
the domination of Pompeius, Cato resolved to supp
plea of legitimacy), a faction in the Senate worked the constitution
against
Caesar. The proconsul refused to yield. NotesPa
CTATOR PageBook=>047 SULLA was the first Roman to lead an army
against
Rome. Not of his own choosing his enemies had w
ies had won control of the government and deprived him of the command
against
Mithridates. Again, when he landed in Italy after
aly after an absence of nearly five years, force was his only defence
against
the party that had attacked a proconsul who was f
His work done, the Dictator resigned. The conquest of Gaul, the war
against
Pompeius and the establishment of the Dictatorshi
revealed, an overwhelming majority in the Senate, nearly four hundred
against
twenty-two, wished both dynasts to lay down their
r had succeeded in ensnaring Pompeius and in working the constitution
against
the craftiest politician of the day: he was decla
is command before a certain day. By invoking constitutional sanctions
against
Caesar, a small faction misrepresented the true w
iberties of the Roman People, that all the land would rise as one man
against
the invader. Nothing of the kind happened. Italy
legions joined battle on the plain of Pharsalus, the odds lay heavily
against
Caesar. Fortune, the devotion of his veteran legi
Caesar knew that secret enemies would soon direct that deadly weapon
against
one who had used it with such dexterity in the pa
nd the solid benefits of peace and order might abate men’s resentment
against
Caesar, insensibly disposing their minds to servi
Caesar was an ally and agent of the dynast Pompeius. They now turned
against
the oligarchs. Catullus and Calvus were dead: the
dly weapons in the hand of his rival, namely the appeal to the People
against
oligarchy, oppression and murder: cum duce Sull
under the third consulate of Pompeius. 5 Luxury and vice were alleged
against
Sallustius: the enemies of Ap. Claudius could hav
ar’s following was dual in composition. The fact that he took up arms
against
the party in power, had been a Marian and a popul
y and in his policy. The majority of the leading consulars was massed
against
him. No matter Caesar’s faction numbered not only
irth and station. The plebs would not have given preference and votes
against
Caesar for one of themselves or for a mere munici
s and to P. Servilius Isauricus. 4 Lepidus could recall a family feud
against
Pompeius; and his consular brother had been won t
to the station he had himself so arduously attained. For protection
against
his enemies Caesar appealed to the legions, devot
quis iure esse potuit? ’ PageBook=>073 classes or high finance
against
Caesar. 1 The financier Atticus will have been ab
al friends of Caesar: it may be presumed that he gave them guarantees
against
revolution. They had more to fear from Pompeius,
ain of the Vocontii who had led the cavalry of his tribe for Pompeius
against
Sertorius, receiving as a reward the Roman citize
reward the Roman citizenship; his brother likewise served in the war
against
Mithridates. His son, Pompeius Trogus, was the co
nor the native tribe of the Gaetuli had forgotten Marius and the war
against
Jugurtha. 1 In the East kings, dynasts and citi
ploit a change. In Egypt Caesar could support a candidate, Cleopatra,
against
her sister and the ministers of the Ptolemaic Cou
is lineage back to Attius Tullus, a king of the Volsci who had fought
against
Rome. 3 Yet there was no lack of evidence, quit
Scipiones, namely the Fabii and the Valerii, adopted a vigorous ally
against
them, in the person of a wealthy farmer, M. Porci
ncied that he would aspire to the consulate. Marius nursed resentment
against
the nobiles and sought to break through their mon
ota Italia. The reality was very different. 2 The recent war of Italy
against
Rome must not be forgotten. When Caesar invaded I
land through the Marsi and Paeligni down to Samnium and Lucania rose
against
Rome and fought for freedom and justice. 3 They
without whom no triumph had ever been celebrated whether they fought
against
Rome or for her. 4 The Marsi provided the first i
less revealing: it was a holy alliance, a coniuratio of eight peoples
against
Rome, in the name of Italy. Italia they stamped a
3 The power and wealth of the Pompeii no doubt raised up many enemies
against
them in their own country. Sulmo of the Paeligni
er the Senate. The people, unfriendly to begin with, turned sharply
against
them. Accident blended with design. The funeral o
means clear that it suited his plans to make a violent demonstration
against
the Liberators neither Antonius nor the Caesarian
Imperator, in defence of whose station and dignity they took up arms
against
his enemies, had been treacherously slain by thos
er the Battle of Munda, conducted guerrilla warfare with some success
against
the Caesarian governors in the far West. In Syria
s who undermined his predominance, stole his partisans, and contrived
against
him the last coup d’état of all, the national fro
uence, of rancour, of misrepresentation. Many of the charges levelled
against
the character of Antonius such as unnatural vice
y, accorded a wide indulgence. The failings of Antonius may have told
against
him but in Rome and in Italy rather than with the
y colonies. He was absent for a month. Various intrigues were devised
against
him but came to nothing. When he returned, it was
thynia in 45, took away with him his army of three legions to be used
against
Bassus, P-W XIV, 1556. Ch. VIII CAESAR’S HEIR
ld his adopted son have succeeded in playing off the Republican cause
against
the Caesarian leaders, survived the War of Perusi
ular L. Calpurnius Piso. The balance in politics seemed to be turning
against
Antonius: he would have to make a choice. Sanguin
tom bore heavily on Antonius and stayed the hand he would have raised
against
Caesar’s heir. The word of the veterans silenced
d armed domination. A fair prospect of concord or a subtle intrigue
against
the consul had been brought to nought. Antonius
oon took the measure of Antonius: the Caesarian soldier was a warning
against
the more generous virtues and vices. Another em
ries of Octavianus were conscious and consistent. To assert himself
against
Antonius, the young revolutionary needed an army
al more on his own initiative and resources, training them in warfare
against
Alpine tribes. This was serious. Antonius therefo
a consular was ready on the side of Antonius with a bill of attainder
against
Octavianus. 1 Nothing came of this perhaps the si
not merely been split and shattered: it was being rebuilt, this time
against
Antonius, by a hostile alliance of Caesarian and
er his primacy was menaced. Senate, plebs and veterans were mobilized
against
him. His enemies had drawn the sword: naked force
etium. The veterans in the private army of Octavianus would not stand
against
Antonius, the Caesarian general: yet Antonius was
nd against Antonius, the Caesarian general: yet Antonius was impotent
against
the heir of the Dictator. Once again the ghost of
uitable and conservative sentiments and ready to defend his interests
against
Roman tribunes. The family appears to have sided
mp;c. PageBook=>130 The best party is but a kind of conspiracy
against
the Commonwealth. Octavianus’ following could not
ageBook=>135 IN the Senate three men of consular rank had spoken
against
Antonius, namely L. Piso, P. Servilius and Cicero
Suetonius, De rhet. 4. PageBook=>137 levying of a private army
against
a consul of the Roman People. Servilius, howeve
im, he will put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was able to hold out
against
Caesar. Though in the Senate he was once moved to
onius uttered threats. Cicero appeared on September 2nd and protested
against
the actions of the consul. His observations were
een restored in the Caesarian party. Again, in the first two speeches
against
Antonius, no word of the young Caesar: yet the ex
ing the real designs of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to stand
against
Antonius. Octavianus for his part exerted every a
o cannot be acquitted. Aware of the risks, he hoped to use Octavianus
against
Antonius and discard him in the end, if he did no
tal plan all over again the doom of Antonius would warn the young man
against
aspiring to military despotism and would reveal t
y, perilously based on Etruria, Brutus in the Cisalpina, contumacious
against
a consul. As they were both acting on private ini
cero. Summoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle
against
Antonius, eager for war and implacable, he would
battle for what he believed to be the Republic, liberty and the laws
against
the forces of anarchy or despotism. He would stan
exercise in petty rancour and impudent defamation like the invectives
against
Piso. The other speeches against Antonius, howeve
udent defamation like the invectives against Piso. The other speeches
against
Antonius, however, may be counted, for vigour, pa
at their old games. Cicero and the ambiguous contest of the Republic
against
a recalcitrant proconsul occupy the stage and com
wisdom of raising up Caesar’s heir, through violence and illegal arms
against
Antonius, there were clearly two opinions. Octavi
.). PageBook=>148 virtus (without always being able to prevail
against
posterity or the moral standards of another age),
rtis’, a pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his stand
against
Antonius, acquires the temporary label of a good
the proconsul, trapped by Pompeius and the oligarchs, turned his arms
against
the government ‘in order to liberate himself and
e explained the noble motives that induced him to waive his hostility
against
the rulers of Rome, Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar.
nibus omissis summae rei p. consulatis’(i.e. especially Cicero’s feud
against
Antonius). 5 Ib. 10, 11, 3: ‘non me impedient p
us for the State are right and lawful’. 7 Extraordinary commands were
against
the spirit of the constitution8 but they might be
a party might find that the constitution was being perversely invoked
against
them: what if the People should appear misguided
ric upon treason. 1 He demonstrated that if a private army was raised
against
Antonius, if his troops were mutinous and seditio
n the plea of public emergency and the charge of levying armed forces
against
the State. Now the champion of the constitution h
of power by the Senate or rather, by a faction in the Senate and war
against
the proconsul Antonius. That prospect was cheerfu
for the struggle? The authority of the Senate was now to be played
against
the People and the army commanders. As at present
olitical groups were conspicuously absent from the Senate that fought
against
Antonius. The assassins of Caesar had left Italy,
to him, along with the consuls, the direction of military operations
against
Antonius, with the title of pro-praetor. 2 Furthe
not coupled with the official sanction given to a private adventurer
against
a proconsul of the Roman People. The extreme pr
d plunged the world into war. The lesson must have provided arguments
against
the adoption of irrevocable measures. Under the
Cicero’s proposal to confer upon Cassius the commission of making war
against
Dolabella, with an extraordinary command over all
to concord. To that end they urged an accommodation. Servilius spoke
against
it. Cicero supported him, with lavish praises for
f Lepidus and Plancus. Antonius and the Liberators might even combine
against
their common enemy civil wars have witnessed stra
his all. Sextus Pompeius had already promised his aid to the Republic
against
Antonius. He was rewarded by a vote of thanks on
send to the Senate should have deceived nobody. The two armies lay
against
each other for a time. A small river ran between
C 3, 19. PageBook=>165 intervened. Lepidus was not as vigilant
against
the dangers of fraternization as had been the gen
e Senate sent him no instructions; nor could he have marched to Italy
against
the will of the ambiguous Lepidus; further, his t
ssive faction, mobilizing private armies and constitutional sanctions
against
a proconsul. Where and with whom stood now the le
to obey the constitutional principles invoked by faction and to fight
against
their fellow-citizens had the result that they we
y that coalition had already collapsed; Caesar’s heir turned his arms
against
his associates and was marching on Rome. Fate was
ism there was something highly distasteful in Cicero’s fanatical feud
against
Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations
pidus, who had married his own half-sister. Family ties had prevailed
against
political hostility in civil wars before now when
eeks a propitious master. Brutus for his part will continue the fight
against
all powers that set themselves above the law. ’6
e to destroy him Octavianus in his true colours, openly on their side
against
Caesar’s murderer. The designs of Octavianus up
nia, he instructed the other consul to revoke the decrees of outlawry
against
Antonius and Lepidus for Lepidus, too, had been d
riage- alliance: this time the soldiery insisted on a solid guarantee
against
dissension in the Caesarian party. Octavianus gav
command assigned to him by the Senate earlier in the year for the war
against
Antonius. NotesPage=>189 1 Ad fam. 10, 21,
onsul of Africa Vetus in 44 B.C., remained there, loyal to the Senate
against
Antonius and refusing to recognize the Triumvirat
, and the Dictator stood above parties. He did not champion one class
against
another. If he had begun a revolution, his next a
of Sulla suffered at last. The Triumvirs declared a regular vendetta
against
the rich,2 whether dim, inactive senators or paci
needs. For the future, to recompense the legions which were to be led
against
the Republicans, the Triumvirs set apart the terr
ius, who by now had won possession of all Sicily, sending Salvidienus
against
him. 5 Lack of ships frustrated an invasion of th
only weak spot in the forces of the Republic: would the legions stand
against
the name and fortune of Caesar? From his war-ches
he Via Egnatia, invulnerable on the flanks, which rested to the north
against
mountains, to the south on a marsh. Brutus pitche
iant and vocal. 3 The urban plebs cheerfully joined in manifestations
against
the unpopular tyranny of the Triumvirs. In the Se
osition to Octavianus was not merely a revolt of middle-class opinion
against
the military despotism of the Triumvirate or an i
δορίληπτοι. 4 Dio 48, 9, 4 f. PageBook=>208 men of property
against
a rapacious proletariat in arms: it blended with
ought at the expense of Italy. Denied justice and liberty, Italy rose
against
Rome for the last time. It was not the fierce peo
hich had been loyal to Rome then, but had fought for the Marian cause
against
Sulla. Now a new Sulla shattered their strength a
t such an alliance of Caesarians and Republicans as he had stirred up
against
Antonius nearly three years earlier. In alarm he
in the account of Appian, where he appears as a champion of Libertas
against
military despotism, of the consular power against
hampion of Libertas against military despotism, of the consular power
against
the Triumvirate (BC 5, 19, 74; 43, 179 ff.; 54, 2
217 and672111. 2 Ib. 672126: ‘L(eg.) xι I Divom Iulium’; ib. 67215 (
against
Fulvia); ib. 672113: ‘L Antoni calve peristi | C.
obscure. Pollio retired north- eastwards and held Venetia for a time
against
the generals of Octavianus. Then all is a blank,
n Fuficius Fango, fighting with valour and resource in a confused war
against
T. Sextius, the former governor, who had remained
anus the adventurer, after achieving recognition with Republican help
against
the domination of Antonius, deserted and proscrib
ficulty in inducing the veterans from the colonies to rally and march
against
Antonius; some turned back. 4 Octavianus might co
3784). PageBook=>218 Was there no end to the strife of citizen
against
citizen? No enemy in Italy, Marsian or Etruscan,
e. Her own strength and her own sons laid her low. 1 The war of class
against
class, the dominance of riot and violence, the di
m freed the energies of Rome. Antonius at once dispatched Ventidius
against
the enemy. With Ventidius went as his legate or q
, 320) mentions the Dardani, but there is no record of any operations
against
them. The history of Macedonia in the years 38-32
uring basis and make war, for revenge, for prestige and for security,
against
the Parthians. After Samosata, Antonius left legi
de. For the present, his colleague was constrained to support the war
against
Pompeius. From his fleet Antonius resigned one hu
mpeius. From his fleet Antonius resigned one hundred and twenty ships
against
the promise of twenty thousand legionary soldiers
2 she married a kinsman, Ti. Claudius Nero, who had fought for Caesar
against
Pompeius, for L. Antonius and the Republic in the
peius rendered thanks to his protecting deity: in Rome the mob rioted
against
Octavianus and the war. NotesPage=>230 1 L
my of three legions in Asia, with which force he contended for a time
against
the NotesPage=>231 1 Dio 48, 49, 4 2 For
of Rome from famine placated the urban plebs that had rioted so often
against
the Triumvirs. Their iron rule in Italy, while it
xploring the propaganda and the sentiments that might serve him later
against
Antonius, winning for personal domination the nam
k: Norbanus was the general who along with Saxa opened the operations
against
the Liberators in Macedonia. Nor are senators’ so
tia. These dangers had been threatened or experienced in Caesar’s war
against
Pompeius Magnus. By Octavianus’ foresight and str
and service in war. ‘Ex virtute nobilitas coepit. ’5 Then Rome’s wars
against
foreign enemies had augmented the aristocracy wit
some success a few years later charges of highway robbery outstanding
against
certain senators could at last be annulled. 3 T
ge and alliance with Antonius. The Catonian faction, after fighting
against
the domination of Pompeius, recognized a greater
ecognized a greater danger and hoped to use Pompeius for the Republic
against
Caesar. Failing in that, it conspired with dissid
istent and suspect a just war, fought in defence of freedom and peace
against
a foreign enemy: a degenerate Roman was striving
ius: she was planning a war of revenge that was to array all the East
against
Rome, establish herself as empress of the world a
contrived by the party of Octavianus. It was not a war for domination
against
Antonius Antonius must not be mentioned. To secur
ferior expedients, mere detestation of eastern monarchs and prejudice
against
the alien allies of his rival the low-born Amynta
mestic and intimate purposes. Messalla wrote at least three pamphlets
against
Antonius (Charisius, GL 104, 18; 129, 7; 146, 34)
own policy, accusing Sosius and Antonius. None dared to raise a voice
against
the Caesarian leader. Octavianus then dismissed t
emble again on a fixed day, when he would supply documentary evidence
against
Antonius. The consuls in protest fled to Antoni
oyal it was packed with the timid and the time-serving, ready to turn
against
him if they dared: it was a bad sign that more th
the contest to be fought? For Rome, for the consuls and the Republic
against
the domination of Octavianus, or for Egypt and Eg
Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 139 ff. Both Holmes and Levi seem to be
against
Kromayer’s thesis of a marriage in 37/36 B.C. Dif
ith subsequent repercussions. 1 Ahenobarbus was steadfast all through
against
the blandishments of Cleopatra, refusing even to
he land rose as one man in patriotic ardour, clamouring for a crusade
against
the foreign enemy. Yet, on the other hand, the un
n he so eloquently justified a Catilinarian venture and armed treason
against
a consul, was able to invoke the plea of a ‘highe
vision of lands, Scipio Aemilianus and his friends, championing Italy
against
the plebs of Rome, got help from Italian men of p
ynast’s popularity. 2 Cicero, again, proclaimed the consensus Italiae
against
Antonius in the War of Mutina. 3 In vain it did n
ssion. Italia was first invoked as a political and sentimental notion
against
Rome by the peoples of Italy, precisely the Itali
allegiance bound followers to a political leader in a private quarrel
against
his enemies, his inimici, not the enemies of the
rable character, L. Visidius, had done for Cicero’s consensus Italiae
against
Antonius. 1 Many senators had fled to Antonius. R
gypt. The most ardent exponents of the national unity and the crusade
against
the East were no doubt to be found in the order o
, Antonius might not need to appeal to the legions to stand in battle
against
their kinsmen. He might be able to employ sea-pow
neither Pompeius nor the Liberators had achieved when they contended
against
invaders coming from Italy. If that was his pla
invest his position proved a signal failure. The plan had been turned
against
him—he was now encompassed and shut in. Famine an
io so, 14, 1 f. PageBook=>296 Then the odds moved more heavily
against
him. Desertion set in. Certain of the vassal prin
tium was a shabby affair, the worthy climax to the ignoble propaganda
against
Cleopatra, to the sworn and sacred union of all I
, 2. 4 Cf. W. W. Tarn, JRS XXI (1931), 179 ff. PageBook=>298
against
the bestial divinities of Nile. Against Rome were
marshals, also perished. Loyal to Antonius, he shared in the calumny
against
his leader and suffered a double detraction. They
Minor—for the Mede would hold both Armenia and Parthia in check. Yet
against
Parthia Octavianus neither bore resentment nor th
for the War of Actium and for the War of Alexandria—all wars of Rome
against
a foreign enemy. The martial glory of the renasce
ecution for high treason in the law courts the Senate passed a decree
against
the offender. Gallus took his own life (27 B.C.).
in virtue of his auctoritas. Augustus’ own words (Res Gestae 6) tell
against
this theory. 2 Res Gestae 34, cf. ILS 82 (a cop
den of the more powerful of the armed provinces, stood as a guarantee
against
any recurrence of the anarchy out of which his do
ius who had fallen as Caesar’s enemy, as a champion of the Free State
against
military despotism. Virgil in the Aeneid, when he
ther ex-Antonian and former public enemy, still nursed his resentment
against
Cicero’s character and Cicero’s style; and Pollio
ephew Brutus, who proclaimed a firm determination to fight to the end
against
any power that set itself above the laws, would h
with doles, amused them with games and claimed to be their protector
against
oppression. Free elections returned—that is to sa
.) in Illyricum, c. 17-16 and c. 14-13 respectively. 3 By campaigns
against
the Salassi conducted by C. Antistius Vetus in 35
In 26 B.C. Augustus took the field in person. 4 He marched northwards
against
the Cantabrians from a base near Burgos. The natu
raigned in the courts for high treason on a charge of having made war
against
the kingdom of Thrace without authority. Primus a
o 54, 4, 1 (22 B.C.). 2 M. Vinicius in Gaul (Dio 53, 26, 4), Murena
against
the Salassi (Dio 53, 25, 3 &c). 3 CIL 12, p
assassination and augmented yet more by Octavianus to finance his war
against
Antonius. 2 The spoils of victory and the revenue
rmies of the Roman People Pollio, whose grandfather led the Marrucini
against
Rome, Ventidius from Picenum and the Marsian Popp
whose name, nation and sentiments had so recently been arrayed in war
against
Rome. But Italy now extended to the Alps, embraci
n the Fasti. In the seven years 39-33 nineteen novi homines appear as
against
nine nobiles. 2 After seizing power in 32 B.C. Oc
. Of the consuls of the period 25-19 B.C., eight come of new families
against
five nobles. 3 The restored Republic, it is evide
s appear on the Fasti, both with military service to their credit, as
against
eleven nobiles. 1 Conspicuous among the latter ar
rained in the wars of the Revolution and whose mature skill, directed
against
foreign enemies, augmented the glory and the secu
ssed over, such as M. Lurius and P. Carisius, both of whom had served
against
Sex. Pompeius and elsewhere. But L. Tarius Rufus,
d even then they would hardly be able to induce the soldiers to march
against
their patron and imperator. Augustus both creat
8), whose son L. Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus (PIR2, A 1140) rose
against
Claudius Caesar. 2 Certain Lentuli took the cog
ntonius required all Caesar’s influence behind him: he was contending
against
Ahenobarbus. 2 Augustus’ revival of ancient col
ed front in a political emergency. Against Catilina, perhaps, but not
against
Pompeius or Caesar. When it came to maintaining p
Dalmatia): ‘P. Silio | P. f. procos. I patron. | d. d.’ Silius fought
against
the Camunni and Vennones. 4 Horace, Odes 4, 4 a
d reached the Elbe. 5 In 9 B.C. Drusus died, and two more campaigns
against
the Germans were conducted by Tiberius. Then in 6
us, had served under his patron continuously, in the Spanish wars and
against
Mithridates. 3 He was one of the three legates wh
Among his achievements (perhaps before his consulate) was a campaign
against
the Marmaridae, a tribe of the African desert dwe
ssembly of the People might declare war but the People did not decide
against
whom; the wars, however grandiose and arduous the
all too well founded. The propaganda of Octavianus had been merciless
against
Fulvia, the wife of Antonius; and Rome had fought
inst Fulvia, the wife of Antonius; and Rome had fought a national war
against
a political woman, the Queen of Egypt. The moral
Cn. Cornelius Cinna, a grandson of Pompeius Magnus, was conspiring
against
the Princeps. Augustus sought the advice of Livia
gnitudini fidebat. ’ PageBook=>417 Tiberius revolted. Obdurate
against
the threats of Augustus and the entreaties of his
a custodia Neronem urbis. ’ PageBook=>420 When Cinna conspired
against
his life or was suspected of conspiracy Augustus
Scipio were all relegated. 5 The offence may have been transgression
against
the Leges Juliae: the punishment went beyond that
dultero peteret. ’ This purports to derive from Augustus’ accusations
against
his daughter. The same source can be detected in
misdemeanour. The charges of rapacity and avarice elsewhere levelled
against
this powerful and unpopular ally of the Princeps
ked to palliate his execution for conspiracy. 4 The charges brought
against
Agrippa Postumus had been more vague, his treatme
sorely and wrung from his inhuman composure the despairing complaint
against
Varus for the lost legions. 1 In A.D. 13 the succ
hough he has the advantage over Caesar in Virgil’s solemn exhortation
against
civil war. As for Antonius, he was the archetype
iciled in Latium. Though the national spirit of Rome was a reaction
against
Hellas, there was no harm, but every advantage, i
truria was martial. 6 The fiercest of the Italici had recently fought
against
Rome in the last struggle of the peoples of the A
saw the Marsian and the Picene leading the legions of Rome to battle
against
the Parthians; and the Principate, for all its pr
bserve with mixed feelings the disreputable conduct proved or alleged
against
a Vibidius, a Titedius, a Bruttedius. 1 The nec
an and Greek. The War of Actium was shown to be a contest not so much
against
Greece as against Egypt and the East. The contest
War of Actium was shown to be a contest not so much against Greece as
against
Egypt and the East. The contest was perpetuated u
the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fought
against
the assassins of his parent, the enemies of the F
ion for Roman intervention and for Roman rule was the defence of Gaul
against
the German invader. When the Romans set out to co
onsible for the transgressions of the wealthy. Rome seldom intervened
against
the local dynasts. C. Julius Eurycles, the lord o
nown worse, and could see no prospect of a successful war for liberty
against
the legions and colonies of Rome. In origin, the
of free speech, as no order else in the New State. They demonstrated
against
the moral code and later clamoured loudly that Ju
abandoned habits, organized a procession of society ladies in protest
against
Quirinius, her former husband. The spectators res
ad gone very far. 3 This is the argument in Tacitus, Ann. 1, 10 not
against
the Principate but against the Princeps. PageBo
is the argument in Tacitus, Ann. 1, 10 not against the Principate but
against
the Princeps. PageBook=>480 That might be
4 The last years of Augustus witnessed stern measures of repression
against
noxious literature. 5 Public bonfires were instit
cipated conviction by suicide, after a noble speech defending history
against
oppression and despotism. 6 His works were condem
t be safe after death to attack or traduce the Founder was an offence
against
the State. Not all emperors, however, were succee
he patrician Cornelii, the Lentuli, who had also decided for Pompeius
against
Caesar, but were more fortunate in duration. 1 Th
and the last Appius Claudius Pulcher, were put to death for offences
against
the State. 2 Another noble, a Sempronius Gracchus
randnephew of the Dictator, an Octavius from Velitrae, after fighting
against
the great houses, attached them to his family and
sband of Drusilla, alleged to have conspired with Lentulus Gaetulicus
against
Caligula and executed in A.D. 39 (Suetonius, Cal.
lies down to ruin. 1 A descendant of Pompeius Magnus raised civil war
against
Claudius. 2 The Cornelii Lentuli grew smaller a
uin of Lentulus Gaetulicus, who was suppressed for alleged conspiracy
against
Caligula, and the family can show no consuls in a
name, spared by Domitian, could not escape allegations of conspiracy
against
both Nerva and Trajan. 8 He was duly relegated, b
authentic champions of that ideal, Brutus and Cassius, who had fought
against
Caesar’s heir at Philippi, could not have been in
enience. Cato was already out of the way when Octavianus took up arms
against
the State. But Cato was worshipped as a martyr of
earliest native historian of note, Cato the Censor, made his protest
against
this practice, omitting the names of generals in
and Cato wrote of Italy as well as of Rome. 2 But Cato was powerless
against
Roman tradition. The banker Atticus was more typi
or to invent an obscure origin, a repulsive character and evil deeds
against
the novi homines prominent in the oligarchy. No
ny other dispensation. Hence Libertas could be invoked as a catchword
against
unpopular rulers, to stamp their power as illicit
15 ff., 141 ff.; with Cicero, 140 f.; actions in the autumn, 123 ff.;
against
the Senate, 162 ff.; his legal position, 162, 168
his campaign towards the Caucasus, 224, 264; in 35–33 B.C., 265, 266;
against
Cleopatra, 280; in the War of Actium, 294, 296 f.
98. Carthage, fall of, in relation to Roman history, 154, 249; wars
against
Carthage promote novi homines, 19, 238, 244; alta
ed centurion, 355. Consilia, of the Princeps, 408 ff. Conspiracies,
against
Augustus, 298, 333 f., 414, 426 f., 432, 444, 478
287, 306, 442, 490; his party, 18 if.; marries a Metella, 20, 31; war
against
Marius, 16 f., 65, 87 ff., 249, 491; punishes Etr
s. 74 B.C.), his eastern command, 21, 29, 48, 385; in retirement, 23;
against
Pompeius, 33; insolently treated by Caesar, 56; d
, 89 f. Marius, T., soldier from Urvinum, 353, 354. Marmaridae, war
against
, 399. PageBook=>555 Maroboduus, King of th
stria’, 375 f., 397; virtues, 456; vices, 510; wealth, 381; prejudice
against
, 357 f., 509 f.; rehabilitation of, 511 f.; desce
8 f.; an Antonian, 266, 269; governor of Cyrene, 298. Pirates, wars
against
, 29, 31, 228. Pisa, patriotic town-council of,
ry, 34, 100; hates Italians and bankers, 26; opposes Pompeius, 33 f.;
against
Caesar, 34; his policy in 52 B.C., 37, 46; misses
rvilia, 23; influence on Brutus, 58; philosophical studies, 57; feuds
against
Pompeius and Caesar, 26 f., 46; laudations of Cat
125; political, 154 ff., 208, 218, 256; poetry as, 251 ff., 460 ff.;
against
Antonius and Cleopatra, 270 f., 273, 275, 289, 30
a Nova for Caesar, 110 f.; retires from politics, 247 f.; allegations
against
his character, 250; his historical writings, 248
; an Antonian, 206, 222; joins Octavianus, 237, 238, 368; allegations
against
Antonius, 277; his consulate, 291; in Gaul and Sy
us, 277; his consulate, 291; in Gaul and Syria, 302 f., 309; campaign
against
Salassi, 329; repairs Via Latina, 402; declines t
consulate, 188; in Gaul, 189, 202, 210; in the Perusine War, 210 ff.;
against
the Parthians, 223 f.; his triumph, 224, 231, 241