The method has to be selective: exhaustive detail cannot be provided about every family or individual. Even so, the subject

a partisan of Caesar and of Antonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about Livy. Yet, in the end, the Princ

sar and of Antonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about Livy. Yet, in the end, the Principate has to be a

conventional view of the period. Much that has recently been written about Augustus is simply panegyric, whether ingenuous o

roag and Stein. Especial mention must also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra (from which I have learned

in’s posthumous book Vom Werden und Wesen des Prinzipats. My opinions about the oath of allegiance of 32 B.C. and about the p

s Prinzipats. My opinions about the oath of allegiance of 32 B.C. and about the position of the Princeps as a party-leader na

er Julia, was born in A.D. 14 (Pliny, NH 7, 58); on Augustus’ remarks about Galba, cf. Suetonius, Galba 4, I; Dio 64, I, I; n

ture of history and is the prime cause of many pertinacious delusions about the Principate of Augustus. Nor is the Augustan p

y Q. Cicero (the Commentariolum petitionis) reveals much of the truth about his candidature. PageBook=>012 Romani’, wa

he generation after 70 B.C. Cf., however, no less pessimistic remarks about an earlier period, Hist, 1, 12 M. 2 There was n

out, solid and manifest. In any age of the history of Republican Rome about twenty or thirty men, drawn from a dozen dominant

t therefore fall to that part of the oligarchy which was concentrated about the person of Cato; and Cato was dominated by his

nd tastes of Lucullus, P-W XIII, 411 f. Frequent complaints of Cicero about the ‘piscinarii’ in 60 B.C., e.g. Ad Att. 1, 18,

rime. 1 But Servilia would not be thwarted by that accident. She cast about for other allies. About this time Cato married Ma

her member of this group was Cn. Tremellius Scrofa, suitably eloquent about pigs (ib. 2, 4, 1 ff.) and a master of all rural

dius, M. Cato,. Faustus Sulla. ’ PageBook=>040 Pompeius looked about for new alliances, in the hope perhaps to inherit

>040 1 On his ancestry, cf. Cicero, Brutus 212 f.; his ignorance about a detail of family history, Ad Att. 6, 1, 17. His

by Cicero to the other consulars will not mislead: too much is known about these people. 2 The Lentuli were Spinther (cos.

ook place in 54 B.C. (Ad fam. 3, 4, 2), that of Cn. Pompeius probably about the same time (ib.). The younger son, Sextus, mar

aly was apathetic to the war-cry of the Republic in danger, sceptical about its champions. The very virtues for which the p

doomed to perish in violence. It was rational to suspend judgement about the guilt of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been l

dest programme of moral and social reform. 2 Having written treatises about the Roman Commonwealth some years earlier, he may

ia were soon dashed. The Dictator himself expressed alarming opinions about the res publica ’it was only a name: Sulla, by re

showed that he was an ignorant fellow’. 3 Caesar postponed decision about the permanent ordering of the State. It was too d

, the Pompeian T. Ampius Balbus. But cf. Caesar’s favourite quotation about tyranny (Cicero, De off, 3, 82). PageBook=>0

l too easy to label the assassins as fanatic adepts of Greek theories about the supreme virtue of tyrannicide, blind to the t

lican state. Hellenic culture does not explain Cato; 3 and the virtus about which Brutus composed a volume was a Roman qualit

is Claudia and marrying his cousin Porcia, Bibulus’ widow. No mistake about the meaning of that act; and Servilia disapproved

Dubious history and irrelevant. 1 The Liberators knew what they were about . Honourable men grasped the assassin’s dagger t

lus 29, 1 ff., &c, cf. P-W XIV, 966 f. 3 The essential evidence about P. Ventidius is supplied by Gellius 15, 4; Dio 43

No details confirm the paradox among Roman financiers. More is known about his son, a banker whose business had wide ramific

embers of the new government. The most intemperate allegations thrown about by malignant contemporaries are repeated by credu

in the Senate of Rome. Urban humour blossomed into scurrilous verses about Gauls newly emancipated from the national trouser

be the home of trousered senators. No names are recorded. Yet surmise about origins and social standing may claim validity. T

their proportion must have been tiny in an assembly that now numbered about nine hundred members. The incautious acceptance o

nine hundred members. The incautious acceptance of partisan opinions about the origin and social status of Caesar’s nominees

d social status of Caesar’s nominees not only leads to misconceptions about the Dictator’s policy, domestic and imperial, but

nces and led armies of Roman legions. Rabirius did not merely declaim about fleets and armies, vexing Cicero: he commanded th

others in the regal period. For the evidence, P-W III, 2662 ff. Doubt about the date need not prejudice the fact. 2 For the

the non-Latin gentile names of Italy often permits valid conclusions about origins. Etruscan names, of three types, point to

he oligarchy, promotion for merit. Yet there is nothing revolutionary about the choice of his candidates for the consulate th

ing disorders, Brutus appears to have persisted in irrational fancies about that Roman People which he had liberated from des

nd Cassius). 5 Nepos, Vita Attici 8, 1 ff. 6 The ancient evidence about provinces and their governors in 44 B.C. suffers

March 18th. Early in April Decimus Brutus set out for Cisalpine Gaul; about the same time, it may be presumed, Trebonius went

Hortensius, NotesPage=>110 1 Ad Att. 14, 14, 4 2 For details about all the provinces at this time, cf. W. Sternkopf,

Nonius Asprenas. Under these auspices Antonius departed from Rome ( about April 21st) and made his way to Campania. The vet

resenting authentic facts, hostile slander and irrelevant information about the senatorial gens Octavia. Augustus in his Auto

urity is not enough to explain the ascension of Octavianus. A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his ow

on. Crossing the Adriatic, he landed near Brundisium. When he learned about the will, he conceived high hopes, refusing to be

party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Octavianus, according them scant attention. 4 Whi

the leaders of the Caesarian party. Foreseeing trouble with Antonius about the disposal of the Dictator’s property, however,

ed in fair terms, probably with honest intent, not merely to deceive; about the same time, Antonius delivered a speech before

te, emulating the Gracchi and a long line of demagogues. Rumours went about in the July days at Rome that Octavianus, though

nce, the Cisalpina, at once. Then Plancus would raise no difficulties about Comata. Antonius summoned D. Brutus to yield up h

Though Philippus’ caution was congenital, his lack of open enthusiasm about Octavianus’ prospects was perhaps only a mask. Th

ed estates: he came from Velitrae, Octavianus’ own town. 1 Evidence about the names and origin of the adherents of Octavian

rospect for the Republicans, but a gain for Octavianus. Less is known about Pansa. Yet Pansa was no declared enemy of Antoniu

h judgement and impartiality. 1 It was too late. He had few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy with his allies. Yet he

free the State again or go down with it in ruin. Once he had written about the ideal statesman. Political failure, driving h

otesPage=>144 1 For this conception of the De re publica (a book about which too much has been written), cf. R. Heinze,

, 4). 5 This may perhaps be supported by what St. Augustine records about the De re publica (De civ. dei 5, 13): ‘loquitur

8, 2: δ Brute, ubi es? quantam ∈ὐκαιρίαν amittis! ’ 4 For his views about the alliance between Cicero and Octavianus, cf. e

of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all. The pessimistic and clear-sighted Repub

nsa to come up with his four legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome about March 19th. Antonius for his part planned to crus

t of seventeen legions, his ‘father’ Cicero would have no compunction about declaring the young man a public enemy. The dange

of the Roman People than do the interested assertions of politicians about the ‘Marvellous unanimity of the Roman People and

through violence. He did not believe in violence. At Athens he looked about for allies, opened negotiations with provincial g

ius, Divus Aug. 26, 1 &c. (a picturesque and superfluous anecdote about a centurion’s dramatic gesture in the Senate).

: κοινήν τινα κατὰ τ ν πλουσίων χθραν προσέθϵντο. 3 D. Brutus spoke about ‘Varronis thensauros’ (Ad fam. 11, 10, 5). On the

is wife Fulvia. 3 Further, he composed poems of traditional obscenity about Pollio, who evaded the challenge with a pointed s

, a land of famine, desolation and despair. But Italy was encompassed about with enemies. Antonius was NotesPage=>212

diplomacy, he must be strongly armed: he prepared a fleet and looked about for allies. From Sex. Pompeius came envoys, with

ad fled to Sicily. Ti. Claudius Nero and his wife also came to Greece about this time. PageBook=>216 include Pompeius,

35 ff. The widely prevalent belief that Virgil must have been writing about a child of Octavianus derives from anachronistic

us to disperse the Parthians. 4 Pollio may have departed to Macedonia about the same time if he came to Rome to assume the in

eady run out with the close of the previous year. Nobody had bothered about that. The Triumvirate was now prolonged for anoth

ed bands of Octavianus to take refuge with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Livia was about to give birth to another son no obstacle, however

p., 1923, 25). On the difficulty of harmonizing the literary evidence about the date of Drusus’ birth, cf. E. Groag, PIR2 C 8

lly been worked upon (BC 5, 124, 513), and Dio (49, 12, 1) is cynical about the whole transaction νoμίσας δ δὴ πάντα τὰ δίκαι

(cos. 12 B.C), were perhaps making their début in Octavianus’ service about this time. 4 The names derive, unless otherwise

Sicilian War and the fact of his consulate, the only clear testimony about Q. Laronius is a tile from Vibo in Bruttium (CIL

Valerii, suffect consuls in 32 and 29 respectively. For uncertainties about date and identity, PIR1, V 94 and 96: the new Fas

or political apology, raising dispute over the dead. The controversy about Cato began it. Then Caesar the Dictator became a

o Pompeius Magnus. 2 The Pompeians retorted by scandalous imputations about the character of the Caesarian writer. 3 In Rom

er the rule of the Triumvirate he was known to be composing tragedies about the monarchs of mythical antiquity; 2 before that

ing his Eclogues while Pollio governed Macedonia for Antonius. It was about this time, in the absence of Pollio, that he was

f cereals for mere subsistence. But Virgil intended to compose a poem about Italy, not a technical handbook; he wrote about t

ded to compose a poem about Italy, not a technical handbook; he wrote about the country and the life of the farmer in a grave

begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As for Octavianus, what about Salvia Titisenia, Rufilla, Tertulla and Terentill

after M. Titius). 3 Pliny NH 9, 121; Macrobius 3, 17, 16 (the wager about the pearl). Velleius (2, 83, ι f.) presents a viv

tonius 58; Dio 50, 3, 1 ff.; Velleius 2, 83. Dio is not very explicit about the cause of their desertion πρoσκρʋúσαντέϛ τι αὐ

ἤ καὶ τῇ Kλεʋoάτρᾳ τι άχθεσθέντεϛ (50, 3,2). Velleius, no safe guide about Plancus at any time, alleges that this corrupt ch

upon the policy of Antonius in the East, nor the indignation fomented about the divorce of Octavia, had served his purpose ad

x partium became princeps civitatis. 4 Nor is surmise entirely vain about the manner in which the NotesPage=>288 1 H

ero, Phil. 7, 23 f. 2 M. Nonius Gallus, active for Augustus in Gaul about the time of the battle of Actium (Dio 51, 20, 5),

anda revolted both his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions about Octavianus and his friends in the Caesarian party

about Octavianus and his friends in the Caesarian party, old and new, about Plancus, or about Agrippa. It is to be regretted

nd his friends in the Caesarian party, old and new, about Plancus, or about Agrippa. It is to be regretted that no history pr

epublican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his peace with Octavianus about the same time—on terms, namely the consulate. 2 E

a, namely Asia, Bithynia-Pontus and Syria. Such was the sober truth about the much advertised reconquest of the East for Ro

l peace. He appears to have decided upon a permanent establishment of about twenty-six legions. The remainder were disbanded,

nt and NotesPage=>306 1 Georgics 3, 27. On the cult of Romulus about this time, cf. esp. J. Gagé, Mélanges XLVII (1930

rance unhindered. Some would have military provinces in their charge, about which due foresight would be exercised— few legio

allies—and perhaps with neutral politicians. They knew what they were about . In name, in semblance and in theory the sovranty

ca, in which Scipio Aemilianus and certain of his friends hold debate about the ‘optimus status civitatis’. The character and

ill neither evoke surprise nor reveal to a modern inquirer any secret about the rule of Augustus which was hidden from contem

or monarch. 1 On all sides prevailed a conspiracy of decent reticence about the gap between fact and theory. It was evident:

ct and theory. It was evident: no profit but only danger from talking about it. The Principate baffles definition. The ‘con

banus Flaccus and the polyonymous A. Terentius Varro Murena. No doubt about any of these men, or at least no candidate hostil

e had replenished the ranks of the consulars—there must have been now about forty men of this rank—and after the Pact of Brun

r, the public provinces were ten in number. Now they were only eight, about as many as the Senate could manage with safety. 4

tus returned to Rome towards the middle of 24 B.C. He had been away about three years: Rome was politically silent, with no

friends or following Murena had is uncertain but the legate of Syria about this tirke bore the name of Varro. 5 PageNote.

s party Agrippa and other party-magnates would have their word to say about that. Two different conceptions were at war, reca

, 10: ‘morosae uxoris cotidiana repudia’. 5 Odes 2, 12. For scandal about Terentia in 16 B.C., Dio 54, 19, 3. 6 Velleius

altogether absurd. Unity was established: it was to a Roman proverb about unity that Agrippa was in the habit of acknowledg

f Naulochus and Actium declined honours and triumphs and went quietly about his work, his reward not applause or gratitude bu

, discordia maxumae dilabuntur’ (BJ 10, 6, preceded by useful remarks about ‘amici’, ‘officium’ and ‘fides’). 2 Yet Agrippa

ed Livia Drusilla, he kept his secret and never told his true opinion about the leader whom they all supported for Rome’s sak

NH 7, 46, mentions Agrippa’s ‘praegrave servitium’ cf. Tiberius’ view about the Principate, Suetonius, Tib. 24, 2: ‘miseram e

the Senate of a revived Republic there were far too many novi homines about . From an ostentation of clemency and magnanimity,

Augustus as their patron and their defender. 2 In the year 29 B.C., about the time of his triumph, Octavianus gave a donati

ight be related to this family. 2 There could scarcely be any doubt about [M]amius Murrius Umber (ILS 8968). The gentiliciu

who had been ‘equestris ordinis princeps’. Nothing definite is known about the origin of Q. Haterius, C. Caelius and Q. Fabr

.). 4 Velleius 2, 92; cf. Dio 54, 10, 1 (where, however, not a word about Egnatius). PageBook=>372 Egnatius Rufus wa

et caecus et senex. ’ 2 See Table III at end. 3 For the evidence about the two Marcellas, PIR2 C 1102 and 1103. The youn

us 3, 13, II. 2 Cicero, Ad fam. 8, 14, 1. 3 Augustus records that about one hundred and seventy of his adherents in the W

gacies in her will. 1 Much worse than that was suspected and rumoured about Livia poison and murder. Her power and her follow

mperor could be created elsewhere than at Rome. 2 Everybody had known about it. After the first settlement Augustus in no w

orated by a contemporary poet. 4 The kingdom of Noricum was annexed about the same time. 5 Then came the turn of Illyricum

aul and Illyricum; and a new legion, XXI Rapax, was probably enrolled about this time. 2 For this conception of the foreign

nt. Innocent trust in the fraudulent Velleius, perhaps also ignorance about the condition of Dio’s narrative, has perpetuated

ion of Dio’s narrative, has perpetuated wholly unsatisfactory beliefs about the history of this period. Certain campaigns, de

us competed to adorn the city of Rome. Augustus soon after Actium set about restoring temples; and the principes viri prosecu

=>404 1 Dio 54, 19, 6. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 6, 11. For difficulties about the date, cf. PIR2 C 289. No praefectus urbi is m

o 52, 42, 6 (except Sicily, and later, Narbonensis). 2 Caesar’s law about the colony of Urso forbids senators and their son

IV, 244 (Ilium). 5 Dio 53, 15, 4 f. There is no evidence, however, about the date of this innovation. XXVII. THE CABINET

State might take counsel together, in a more or less public fashion, about matters of weight; and the power exerted by such

ntrigues of ladies at the centre of high society or hanging ambiguous about its fringes, the influence of wealthy knights, wh

s of the Princeps, but any Prefect of Egypt could furnish information about taxation and fiscal policy to say nothing of the

nt, organization as well as fighting, and grave decisions to be taken about the frontiers of Empire. Veterans of the triumvir

succession; it may be presumed that he had formed certain impressions about the problems of the northern frontier and was wil

n Rome lacked a government for two days and in the Senate men debated about a restoration of the Republic, with rival candida

y of the government. No less evident the acute differences of opinion about that important matter, and bitter rivalries. The

ng a princess. Such was the group of aristocratic families entwined about the roots of the monarchy. Livia and the Claudian

ertius 4, 11, 63 ff. See Table IV at end. 2 Nothing at all is known about M. Livius Drusus Libo, cos. 15 B.C. Livia Ocellin

s Appianus (cos. 12 B.C.) perhaps an adopted son. On the difficulties about Cotta, cf. PIR2, A 1488. To be noted further are

6 B.C. may, or may not, have had political causes. No doubt, however, about the significance of Ahenobarbus and Vinicius with

of his disinterested integrity. 4 The apparent conflict of testimony about the character of Lollius bears its own easy inter

than is indicated by a historian who omits Ahenobarbus and is as cool about the services of Vinicius as his personal attachme

Calpurnius Piso And L. Volusius Saturninus. 5 For details of origin about these novi homines, see above, p. 362 f. For the

cal advancement and centres for the propagation of correct sentiments about the government. 1 Augustus awarded commissions in

roach, even with discount of the allegations of Antonius, the scandal about Terentia and all the gossip that infests the back

historians or publicists who adapted to Roman language Greek theories about primitive virtue and about the social degeneratio

o adapted to Roman language Greek theories about primitive virtue and about the social degeneration that comes from wealth an

Here too a contrast between appearance and reality. For all the talk about the peasant farmer, all the glorification of the

sceptical realism of his character there is no warrant for loose talk about conversion to Stoicism. None the less, this Epicu

s. He died young or abandoned the art altogether. Ovid, his junior by about ten years, outlasted Augustus and died in exile a

ia 2, 207: ‘duo crimina, carmen et error. ’ The poet is very discreet about the precise nature of the ‘error’. 3 Ib., 131 f

turned from the provinces, with the Empire pacified and new conquests about to begin, the Senate voted that an altar of Pax A

ials through their concilia possessed an organ for voicing complaints about their rulers or making representations to the Pri

State that had been built up at their expense. They had no illusions about it and they remembered Philippi, with melancholy

in Roman history. Officially, there prevailed a conspiracy of silence about the victims of civil war and proscriptions, excep

fourth of the cardinal virtues, justice, it was necessary to say much about that. Less advertised by the government, but no l

portant decisions were taken in private and known to few, speculation about high politics ran rife in the clubs and salons of

serve from justice a certain Castricius who had given him information about the conspiracy of Murena. 4 Political oratory s

r memoirs: it may be presumed that they were not alarmingly outspoken about the career of the Caesarian leader in the revolut

erence to the character of his critic Pollio and of Pollio’s theories about the style, substance and treatment appropriate to

He was called ‘Rabienus’. 3 Seneca, Controv. 4, praef. 2 (a remark about ‘ille triumphalis senex’). 4 Ib. 10, praef. 8.

desierant! ’ PageBook=>488 It was impossible to tell the truth about the living, but hate might have its revenge upon

he names among epic poets the grandiloquent Rabirius who had written about the War of Actium. 1 Governments change and caree

ls. On any count, Balbus should be added. The banker Atticus knew all about contemporary history: Balbus had a share in the m

civil wars that his own generation had witnessed. He had no illusions about the contestants or the victors in that struggle ’

was doomed if not dead long before that. Pollio knew the bitter truth about the last generation of the Free State. The histor

timental conventions. Like Sallustius and Pollio, he had no illusions about the Republic. The root of the trouble lay in the

he governor of the military province of Upper Germany: less was heard about Libertas under his firm regiment. Tacitus announc

aws. 7 Truly but more penetrating the remark that he entwined himself about the body of the Commonwealth. The new member rein

; acts and designs, 108; alleged embezzlement, 107, 131; arrangements about provinces in 44 B.C., 107, 110, 115, 170; relatio

2 f., 460; with Gallus, 75, 252; in the Perusine War, 209 ff.; dictum about Octavianus, 211; his consulate, 218 f., 369; at B

2 ff.; writings, 484, 522 ff.; literary tastes, 460, 484 f.; opinion about Cato, 506. His family and kinsmen, 83, 112, 127 f

haracteristics of, 360, 453 ff.; see also Municipia. Britain, rumours about , 332. Brixia, 79, 251, 363; notorious prudery o

97. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. (cos. 147 B.C.), 12; his dictum about a Metellus, 20; enemies of, 60, 285; in Cicero’s

ic importance of, 36, 124; in 44 B.C., 103, 110, 124, 126; a proposal about the province, 118; as a province of Antonius, 189

riptions, 195; in 32 B.C., 290; at Gades and Corduba, 292; sentiments about the new order, 257, 351; as a cardinal factor in

33 f., 35 f., 37; death, 38; his character, 22; wealth, 12; a dictum about politics, 12; connexion with the Metelli, 22, 36;

of his Preface, 336, 441; ‘Patavinitas’, 485 f.; Caligula’s proposal about his works, 489. Livius Drusus, M. (tr. pl. 91 B

, 205. Porcius Cato, M. (cos. suff. A.D. 36), delator, 492. Portents, about Octavianus, 471 f. Postumii, 64. Potamo, of M

9; helped by Crassus, 26, 60; virtues and vices of, 149 f.; his views about novi homines, II; about patricians, 68; his stepd

, 60; virtues and vices of, 149 f.; his views about novi homines, II; about patricians, 68; his stepdaughter, 63. Sertorius

Terentia, wife of Maecenas, 277, 334, 358; beauty of, 342; scandal about , 277, 342, 452. Terentia, mother of L. Seius St

ius, P., procurator of Augustus, 356; his four sons, 361; allegations about his family, 487. Vitulasius Nepos, Sex. (cos. s