ntonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about Livy. Yet , in the end, the Principate has to be accepted, f

en about Augustus is simply panegyric, whether ingenuous or edifying. Yet it is not necessary to praise political success o

gustus brought manifold blessings to Rome, Italy and the provinces. Yet the new dispensation, or ‘novus status’, was the

the word his enemies would have called it potentia. They were right. Yet the ‘Restoration of the Republic’ was not merely

onviction that it all had to happen is indeed difficult to discard. 1 Yet that conviction ruins the living interest of hist

is a singular lack of adverse testimony from contemporary sources. Yet for all that, the history of the whole revolution

ical orders in society triumphed over Rome and the Roman aristocracy. Yet the old framework and categories subsist: a monar

s malefactors. The nobilis, however, would take pride in his feuds. 1 Yet he had ever to be on the alert, jealous to guard

, save through the questionable and hazardous means of the tribunate. Yet two men stood out in this year of another’s consu

icero. He leapt boldly into the fray, and slashed the bill to pieces. Yet he claimed at the same time that he was doing a g

to inadequate preparation for war, may have impaired his decision. 3 Yet his plan was no mere makeshift, as it appeared to

out the generals of Pompeius in Spain were outmanœuvred and overcome. Yet even so, until the legions joined battle on the p

nk adventurers, avid for gain and advancement, some for revolution. Yet for all that, in the matter of Caesar’s party the

f the tribunes, the liberty of the Roman People. He was not mistaken. Yet he required special powers: after a civil war the

gil, Horace and Livy tell the same tale and point the same moral. 1 Yet speculation cannot be debarred from playing round

Deity (1914), 112 ff. Phil. 2, 110, however, is a difficult passage. Yet it can hardly be proved that Caesar devised a com

e in the conspiracy, might lend plausible colouring to such a theory. Yet it is in no way evident that the nature of Brutus

the primacy of civic over private virtue, all these were in the game. Yet in the forefront of this varied company stood tru

) is said by Dio (45, 17, 1) to have belonged to a proscribed family. Yet he is surely the same person as C. Vibius Pansa,

er claim to be the home of trousered senators. No names are recorded. Yet surmise about origins and social standing may cla

usive. Rome outshines the cities of Italy, suppressing their history. Yet these were individual communities, either colonie

Attius Tullus, a king of the Volsci who had fought against Rome. 3 Yet there was no lack of evidence, quite plausible an

Dictatorship meant the curbing of the oligarchy, promotion for merit. Yet there is nothing revolutionary about the choice o

ng the heirs by default. 8 Brutus was a nobilis, Galba a patrician. Yet the opposition to Caesar did not come in the main

People. Symptoms only, no solid ground for optimistic interpretation. Yet even after the funeral of Caesar and the ensuing

d of the mere removal of an autocrat, they would clearly have failed. Yet even now, despite the deplorable fact that the Re

e, and Caesar may not have been altogether satisfied with his deputy. Yet there is no proof of any serious estrangement. 1

n Rome and in Italy rather than with the troops and in the provinces. Yet they were nothing new or alarming in the holders

rators and many a secret muttering at the failure of the coup d’état. Yet some could find the Ides of March a great comfort

Caesar, to whom they owed all, they would surely not repel his heir. Yet these men, mere municipal aristocrats, lacked exp

lamitous. Piso, however, withdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or at least his influence, is suffici

but unwilling to commit themselves too soon, he kept out of the way. Yet he probably lent a tribune: Ti. Cannutius belonge

d to attain it. His defence can hardly cover the whole of his career. Yet it would be perverse and unjust to rail and carp

He had few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy with his allies. Yet he found himself, not unnaturally, on the side of

e Caesaris and the consequent breach between Antonius and Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cognizan

ce any standards other than those of a man’s time, class and station. Yet it was precisely in the eyes of contemporaries th

tocrat meant the rule of a class and the perpetuation of privilege. Yet , even so, libertas could not be monopolized by th

, the one to Syria, the other to secure for him the legions in Egypt. Yet the East was not altogether barren of hope for th

enemy civil wars have witnessed stranger vicissitudes of alliance. 3 Yet , even if this did not happen, he might be caught

im at last that there was no room left for scruple or for legality. 1 Yet even so, the possession of Macedonia and an army

erted. With them perished honour and security, family and friendship. Yet all was not unrelieved horror. History was to com

umber of Roman knights. 3 Their victory was the victory of a party. 4 Yet it was not their principal purpose to wipe out ut

ius his uncle, the elderly and blameless Republican L. Julius Caesar. Yet neither of these men perished, and the murderers

nd in the process transformed and consolidated the Caesarian party. Yet there were personal and local causes everywhere.

ve. The fierce Marsians and Paelignians had long and bitter memories. Yet some of the proscribed were saved by civic virtue

assius. The best of the legions, it is true, were Caesarian veterans. Yet the soldiers welcomed Cassius when he arrived in

who duly smiled at birth and conveniently perished almost at once. 4 Yet the very existence, not merely the relevance, of

ative. 4 But the poet was reluctant, the patron too wise to insist. Yet something might be done. It was folly not to expl

he government to monopolize the control of prophecy and propaganda. Yet in some classes there was stirring an interest in

ost intimate friends had once been Antonians. 1 Evidence is scanty. Yet it could be guessed that the Cocceii, a new famil

, made no difference at all to provincial administration in the East. Yet even now Antonius’ acts and dispositions were not

if he did not placate the Queen of Egypt he would have to depose her. Yet he was quite able to repel her insistent attempts

have succumbed to the power of her imagination and her understanding. Yet that is not proved. Antonius was compelled to sta

ilt the supremacy of Caesar’s heir and the resurgent nation of Italy. Yet , for all that, the contest soon assumed the augus

od by Cleopatra. Ahenobarbus hated the Queen and was averse from war. Yet it was not Ahenobarbus who ran away, but Plancus.

st have been tremendous, alike in Rome and in the camp of Antonius. Yet he still kept in his company men of principle, di

patriotic ardour, clamouring for a crusade against the foreign enemy. Yet , on the other hand, the united front was not achi

levant when compared with the armed domination of Octavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimidation and b

nevitable. In a restoration of liberty no man could believe any more. Yet if the coming struggle eliminated the last of the

patriotic fervour that had been administered to the army of the West. Yet , in the last resort, Antonius might not need to a

enia Minor—for the Mede would hold both Armenia and Parthia in check. Yet against Parthia Octavianus neither bore resentmen

4 Not only prestige was at stake—the armed proconsuls were a menace. Yet it would be inexpedient to remove them all. Octav

d ‘dux’ he remained, though the appellation gradually faded from use. Yet he might have kept it, whatever the form of the c

ovelty with distrust and aversion. The word ‘novus’ had an evil ring. Yet the memory of the past reminded the Romans that c

le and imposing sound: unfriendly critics would call it ‘potentia’. Yet the combination of auctoritas and legally granted

nsul or proconsul as legally defined appears portentous and alarming. Yet it would be an elementary error to fancy that the

highly obscure (P-W V A, 706 ff.). Nor is his nomenclature constant. Yet it is pretty clear that the consul of 23 B.C. ‘A.

orinus, C. Sosius and M. Licinius Crassus would command armies again. Yet , apart from these survivals of a lost cause, Rome

nd three recent novi homines. 3 Not to mention T. Statilius Taurus. Yet of this impressive and unprecedented array of vir

them were young enough, for advancement had been swift and dazzling. Yet the novi homines like Q. Laronius, M. Herennius

revail over political principle, if such existed, or private dislike. Yet even so, only four years earlier, one of the clos

a was the brother of Terentia, the wife of the all-powerful Maecenas. Yet neither Maecenas nor Murena’s half- brother, the

minister for the memory of his services and the sake of his counsel. Yet the position of Maecenas had been compromised. He

the imagined future. Two emperors might one day be required or four. Yet the fabric must be held together. Two remedies we

tracies but secured the election of members of a hereditary nobility. Yet the Senate had once seemed to represent the Roman

viral period. After 19 B.C., however, a development is perceptible. Yet this may be a result, not only of Augustus’ own e

size of their armies already called for legates of consular standing. Yet this was apparent by 12 B.C at least, when four o

debt repaid to ancestors who had deserved well of the Roman People. 6 Yet there were certain nobiles whose merits fell shor

lline oracle no doubt to justify the date chosen by the government. 6 Yet beside the great soldiers and politicians there w

o change into a permanent order of praetorian and consular provinces. Yet rigidity of system would have been foreign both t

a legate of praetorian rank and was commonly reckoned as praetorian. Yet on three occasions at least in the Principate of

conveys requests, modest but firm, to the governors of provinces. 4 Yet not entirely at the expense of the Senate. That b

enatus consulta then became common, gradually acquiring force of law. Yet once again, behind the nominal authority and gove

ns. The stepson of Augustus, he had benefited from that relationship. Yet even had Livia not been the wife of the Princeps,

descendants might have a chance or a portion. The Princeps might die. Yet the princes Gaius and Lucius remained, and next t

the ties of family, of fides, of amicitia. Tiberius had few kinsmen. Yet the excellent L. Volusius Saturninus will not hav

burst into publicity and ruined Julia, the daughter of the Princeps. Yet it was not of Livia’s doing, and it brought no im

his moral legislation had been baffled and mocked in his own family. Yet he could have dealt with the matter there. His pr

firm company of novi homines. A new government is already in being. Yet this was not enough to preclude rumours, and even

n upon the freedom of individual owners in liberating their slaves. 5 Yet even freedmen were given corporate dignity and co

contemporaries affected to admire. There was another side to that. Yet the strong suspicion of fraud is not enough to la

‘antiquo ipse cultu victuque’, effected much by his personal example. Yet more than all that, the sober standards prevalent

red Persons In One Day). 5 Pliny, NH 9, 117 f. PageBook=>478 Yet on the whole the provinces were contented enough,

l men. Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purposes. Yet it may be that his real opinion of the character,

pursuits were no protection from the doom of an illustrious name. 3 Yet these were not the most prominent among the sacri

the victor of the Metaurus, to the blind old censor, to the Decemvir. Yet by a paradox the power went, not to the brilliant

ng enough, they would disappear, so a wit of the Republic observed. 3 Yet this family survived the alliance with Pompeius M

sappearance the Fasti become less alien and truculent to public view. Yet the great Lucanian Taurus, Calvisius his ally and

n as well as the Republican nobility seemed to have run its course. Yet the succeeding period did not entirely lack beare

ned as a title for Dellius the phrase ‘desultor bellorum civilium’. 4 Yet , on a cool estimate, Pollio as well as Messalla w

ts of the system must have become more widely diffused in the Senate. Yet while this process was going on, the Republic its

sonal, if ever rule was, and his position became ever more monarchic. Yet with all this, Augustus was not indispensable tha

d by domestic scandals and by disasters on the frontiers of empire. 1 Yet for all that, when the end came it found him sere

tus controlled, directly or indirectly, all provinces and all armies. Yet these powers were the twin pillars of his rule, f

humanity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State. Yet one thing was certain. When he was dead, Augustus