d tangible, whatever may be the name or theory of the constitution.
To
that end, the space (and significance) allotted t
th profit. 2 The Triumviral period is tangled, chaotic and hideous.
To
take it all for granted, however, and make a clea
of Cicero, by fraud and fiction, and by the catastrophe at Actium.
To
this partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the
erpretation of the Roman Revolution there stands a notable exception.
To
one of the unsuccessful champions of political li
ife soon after 40 B.C., and he jealously maintained his independence.
To
tell the truth would have been inexpedient; and a
ance both by Caesar and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus.
To
win a following at elections, to manage bribery,
, the earliest heirs to their power were the Valerii and the Fabii. 1
To
the Fasti of the Roman Republic these great house
the principes viri of note during the first decade of its existence.
To
the old and wily Philippus in the direction of pu
on towards the rule of one imperator, were patent and impressive. 1
To
the maritime command succeeded without a break th
trigue in his interest. His name dominated elections and legislation.
To
gain office from the votes of the sovran people,
sus was behind the financiers and Crassus waited, patient in rancour.
To
maintain power, the government needed consuls. Th
his command in Spain, asked for a triumph. Cato blocked the triumph.
To
wait for it would be to sacrifice the consulate.
rt step to dictatorship. Caesar’s consulate was only the beginning.
To
maintain the legislation of that year, and perpet
ut Pompeius required for his ally more than an ordinary proconsulate.
To
this end Caesar was granted the province of Cisal
inforce his own influence, his prospect of praetorship and consulate.
To
that end he promulgated popular laws and harried
ion. In the capital of the world they were anachronistic and ruinous.
To
the bloodless but violent usurpations of 70 and 5
f ignoble timidity. 4 But the dynast remained ambiguous and menacing.
To
his allies he expressed firm confidence, pointed
d daughter, namely L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and M. Calpurnius Bibulus.
To
loyal support of Cato, Ahenobarbus and Brutus joi
on to sympathy, if not to active support, by his studious moderation.
To
the survivors of the defeated faction he behaved
example, Ahenobarbus’ son (Cicero, Phil. 2, 27). PageBook=>052
To
rule, he needed the support of the nobiles, yet h
s refused to abide by the rules, to respect ‘liberty and the laws’.
To
his contemporaries, Marcus Brutus, firm in spirit
r CXXXIV (1929), 54 ff.; R. Syme, BSR Papers XIV (1938), 4 ff.; 23 f.
To
support this view one need not appeal merely to g
ius Galba alleged personal resentment: he had not been made consul. 5
To
the Picene landowner L. Minucius Basilus, a not a
m its citadel. The facts and elements of power were larger than that.
To
carry through a Roman revolution in orderly form,
on of Brutus and Cassius reckon upon the citizen-body of the capital.
To
the cold logic and legalistic pleas of the Republ
ompatible with the chill claims of statesmanship. But that was later.
To
gain a fair estimate of the acts and intentions o
n the governing class and a firm control of affairs by the consuls.
To
this end Antonius the consul tolerated for a time
nd vested interests seemed secure from revolution or from reaction. 5
To
be sure, the tyrant was slain, but the tyranny su
double front, both Caesarian and Republican, and advancing steadily.
To
what end? Primacy in the Caesarian party was now
with impunity. The disloyal Caesarian was soon to be brought to book.
To
maintain power with the populace and the veterans
conciliation; his recent speech was held to be distinctly amicable. 1
To
their edict he now made reply with a public procl
ision. The treacheries of Octavianus were conscious and consistent.
To
assert himself against Antonius, the young revolu
lations with Octavianus did not improve. Neither trusted the other.
To
counter that danger and outbid his rival the cons
nus to rid himself of Antonius in this summary and premature fashion.
To
remove a rival was to remove a potential ally. 2
sul: the leaflets and the bribes of Octavianus were doing their work.
To
restore discipline Antonius ordered summary execu
reserved monumental discretion, giving visitors no guidance at all. 2
To
be sure, he had dissuaded the taking up of the in
n of the avenging of Caesar. Of that purpose, no secret, no disguise.
To
be sure, he offered a safeguard to the conservati
be employed to seduce the allies or adherents of the opposing party.
To
establish concord among citizens, the most dishon
irtue of a plebiscite, as had both Pompeius and Caesar in the past. 2
To
contest the validity of such grants was to raise
his salus. The sole security for that was the possession of an army.
To
give up his army and surrender at the discretion
ssailed. They protested loyalty to the Republic, devotion to concord.
To
that end they urged an accommodation. Servilius s
r in a war between citizens, and never claimed by Sulla or by Caesar.
To
a thoughtful patriot it was no occasion for rejoi
, ne videret unius corporis duas acies lanista Cicerone dimicantis. ’
To
call Cicero a ‘lanista’ was a fair and pointed re
e strife of citizens than wreak savage vengeance on the vanquished. 6
To
his firm character and Roman patriotism there was
hrace, recover Asia from Dolabella, and make a junction with Cassius.
To
cross to Italy without Cassius and the resources
e rival army commanders. For the moment, certain brief formalities.
To
bring to trial and punishment the assassins of Ca
provinces of Illyricum and Macedonia, formed their frontier by land.
To
the inferior Lepidus the dynasts resigned possess
ompeius, possessing the islands, was to receive Peloponnesus as well.
To
recognition was added compensation in money and f
rom Sabine and Republican Nursia, and a certain L. Plinius Rufus. 3
To
the defeated of Philippi and Perusia it had seeme
er heard of before and only once again, held a command in Sardinia. 7
To
this ill-consorted and undistinguished crew may p
About Gaul, no information. PageBook=>240 vigour and resource.
To
this end he devoted his energies in the years 35
gion of Picenum, and of C. Memmius, consuls in the previous year. 3
To
distribute consulates and triumphs as patronage t
sphere, the epoch of the kings who inherited the empire of Alexander.
To
discern which demanded no singular gift of perspi
to her husband. Antonius was confronted with damaging alternatives.
To
accept was to condone Octavianus’ breach of a sol
is attested there in 31 B.C., Dio 51, 5, 6; BMC, R. Rep. 11, 583 ff.
To
the above list should probably be added, as proco
ll the East and in the end brought on herself wars foreign and civil.
To
the population of the eastern lands the direct ru
a long future, for the East but not for Italy and the West as well. 2
To
absolute monarchy belonged divine honours in the
a war for domination against Antonius Antonius must not be mentioned.
To
secure Roman sanction and emotional support for t
nda of Octavianus magnified Cleopatra beyond all measure and decency.
To
ruin Antonius it was not enough that she should b
as though it were not fettered to the policy of a military despot.
To
liberty itself the Republic was now recalled, bew
tavianus alleged that he suffered them to depart freely and openly. 1
To
prevent and coerce consuls was inexpedient, the r
tion were suppressed by armed force for the soldiers had been paid.
To
public taxation was added private intimidation. T
ering lessons; and there was work to do in the West and in the North.
To
serve the policy of Rome and secure the eastern f
in the dedication of the Ara Pads Augustae. Which was not unfitting.
To
the Roman, peace was not a vague emollient: the w
coerce a proconsul was the consular authority, exorbitantly enhanced.
To
preclude disputes of competence, a new regulation
al powers of the Triumvirate, pure usurpation, or act of law at Rome.
To
translate the term ‘princeps’ Greeks employed a w
War of Mutina. In politics his mentors had been Philippus and Balbus.
To
retain power, however, he must base his rule upon
men of property and the active co- operation of the governing class.
To
that end, he modified the forms of the constituti
ajority the partisans of Augustus, were well aware of what was afoot.
To
secure the domination of the Caesarian party, the
bed as legati in his provincia rather than as governors of provinces.
To
begin with, they are praetorian in a majority. Th
8; AJ 15, 345. PageBook=>335 The Republic had to have consuls.
To
take the place of Murena in the supreme magistrac
pat u. Reichsteilung im Imperium Romanum (1930). PageBook=>346
To
the Principate of Augustus there could be no here
hand, in the complementary figures of Augustus, Maecenas and Agrippa.
To
attach the loyalty of the soldiers and inspire th
o enter the Senate. Not only that the tribunate was also thus used. 2
To
the best of the new-comers loyalty and service wo
gainst Rome. But Italy now extended to the Alps, embracing Cisalpina.
To
the wealth of the old Etruscan lands and Campania
stus could be supported by the venerable weight of ancient tradition.
To
promote novi homines was patently not a ‘novus mo
he conveniently revived the Republic to be used as they had used it.
To
the People Augustus restored freedom of election.
y, with less cause to fear and distrust the nobiles, but of accident.
To
replenish the ranks of the nobiles, mercilessly t
ns of the Princeps, to Marcellus, to Agrippa and to Tiberius in turn.
To
receive Julia, Tiberius was compelled to divorce
ion of an ode. 2 The nobiles can hardly be said to fare any better. 3
To
the military men who served the dynasty and the S
itions were Galatia, Raetia, Noricum and Judaea. PageBook=>395
To
the Senate he had restored no military territorie
t unlikely. As for Varus, his proconsulate of Africa probably belongs
To
7–6 B.C., and his governorship of Syria (Josephus
es. Privilege and patronage, and admitted as such but not outrageous.
To
bestow the supreme magistracy of the Roman People
e family she lacked relatives who might be built up into a faction. 2
To
be sure, there were her grandchildren, the three
ps an adopted son. On the difficulties about Cotta, cf. PIR2, A 1488.
To
be noted further are connexions with the successf
ive pretext. 1 As a politician, Augustus was ruthless and consequent.
To
achieve his ambition he would coolly have sacrifi
tion was the unhindered succession to the throne of Gaius and Lucius.
To
this end their mother served merely as an instrum
reap. Lollius was supplanted. Hence a feud, mutual and unremitting.
To
the disgraced Lollius in the delicate function of
Augustus paid especial honour to the great generals of the Republic.
To
judge by the catalogues of worthies as retailed b
e is best revealed in the words it employs with an emotional content.
To
a Roman, such a word was ‘antiquus’; and what Rom
ctable. But they must not be left to specialists or to mere scholars.
To
promote physical strength and corporate feeling i
re sufficiently aware of the qualities which the Princeps expected.
To
the governing class the penalties were in proport
puritan nationalists. Augustus himself came of a municipal family.
To
his origin from a small and old-fashioned town in
rite line of verse was Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam. 3
To
this identity in origin and sentiment with a larg
e profit and promotion depended upon the patronage of the government.
To
say nothing of the patent vice or rapacity of the
st died in 12 B.C., Augustus assumed the dignity of pontifex maximus.
To
witness the induction or rather to confer the gra
Gallia Comata and strove to give the war the character of a crusade.
To
this end Drusus dedicated at Lugdunum an altar to
egory of literary material that commonly defies historical criticism.
To
turn from the scandalous to the ridiculous, it wi
c, Cn. Domitius stood next to Antonius for leadership in his party.
To
the Domitii, primacy might be delayed, but not de
ic and from Caesar the Dictator even admission to the Roman Senate.
To
explain the fall of the Roman Republic, historian
us. It was no less true of the Principate of Augustus rather more so.
To
be sure, the State was organized under a principa
d contemporaries. 3 Augustus’ rule was dominion over all the world.
To
the Roman People his relationship was that of Fat