torian Pollio—a Republican, but a partisan of Caesar and of Antonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about

nd strove to recall the aristocracy to the duties of their station. 2 This was not convention, pretence or delusion. Upright

nst Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Cato and his kinsmen NotesPage=>026 1 This was notorious. Cicero could not deny it, cf. Ad A

leled and the armies NotesPage=>029 1 H. M. Last, CAH IX, 349. This was presumably the conception set forth by Sallus

in various ways, and impaired as time went on, for some ten years. 7 This capture of the NotesPage=>035 1 The liaiso

the grandson of a Metella, had passed by adoption into their family. This was Q. Metellus Scipio, father-in-law and colleag

. Cornelius Lentulus Crus (cos. 49), cf. Ad Att. 9, 7b, 2; 8, 15a, 2. This is evidence for the origin of Balbus’ gentilicium

tion, ruling a subject, united and uniform world by right divine. 2 This extreme simplification of long and diverse ages o

Graecorum. sed virtus vigilantia labor apud Graecos nulla sunt. ’ 4 This feature has been duly emphasized by Gelzer (P-W X

f Caesar’s measures were provisional in purpose, transient in effect. This was permanent. NotesPage=>077 1 Ad Att. 14

the new state which they established with its capital at Corfinium. 1 This was secession. The proposal to extend the Roman f

est, tectum quo imbris vitandi causa succederet iam nullum haberet. ’ This is the house-agent Vettius (Ad. Att. 4, 5, 2; 6,

iam etiam Bruto nostro probari Antonium. ’ 2 Phil. 1, 6; 2, 5. 3 This is strongly emphasized by Gelzer, P-W x, 1003 f.

emoval from the People of the right of electing the pontifex maximus. This looked well. Naturally, it was a piece of politic

as well. Such was the Lex de permutatione provinciarum (June 1st). 4 This manoeuvre might well alarm the moderates NotesP

ot yet been passed (cf. esp. Dio 45, 5, 3; Appian, BC 3, 14, 48 ff.). This was a mere formality. 2 Ad fam. 11, 2. 3 Ad A

to the citizen body in cases of breach of the peace or high treason. This time there was criticism and opposition in the Se

tonius then delivered a violent speech, with abuse of the Liberators. This was on October 2nd. Three or four days NotesPag

iative and resources, training them in warfare against Alpine tribes. This was serious. Antonius therefore resolved to take

d by his peers, coerced by military dynasts or harried by tribunes. This treatise was published in 51 B.C. About the same

t. 16, 2, 6), the De officiis not until November (ib. 16, 11, 4). 5 This may perhaps be supported by what St. Augustine re

nd, corrupting the corrupt, compelled him to write indecent verses. 3 This at Rome: in his province lust was matched with cr

ing to the canons of Greek political thought, no constitution at all. This meant that a revolution could be carried through

ract right and abstract justice, but to something called mos maiorum. This was not a code of constitutional law, but a vague

acred vendetta: his sincere love of country was loudly acclaimed. 3 This austere devotion to the Commonwealth excited emul

pinion in Italy so as to exert unofficial pressure on the government. This was called a consensus: the term coniuratio is mo

privatum consilium, the illicit ventures of Octavianus and D. Brutus. This meant usurpation of power by the Senate or rather

furnished enough consuls of ability and authority to fill the gaps. 3 This dearth explains the prominence, if not the primac

o hold their provinces until relieved by the authority of the Senate. This covered Brutus in the Cisalpina. As for Octavianu

ed miles of Rome, but to submit to the authority of the government. This was a firm and menacing demand. For the friends o

nd no other who proposed a motion declaring Dolabella a public enemy. This diplomatic concession perhaps enabled moderate me

mperament was aggravated by a complete divergence of aims and policy. This is made evident by two incidents. Already Cicero

aetorian provinces which they had refused to take over (P-W x, 1000). This date is probably too late, for it does not allow

f time for the passage of news and movements of troops in winter. 2 This may be why he wished to delay the publication in

cf. above, p. 31, n. I. 2 Appian, BC 4, 46, 195. 3 Cf. ILS 5349, This is the family of the Pompeian L. Arruntius, cos.

ter and entombed the armies of the Republic ‘Romani bustum populi’. 4 This time the decision was final and irrevocable, the

n and active allies. The affair of Perusia had been sadly mismanaged. This time the enemies of Octavianus had a leader. The

rraigned for high treason before the Senate and condemned to death. 6 This was the end of Q. Salvidienus Rufus the peer of A

, 4. 4 Appian, BC 5, 54, 229 f., cf. Münzer, P-W XIX, 46 f. and 51. This man was present, along with Agrippa and Balbus, a

n his Caesarian qualities or retain the monopoly of martial valour. This was the young Caesar that Italy and the army knew

esimus admonet me ut sarcinas colligam antequam proficiscar e vita. ’ This gives as the date 38 or 37 B.C. Varro lived on fo

g dedicated to him (cf. esp. 1. 11, ‘a te principium, tibi desinet’). This looks like the original dedication: but a poem in

in state and society still lacked its shape and final formulation. This intermediate epoch showed in all things a strange

ριδι Θϕάνῃτῷσω |τῆρι καὶ єὐєρλέ|τᾳ και κτιστά δєυ|τέρω τᾶζ πατρ ὶδ ζ. This sort of thing was described by Tacitus as ‘Graeca

mpeian consuls departed from Rome without securing a lex curiata. 3 This is a pure conjecture, based on the presence of th

far from unconcerted, presented a certain appearance of spontaneity. This fair show of a true vote was enhanced NotesPage

et with the name of Cossus inscribed, giving him the title of consul. This frail and venerable relic, intact after the passa

such in a Republic. So Horace addresses him, maxime principum. 4 This convenient appellation for the holder of vague an

ion, the Dictatorship and the Triumvirate were blotted from record. 3 This meant a certain rehabilitation of the last genera

f earlier dynasts, but with more thoroughness and without opposition. This time the domination of a faction was to be perman

emacy. No need to violate the laws: the constitution was subservient. This time the new enactments were carried through unde

s, the principal of his marshals M. Vipsanius Agrippa, thrice consul. This was the settlement of the year 23 B.C. Augustus

nure of the tribunicia potestas and added the name to his titulature. This was the ‘summi fastigii vocabulum’ invented by th

confiscated by the government for the benefit of the whole people. 3 This was the New State with a vengeance. The nobiles w

hundred and twenty thousand men received the bounty of their leader. This unofficial army of civic order was steadily reple

oped the practices of Pompeius and of Caesar. NotesPage=>354 1 This is the type of ‘sanguine factus eques’ (Ovid, Amo

dii. 3 Augustus gave the latus clavus to a promising young Ovidius. This was no commercial upstart, no military careerist

st perhaps as promotion for a special service to Augustus (ILS 2676). This person was a XXVIvir. No evidence, however, that

a the younger. 5 A kinsman of the poet Propertius entered the Senate. This man had married well his wife was Aelia Galla, th

ning a land route from Italy to the Balkans and an adequate frontier. This was the essential and the minimum. An advance fro

| leg. X Fret. | pontem fecit. ’ He is not described as ‘proconsul’. This may mean that the Princeps had temporarily taken

e Taurus, the Homonadenses and the Isaurians. NotesPage=>393 1 This intention is palpable and flagrant in Velleius Pa

Gaul and Spain (Narbonensis and Baetica) and the island of Cyprus. 1 This looked well and mattered little. In 27 B.C., the

Piso the acephalous and much-contested elogium from Tibur (ILS 918). This inscr. records the career of a man who was legate

successful war, then proconsul of Asia, then legate again, of Syria. This would fit Piso and his Bellum Thracicum quite wel

s, A. v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u. Wesen des Prinzipats, 112 ff. 5 This is the ‘pars populi integra et magnis domibus adn

Tacitus, Ann. 1, 3. 2 As was permitted in 23 B.C. (Dio 53, 32, 5). This does not mean, however, that he exercised procons

ae felicissimo ὰνδραγαθούντων ύμ ν καì διαδεχομ νων stationem meam. ’ This was written later, of course, on Augustus’ own bi

quaestuariam versa ius omnis licentiae sub ignoto adultero peteret. ’ This purports to derive from Augustus’ accusations aga

was harmless and tolerated. Not so Agrippa, of the blood of Augustus. This political encumbrance was dispatched to a suitabl

d to the consulate, only one of them, however, to military command. 3 This being so, few indeed of the nobiles, the rivals a

renewing the allegiance sworn long ago to Octavianus before Actium. 3 This was the essence of the Principate. Certain formal

441 1 Virgil, Aen. 1, 278 f. 2 Livy 9, 18 f. 3 Aen. 6, 851. 4 This is the undertone of the whole preface to Livy’s H

epublic, namely readiness to admit new members to the citizen body. 3 This generosity, which in the past had established Rom

od, itself a monument of victory and the scene of martial ceremonies. This gallery of national portraits had already been fo

stam amice pauperiem pati robustus acri militia puer condiscat. 2 This was not far from the ideal of economic self-suffi

il the Transpadane, Actium is the victory of Italy, not of Rome only. This conception does not find expression in the versio

the towns of Italy such a concourse as had never before been seen. 8 This unique and spontaneous manifestation bore the cha

446. 4 Pliny, NH 7, 60. 5 Gellius 10, 2, 2. 6 Pliny, NH 7, 158. This was in A.D. 9. 7 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 43, 4.

led by the Temple of Mars Ultor and the adjacent Forum of Augustus. 3 This was the shrine and the setting where the Senate d

aesarian army; and Divus Julius had been avenged by his son and heir. This dynastic monument is a reminder, if such be neede

9, 1) they were usually discovered before they had gone very far. 3 This is the argument in Tacitus, Ann. 1, 10 not agains

owever, did not suffer himself thus to be captured by the government. This austere and embittered champion of Libertas, pass

verus, who had them all by heart. 7 But Cassius did not go unscathed. This man, an able and vigorous orator of obscure origi

m ipse proscripsit. ’ 6 Tacitus, Ann. 4, 34 f. 7 Ib., Hist. 1, 1. This is assigned as a direct result of the Battle of A

converted into recognition and love: exstinctus amabitur idem. 2 This moral platitude became a wild paradox under the E

ntroduced his clients, the tribal dynasts of Comata, into the Senate. This measure, however, was hasty and provocative, tran

8. 3 Tacitus, Hist. 4, 5. 4 Titinius Capito (Pliny, Epp. 1, 17). This person had been a high secretary of state under D

as no escape. Despite the nominal sovranty of law, one man ruled. 2 This is his comment on Tiberius. It was no less true

It derived from consent and delegation; it was founded upon the laws. This was something different from the monarchies of th

empire ’idemque huic urbi dominandi finis erit qui parendi fuerit’. 6 This is a far cry from Marcus Brutus. A new conception

ecord of their public services adorned Augustus’ Forum of Mars Ultor. This was the recompense due to ‘boni duces’ after deat

Aug. 101, cf. E. Hohl, Klio xxx (1937), 323 ff. PageBook=>523 This precious document, surviving in provincial copies

and II the dates are given in years B.C. II. THE KINSMEN OF CATO This table reproduces the researches of Münzer, RA, 32

ervilia’s son Brutus, cf. ib. 333 ff. III. THE FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS This tree, which is designed in the main to illustrate

descendants beyond the second generation. IV. THE AEMILII LEPIDI This is based upon Groag’s table (PIR2, A, p. 57), omi

) is accepted here and on Table V. V. THE DESCENDANTS OF POMPEIUS This table illustrates the alliances between the desce

the table in PIR2, C, facing p. 328. VII. THE CONNEXIONS OF VARUS This is based upon the stemma worked out by E. Groag,