n ‘Dux’ became ‘Princeps’. He did not cease to be Imperator Caesar. There is no breach in continuity. Twenty years of crowd

as less assertive in the Senate, more candid to his intimate friends. There was no breach in the walls a faction among the no

ined the history of the Republic, giving their names to its epochs. There was an age of the Scipiones: not less of the Mete

. Office was accessible to the ‘industria ac virtus’ of all citizens. There was not even a property-qualification. The letter

less pessimistic remarks about an earlier period, Hist, 1, 12 M. 2 There was no party of the populares; cf. H. Strasburger

Claudii, however, persisted, unchanged in their alarming versatility. There was no epoch of Rome’s history but could show a C

s rivals, or grasping personal power under cover of liberal politics. There were two branches of their line, unequal in talen

, in defence of Verres or against the bills of Gabinius and Manilius. There was a fine rally at the prosecution of the tribun

s of the governing party might assert the claims of birth and talent. There were two young Metelli, Celer and Nepos in capaci

among the nobiles. The Optimates stood sorely in need of a leader. There were dangerous rifts in the oligarchy, the wounds

character, ‘hated by heaven and by the nobility’, for good reasons. 4 There were no words to describe Cn. Pompeius the son. A

ius as the result of an earlier clash, in 67 B.C. Velleius 2, 40, 6). There was rioting, and Pompeius’ tribune Flavius impris

ounds as well as public for hating Caesar, the lover of Servilia. 1 There was nothing to preclude an alliance with Pompeius

. No mistake about the meaning of that act; and Servilia disapproved. There were deeper causes still in Brutus’ resolve to sl

e debts of needy senators and winning the support of daring agents. There was no scope for talent or ideas on the other sid

eva as a type). PageBook=>071 in Gaul and in the Civil Wars. 1 There were other representatives of his class, excellen

enriched his partisans, from senators down to soldiers and freedmen? There were to be no proscriptions. But Caesar acquired

es into imperial history with two consuls in the reign of Caligula. 5 There were immigrant Roman NotesPage=>079 1 C. F

rem 2, 11, 3) or ‘iam ex tota Italia delecti’ (Cicero, Pro Sulla 24). There are plenty of odd but significant examples of the

anization of Italy and kept alive the memory of defeat and suffering. There could be no reconciliation until a long time had

ment this time largely, but not wholly, disappointed Sullan veterans. There were plots or risings almost everywhere, includin

time, it may be presumed, Trebonius went to Asia, Cimber to Bithynia. There were no legions at all in Asia and in Bithynia, o

solved from ambition, considered or reckless, and the lust for power. There were surely alternatives to Caesar’s autocracy. C

Cn. Domitius Calvinus, who had fought in Thessaly, Pontus and Africa. There was no public mention of the nobilis P. Sulpicius

e East to secure the province of Syria. Antonius had already acted. There was a nearer danger, D. Brutus holding the Cisalp

rms, between the venerable consular and the revolutionary adventurer. There is a danger, it is true, that the relations of Ci

itting to the guidance of a small group of enlightened aristocrats. 1 There was place in the NotesPage=>144 1 For this

an be a menace to posterity as well as to its author or its audience. There was another side not Antonius only, but the neutr

e of liberty, the deeds of Pompeius, and a Brutus besieged at Mutina. There was no respite: at Rome the struggle was prosecut

n towards his own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decency. 3 There were more damaging charges than mere vice in Roma

stocratic. In fact, oligarchy ruled through consent and prescription. There were two principles of authority, in theory worki

es of the People. That was the first duty of every Roman statesman. There is a melancholy truth in the judgement of the his

as published on numerous coins with the legend Ob cives servatos. 2 There was no limit to the devices of fraudulent humanit

of libertas, the Senate unreliable, unpatriotic or unrepresentative? There was a remedy. The private enterprise of citizens,

the People. Cicero spoke before the People as well as in the Curia. 1 There he boldly inverted the protests of Antonius: Anto

showed a lack of personal energy as well as of social distinction. There was no Fabius now of consular rank, no Valerius,

, a province where he was known and esteemed, outstripping Dolabella. There he found six legions, under the Caesarian general

So Plancus turned back and established himself at Cularo (Grenoble). There he waited for D. Brutus to come over the pass of

sintegration sapped the public counsels. No new consuls were elected. There was no leadership, no policy. A property-tax had

hen pushed on with picked troops, moving with the rapidity of Caesar. There was consternation in Rome. The Senate sent envoys

r 27th, established the Triumvirate according to the Pact of Bononia. There were many men alive who remembered Sulla. Often e

he East or with Sex. Pompeius on the western seas and in the islands. There had been delay and warning enough. For the Triumv

returned soon, saving their lives but making a sacrifice in money. 2 There had been an extenuating feature of faction- conte

us was also able to save the knight L. Julius NotesPage=>192 1 There are full accounts of his end in Livy (quoted by S

Rome and Italy had to pay the costs of civil war, in money and land. There was no other source for the Caesarians to draw up

189). 3 Appian, BC 5, 12, 46, cf. Dio 48, 2, 3. 4 Above, p. 189. There is no evidence of the whereabouts of P. Ventidius

4, 100, 422. 2 Even admitted by the apologetic Velleius (2, 70, 1), There was plenty to be explained away in the Autobiogra

ippi (October 23rd). 2 Both sides drew back, damaged and resentful. There followed three weeks of inaction or slow manoeuvr

e ready to fight. The caution of Plancus was too strong for them. 5 There was no mutual confidence in the counsels of the A

f. E. Groag, Klio XIV (1914), 43 ff. 3 W. W. Tarn, CAH x, 41 f. 4 There was even a theory that Octavianus and L. Antonius

Ib. 48, 41, 1; Josephus, AJ 14, 393 ff. PageBook=>224 place. There was delay and allegations that Ventidius had take

re were allies to be courted, men of some consequence now or later. 1 There were others: yet there was no rapid or unanimous

Antistius, Fannius and Libo. These persons can mostly be identified. There is only one difficulty, whether Saturninus is the

li in the Bay of Naples. The year 37 passed in thorough preparations. There was to be no mistake this time. Agrippa devised a

n of the Roman constitution there could be no rational hope any more. There was ordered government, and that was enough. Pr

o and Appian. 5 Calvisius was an Antonian in 44 B.C. (Phil. 3, 26). There is no evidence how soon he joined Octavianus. On

pia. 1 Hence certain symptoms of consolidation, political and social. There were to be no more proscriptions, no more expulsi

os. suff. 36). Ten only are sons or descendants of consular families. There remain twenty-five men, the earliest consuls of t

re than justice to the merits of Senate and People in earlier days. 2 There was no idealization in his account of a more rece

heir diverse kingdoms with the hazardous support of mercenary armies. There was fair evidence at hand to confirm the deeply-

ntaining order for the government, kept open the wounds of civil war. There was material for another revolution: it had threa

ther, embracing not only impoverished citizens but aliens and slaves. There had been warning signs. The conservative NotesP

nstructed Canidius to bring the army down to the sea-coast of Asia. 2 There the legions passed the winter of 33-32 B.C. In

n Syria in 31 B.C. (Dio 51, 7, 3), was perhaps appointed by Antonius. There is no evidence of any provincial commands held by

for Octavianus on Cephallenia after Actium, cf. BMC, R. Rep. II 533. There are many uncertainties in this field. Valuable ad

Q. Hortensius, young Lucullus and Favonius, the old admirer of Cato. There remained, however, enough distinguished survivors

t prove the substantial identity of his policy with that of Antonius. There was Cleopatra. Antonius was not the King of Egypt

r insistent attempts to augment her kingdom at the expense of Judaea. There is no sign of infatuation here if infatuation the

lippi. They knew it, and they knew the price of peace and survival. There was no choice : the Caesarian leader would tolera

ntrolled Rome and Italy, invested with supreme power, but no title. 6 There must be no risks, no danger of an Antonian rising

9 (misdated, cf. Dio 50, 13, 8; Velleius 2, 84, 2). 2 Dio 51, 4, 3. There is no indication of the date of his desertion. He

ion of the battle itself is all a mystery—and a topic of controversy. There may have been little fighting and comparatively f

que, nefas, Aegyptia coniunx. 1 The victory was final and complete. There was no haste to pursue the fugitives to Egypt. Oc

er east than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. There had been a plot—or so it was alleged. It was supp

nc est bibendum’ sang the poet Horace, safe and subsidized in Rome. There remained the partisans of Antonius. Caesar had in

disdained to beg for mercy :8 his mother Fulvia would have approved. There were other victims. As for the Antonians later ca

e apprehended, save when civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. There were to be no more civil wars. So much for the

thia, like the menace of Egypt, was merely a pretext in his policy. There was a closer danger, his own equals and rivals, t

, to any extremity. But the military oligarchy was highly variegated. There was scarce a man among the consulars but had a Re

kinsmen among them, the course of events might have been different. 1 There is a mysterious calamity in these years unexplain

use the term ‘princeps’, but not as part of any official titulature. There were other principes in the State, there could no

speak in defence of political adventurers and ministers of despotism. There were none of them left—they had all joined the na

ictory of Actium for Actium was the foundation-myth of the new order. There is something unreal in the sustained note of jubi

ion of Arabia had failed, and the ill- advised project was abandoned. There were less spectacular and more urgent tasks. Two

ere merely Narbonensis and Cyprus, no great loss to Gaul and Syria. 1 There had been successful operations in Gaul and in the

e direct heirs of one branch of the patrician Claudii, the Nerones. There was closer kin. Octavia had been employed in her

the East is described as a mild but opprobrious form of banishment. 7 There is no truth in this fancy a political suspect is

ps and his nephew. Agrippa received for himself a share in the power. There would be some warrant for speaking of a veiled co

c individual with hard, heavy features angry, imperious and resolute. There were grounds for the opinion that, if Augustus di

Of Agrippa, scant honour in his lifetime or commemoration afterwards. There was never meant to be. Any prominence of Agrippa

re was a republican virtue and an ideal of service akin to his own. There was another bond. Tiberius was betrothed, perhaps

Neither can one man, though empire may appear to presuppose monarchy. There is always an oligarchy somewhere, open or conceal

nuously praised by historians, did not escape contemporary observers. There was a very precise reason for reducing the roll o

bus, from Larinum (CIL IX, 751), might be related to this family. 2 There could scarcely be any doubt about [M]amius Murriu

idence: but he purchased large estates in Picenum (Pliny, NH 18, 37). There are amphora-stamps of Tarius Rufus in the museums

life and for politics (the perennial quies) often proved too strong. There was an ancient and reputable family among the Pae

ital city was relieved of the burdensome presence of both her rulers. There followed a certain relaxation in the control of e

s still absent, and only one consul in office, C. Sentius Saturninus. There was need of a strong hand, and Saturninus was the

justification for ennoblement. Nothing could be more fair and honest. There were also deeper and better reasons for political

ina, daughter of Camillus (Suetonius, Divus Claudius 26, 1; ILS 199). There was even a Mummia Achaica (Suetonius, Galba 3, 4)

fer a relationship with the Marcii Censorini (cf. Velleius 2, 14, 3). There is an unexplained connexion with the Messallae in

onsulate were not the only favours in the hands of the party-dynasts. There were priesthoods and the patriciate, administrati

ion his right to designate a praetor every year, that did not matter. There were other ways. The system broadens as it desc

o knights, freedmen and plain citizens, with pervasive ramifications. There was a certain C. Velleius Paterculus, of reputabl

them are later chosen to command armies, as legates or proconsuls. 1 There were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy coul

r did not fulfil the ambition of the Princeps or justify his mandate. There was hard work to be done in the provinces and on

wo separate armies. The supreme effort, however, was greater still. There was the Rhine as well. The glory of it all was in

ken over the province or refrained from having a proconsul appointed. There is no record of the title of M. Lollius. 2 Dio

;c. The date of his command is probably 9–6 B.C. (P-W I A, 1519 ff.). There might be room for another legate between Titius a

which P. Quinctilius Varus passed after his proconsulate of Africa. 3 There was also fighting in Africa. 4 These are not th

ϵύς Λϵνκίον Moυvατίoυ. 4 IGRR IV, 244 (Ilium). 5 Dio 53, 15, 4 f. There is no evidence, however, about the date of this i

Volkmann, Zur Rechtsprechung im Principat des Augustus (1935), 93 ff. There can hardly be any doubt that their powers were de

nent body of counsellors to the Princeps or any constitutional organ. There was no cabinet but a series of cabinets, the choi

inances of a great empire cannot be conducted in so simple a fashion. There must be financial experts lurking somewhere. More

3 OGIS 458. 4 ILS 935. 5 Suetonius, Nero 4. PageBook=>422 There was more in him than that either prudence or cons

his own. 2 Like the Cornelii Lentuli, Piso was no enemy of Tiberius. There were other nobles with influential connexions, su

ars. Livia waited and worked for her family, patient and unobtrusive. There must be no open evidence of discord in the syndic

and Lucius. To this end their mother served merely as an instrument. There may have been a conspiracy. Whether wanton or mer

to Rhodes and bring back the head of the exile. 3 That was excessive. There were other symptoms. Nemausus, a loyal and patrio

vitia eius assentatione alentium. ’ 5 ILS 140. PageBook=>431 There was no choice now. Augustus adopted Tiberius. The

bunicia potestas and a special imperium, was dispatched to the North. There had been fighting in Germany with more credit to

‘pax deorum’, the prosperity of the whole community clearly depended. There were manifold signs of its absence. The ruinous h

work of restoration? cui dabit partis scelus expiandi Iuppiter? 2 There could be only one answer. The official head of th

derive its validity or its success from mere action by a government. There is much more authentic religious sentiment here t

agon of virtue that Cicero and his contemporaries affected to admire. There was another side to that. Yet the strong suspic

en from Spain and Narbonensis would be discovered in large numbers. 3 There was less need for deception in the armies of the

posals from neutral or partisan men of letters were less in evidence. There was Sallustius, it is true, attacking both oligar

oncerned the politics of Rome, its loyalties were mixed and confused. There was patriotic recollection of the great Marius wh

candal of Augustus’ granddaughter Julia (A.D. 8) provided the excuse. There can be no question of any active complicity on th

xpressing loyalty to the Princeps and confidence in the government. There were less spectacular but more permanent methods

e Roman towns had altars but not temples, as at Tarraco and at Narbo. There was as yet no provincial cult in these regions, f

he Augustan Principate seems to attest inevitable and unbroken peace. There was another side to it ’pacem sine dubio post hae

or as dangerous as the government affected to believe and discover. 2 There was a graver danger than the dagger of a casual a

ple. He had no children one of the reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There were others: at this time there can have been in

impotence that depressed and perverted the morale of the aristocracy. There was no field left them now for action or even for

virtue at home and abroad, for it sought to abolish war and politics. There could be no great men any more: the aristocracy w

estroyed their spurious Republic: they had ruined the Roman People. There is something more important than political libert

, so long as Rome was on the wrong path, produced vigorous oratory. 7 There were the Gracchi and Cicero but was it worth it?

Tacitus is a monarchist, from perspicacious despair of human nature. There was no escape. Despite the nominal sovranty of

Principate of Nerva which succeeded the absolute rule of Domitian. 1 There was another side to this fair show of phrases, na

. 2 As for the family of the Cocceii, they had a genius for safety. There could be great men still, even under bad emperors

friends whether he had played well his part in the comedy of life. 2 There could be one answer or none. Whatever his deserts

tas, however, does betray the truth, for auctoritas is also potentia. There is no word in this passage of the tribunicia pote