HE subject of this book is the transformation of state and society at Rome between 60 B.C. and A.D. 14. It is composed round

al history has been severely restricted. Instead, the noble houses of Rome and the principal allies of the various political

e hellénique. BMC =British Museum Catalogue. BSR =British School at Rome . CAH =Cambridge Ancient History. CIL =Corpus In

than war between citizens. 1 Liberty was gone, but only a minority at Rome had ever enjoyed it. The survivors of the old gov

ded and imposed. The rule of Augustus brought manifold blessings to Rome , Italy and the provinces. Yet the new dispensat

n both to Sallustius and to Tacitus. 1 All three sat in the Senate of Rome and governed provinces; new-comers to the senator

ulla’s ordinances, a restored oligarchy of the nobiles held office at Rome . Pompeius fought against it; but Pompeius, for al

ng order could have any history at all and only the ruling city: only Rome , not Italy. 1 In the Revolution the power of the

formed. Italy and the non- political orders in society triumphed over Rome and the Roman aristocracy. Yet the old framework

d and found wide acceptance. 4 The menace of despotic power hung over Rome like a heavy cloud for thirty years from the Dict

d. Five civil wars and more in twenty years drained the life-blood of Rome and involved the whole world in strife and anarch

se a renegade, coming like a monarch out of the East, would subjugate Rome to an alien rule. Italy suffered devastation and

n destiny and the inexorable stars. In the beginning kings ruled at Rome , and in the end, as was fated, it came round to m

RCHY PageBook=>010 WHEN the patricians expelled the kings from Rome , they were careful to retain the kingly power, ve

re the consulate and consequent ennoblement) was a rare phenomenon at Rome . 3 Before the sovran people he might boast how he

subsidize friends and allies. Hence debts, corruption and venality at Rome , oppression and extortion in the provinces. Crass

of Roman conservatism or snobbery, that the leaders of revolution in Rome were usually impoverished or idealistic nobles, t

walk of life, the political dynast might win influence not merely in Rome but in the country-towns of Italy and in regions

hs. Such were the resources which ambition required to win power in Rome and direct the policy of the imperial Republic as

the side of the dominant oligarchy. He failed, and they rose against Rome in the name of freedom and justice. On the Bellum

rthcoming). PageBook=>017 Sulla prevailed and settled order at Rome again through violence and bloodshed. Sulla decim

bservience towards the financial interests, might have perpetuated in Rome and Italy its harsh and hopeless rule. The Empire

Some of the patrician clans like the Furii, whose son Camillus saved Rome from the Gauls, had vanished utterly by now, or a

rs. The younger Lucullus, proconsul of Macedonia, carried the arms of Rome in victory through Thrace to the shore of Pontus

. ’ Cf. Ad Att. 1, 1, 4 (Ahenobarbus). PageBook=>025 to few at Rome to achieve distinction, save through the question

by force of character. Cato extolled the virtues that won empire for Rome in ancient days, denounced the undeserving rich,

them from his very infancy; 3 and he was ready to bribe the plebs of Rome with corn or money. 4 Against the military dynast

nts, clients and veterans of his father, and led his army to liberate Rome from the domination of the Marian faction for Sul

e turned upon his ally and saved the government. Then, coming back to Rome after six years of absence, when he had terminate

the Senate’s general. The absent dynast overshadowed the politics of Rome , sending home from the East, as before from Spain

te deum princeps. 3 Pompeius was Princeps beyond dispute but not at Rome . By armed force he might have established sole ru

t out to serve under Pompeius as quaestors or legates and returned to Rome to hold higher office, tribunate, praetorship, or

y to be perceived through the tumultuous clamour of political life at Rome under Caesar’s consulate, several partisans or al

he system, Pompeius needed armies in the provinces and instruments at Rome . Certain armies were already secured. But Pompeiu

of Cicero, and at length achieved it. For himself, after a famine in Rome , perhaps deliberately enhanced, he secured a spec

islation of Caesar’s consulate. Pompeius dissembled and departed from Rome . 3 Crassus meanwhile had gone to Ravenna to confe

would have an army of his own in Spain to support his predominance at Rome . The enemies of the dynasts paid for their conf

refers in Ad Att. 4, 5, 1. PageBook=>038 The basis of power at Rome stands out clearly the consulate, the armies and

rom the East, he lacked the desire as well as the pretext to march on Rome ; and Caesar did not conquer Gaul in the design of

eir rivalries might have been tolerated in a small city-state or in a Rome that was merely the head of an Italian confederat

Though proconsul of all Spain, he resided in the suburban vicinity of Rome , contemplating the decline of Republican governme

unning for the praetorship. When Milo killed Clodius, the populace of Rome , in grief for their patron and champion, displaye

r against the Sullan oligarchy. Italy began to stir. In the city of Rome political contests and personal feuds now grew sh

d clearly the strength of the opposing parties in command of votes at Rome . Moreover, Antonius and other adherents of Caesar

PageBook=>047 SULLA was the first Roman to lead an army against Rome . Not of his own choosing his enemies had won co

e governor of Syria. If he gave way now, it was the end. Returning to Rome a private citizen, Caesar would at once be prosec

n misrepresented the true wishes of a vast majority in the Senate, in Rome , and in Italy. They pretended that the issue lay

hich the propertied classes were sedulously praised by politicians at Rome forbade intervention in a struggle which was not

who assumed the title of Divi filius as consecration for the ruler of Rome . That was all he affected to inherit from Caesar,

to establish or had actually inaugurated an institution unheard of in Rome and unimagined there monarchic rule, despotic and

or the new man from Arpinum was derided as ‘the first foreign king at Rome since the Tarquinii’. 2 It was to silence rumour

ew, attracted little attention at the time of his first appearance in Rome . The young man had to build up a faction for hims

was an ominous type, the monarchic aristocrat, recalling the kings of Rome and fatal to any Republic. NotesPage=>058

d his allies might invoke philosophy or an ancestor who had liberated Rome from the Tarquinii, the first consul of the Repub

It is not necessary to believe that Caesar planned to establish at Rome a ‘Hellenistic Monarchy’, whatever meaning may at

ined them and held them. The gold of Gaul poured in steady streams to Rome , purchasing consuls and tribunes, paying the debt

as aedile Caelius detected and repressed frauds in the waterworks at Rome , composing a memoir that became a classic in the

venge and as an example to deter posterity from raising dissension at Rome , Sulla outlawed his adversaries, confiscated thei

his house was descended from the immortal gods and from the kings of Rome . 2 Patrician and plebeian understood each other.

ii and the Servilii occupy a special rank in the political history of Rome , patrician houses which seem to have formed an al

cracy, conspicuous in the Julii and in the Claudii. The novus homo at Rome was all too anxiously engaged in forgetting his o

s was not a citizen by birth he received the franchise for service to Rome in the Sertorian War, through the agency of Pompe

d then propraetor, made the acquaintance of Balbus and brought him to Rome . Allied both to Pompeius and to Caesar, Balbus gr

en very different. Balbus ruled his native Gades like a monarch: in Rome the alien millionaire exercised a power greater t

r talent and far- sighted bankers as his adherents, Caesar easily won Rome and Italy. NotesPage=>073 1 Ad Att. 7, 7,

instrumentum bonitati quaerere videretur. ’ PageBook=>074 But Rome had conquered an empire: the fate of Italy was de

People by personal ties of allegiance. In the imminence of civil war, Rome feared from Caesar’s side an irruption of barbari

he reminded the ungrateful men of Hispalis. 5 Gades had been loyal to Rome since the great Punic War, and Caesar filched the

ings, dynasts and cities stood loyal to Pompeius as representative of Rome , but only so long as his power subsisted. Enemies

orious already, envied and hated for his princely pleasure-gardens in Rome , his villa at Tusculum. The Dictatorship found hi

at, Caesar elevated men from the provinces to a seat in the Senate of Rome . Urban humour blossomed into scurrilous verses ab

s not a Roman by birth, but a citizen of an alien community allied to Rome . Balbus did not yet enter the Senate. His young n

d once defended, not, as Gabinius, under pressure from the masters of Rome , but from choice, from gratitude or for profit. T

f his parent these admirable men and others now adorned the Senate of Rome , augmented in personal standing to match their we

ived from banking, industry or farming, pursuits in no way exclusive. Rome outshines the cities of Italy, suppressing their

ions over the peninsula could transform their internal economy. As at Rome under a Republican constitution, so in the munici

dents. 4 Many cities of Italy traced an origin earlier than that of Rome : their rulers could vie in antiquity, and even in

>083 with the aristocracy of the capital. Like the patricians of Rome , they asserted descent from kings and gods, and t

ge back to Attius Tullus, a king of the Volsci who had fought against Rome . 3 Yet there was no lack of evidence, quite pla

to expel the Aleuadae from Thessalian Larisa. Simplified history, at Rome and elsewhere, tells of cities or nations, often

ia pelli armis coeptum. ’ PageBook=>084 The governing class at Rome had not always disdained the aristocracies of oth

ities. Tradition affirmed that monarchs of foreign stock had ruled at Rome . More important than the kings were their rivals

lba Longa fell, her gods and her ruling families were transplanted to Rome : hence the Julii and the Servilii. Out of the Sab

e land came Attus Clausus with the army of his clients and settled at Rome , the ancestor of the gens Claudia. 1 Sabine, too,

ii, perhaps the Fabii. 2 These baronial houses brought with them to Rome the cults and legends of their families, imposing

s recalled their local and alien provenance. 4 In strife for power at Rome , the patricians were ready to enlist allies where

and south into Campania. 5 The concession of political equality at Rome by the patricians in the middle of the fourth cen

beian, the new-comers ranked in dignity almost with the patriciate of Rome . The Fulvii came from Tusculum, the Plautii fro

ion. 3 The plebeian houses might acquire wealth and dynastic power at Rome , but they could never enter the rigid and defined

and that dubious figure, Marcius of Corioli, ostensibly an exile from Rome and Roman at heart, perhaps belongs more truly to

or compunction. About the early admissions to power and nobility at Rome much will remain obscure and controversial. In it

Pliny, NH 7, 136 (a Tusculan consul who deserted and became consul at Rome in the same year). On the Plautii, Münzer, RA, 44

towns of Italy he acquired power and advanced partisans to office at Rome . 1 But the Marian party had been defeated and p

ia. The reality was very different. 2 The recent war of Italy against Rome must not be forgotten. When Caesar invaded Italy

fluences. In a wide region of Italy it was reinforced by hostility to Rome as yet unappeased, by the memory of oppression an

devastation. Only forty years before Caesar’s invasion, the allies of Rome from Asculum in the Picene land through the Marsi

rough the Marsi and Paeligni down to Samnium and Lucania rose against Rome and fought for freedom and justice. 3 They were

whom no triumph had ever been celebrated whether they fought against Rome or for her. 4 The Marsi provided the first impuls

ealing: it was a holy alliance, a coniuratio of eight peoples against Rome , in the name of Italy. Italia they stamped as a l

Roman franchise to the allies was first made by agrarian reformers at Rome , with interested motives. A cause of dissension i

d the allies. Reminded of other grievances and seeing no redress from Rome after the failure and death of their champion, th

talians took up arms. It was not to extort a privilege but to destroy Rome . They nearly succeeded. Not until they had been b

factions. Etruria and Umbria, though wavering, had remained loyal to Rome : the propertied classes had good reason to fear a

many adherents in the Etruscan towns; and all the Samnites marched on Rome , not from loyalty to the Marian cause, but to des

ty to the Marian cause, but to destroy the tyrant city. 4 Sulla saved Rome . He defeated the Samnite army at the Colline Gate

agius, a magnate of the Samnite community of Aeclanum, stood loyal to Rome , raising a private army conspicuous on Sulla’s si

t the capture of the town of Pompeii: his two sons became praetors at Rome . 1 A certain Statius fought bravely for Samnium.

3 He desired that the sentiment and voice of Italy should be heard at Rome but it was the Italy of the post-Sullan order, an

, 1892, 32). 9 Livy, Per. 73. PageBook=>092 in the courts of Rome , making enemies and friends in high places. 1 Pol

the Italici are hostile to Pompeius and the legitimate government of Rome . Caesar has a mixed following, some stripped from

scordant stocks of Italy into something that resembled a nation, with Rome as its capital, was not consummated by orators or

m Italicum and the enfranchisement of Italy, could not be confined to Rome , but must embrace all Italy. That Italy should

d dialects. The advance of alien stocks in the governing hierarchy of Rome can be discovered from nomenclature. 1 The earlie

a sharp lesson. Nor would a seat in the lower ranks of the Senate at Rome have been an extreme honour and unmixed blessing

is simple fashion, through a coalition of Caesarians and Republicans, Rome received constitutional government again. Concord

ok=>099 the benefactions bestowed by his will upon the people of Rome , the crowd broke loose and burned the body in the

himself off as a grandson of C. Marius. The Liberators departed from Rome early in April, and took refuge in the small town

the Capitol was a symbolical act, antiquarian and even Hellenic. But Rome was not a Greek city, to be mastered from its cit

ether conservative or revolutionary, despised so utterly the plebs of Rome that they felt no scruples when they enhanced its

ith his public boast of the Julian house, descended from the kings of Rome and from the immortal gods; they buried his daugh

lory. Discontent, it is true, could be detected among the populace of Rome NotesPage=>100 1 See further below, p. 164

April and May lurked in the little towns of Latium in the vicinity of Rome , they gathered adherents’ from the local aristocr

lla had suppressed a recrudescence of the irregular cult of Caesar at Rome : it was hoped that he might be induced to support

er Brutus private subsidies; and he later made a grant to Servilia. Rome and Italy, if lost, could be recovered in the pro

indulgence. The failings of Antonius may have told against him but in Rome and in Italy rather than with the troops and in t

ey were nothing new or alarming in the holders of office and power at Rome . In the end it was not debauchery that ruined Ant

us and Cassius (who were praetors) a dispensation to remain away from Rome . He spoke the language of conciliation,1 and it w

n the Caesarian party. No doubt Antonius desired them to be away from Rome : a temporary absence at least might have been adm

ssination of Caesar would have wide and ruinous repercussions outside Rome , provoking a native rising in Gaul or else the le

alkan and eastern wars, it might be doubted whether much was still at Rome for Antonius to take. The character and fate of t

recognized the seizure of territory by an eastern monarch subject to Rome not that it mattered much; 2 and he bestowed Roma

s in Epirus. 4 On the whole, Antonius was distinctly superior to what Rome had learned to expect of the politician in power.

in the place of the Dictator and succeed to sole and supreme power at Rome as though the fate of Caesar were not a warning.

edonia. But the proconsul was vulnerable if a faction seized power in Rome and sought to pay back old scores. In 42 B.C. D.

us and Nonius Asprenas. Under these auspices Antonius departed from Rome (about April 21st) and made his way to Campania.

affled and defied by Caesar’s heir. Not for nothing that the ruler of Rome made use of a signet- ring with a sphinx engraved

certain friends counselled, was wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch with persons of influ

prepared. Early in May, Octavianus drew near the city. As he entered Rome , a halo was seen to encircle NotesPage=>114

he People. By the middle of the month, the consul himself was back in Rome . An unfriendly interview followed. Octavianus cla

that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy. Antonius had returned to Rome with an escort of veterans, much to the disquiet

board of seven commissioners. They were chosen, as was traditional at Rome , from partisans. 1 The Liberators remained, an

st Antonius: he would have to make a choice. Sanguine informants from Rome reported at Rhegium an expectation that Antonius

gainst Caesar’s heir. The word of the veterans silenced the Senate of Rome . When L. Piso spoke, at the session of August 1st

t 1st is Cicero’s report of what was told him when he was absent from Rome . In Cicero, however, no mention of the Ludi Victo

l war and their proud conviction that wherever they were, there stood Rome and the Republic. 2 Cassius, however, lingered in

oderns sometimes obscure the nature and sources of political power at Rome . They were patent to contemporaries. For the ambi

remaining. Legitimate primacy, it is true, could only be attained at Rome through many extra-constitutional resources, brib

and a long line of demagogues. Rumours went about in the July days at Rome that Octavianus, though a patrician, had designs

m, nor did he neglect opportunities on his journey from Brundisium to Rome . As the months passed, the Caesarian sentiments o

r of dissension were frustrated. Brutus and Cassius did not return to Rome and the rival Caesarian leaders were reconciled t

to remove a potential ally. 2 However it was, Antonius took alarm. Rome was becoming untenable. If he lingered until the

ons nothing was known. But late in October disquieting news came to Rome through private sources. It was reported that the

ad brought the news. Further, Scaptius, Brutus’ agent, had arrived at Rome . Servilia promised to pass on her information to

h it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius from returning to Rome , to cross the central mountains and intercept thr

ong the eastern coast of Italy towards Cisalpine Gaul, or to march on Rome himself? 2 Octavianus took the supreme risk and

on Rome himself? 2 Octavianus took the supreme risk and set out for Rome . With armed men he occupied the Forum on November

us ordered summary executions. Disturbing rumours brought him back to Rome . He summoned the Senate to meet on November 24th,

on with the lavish generosity of Octavianus. The consul returned to Rome . On November 28th the Senate met by night upon th

ed by no doubts of his own, by no disloyalty among his troops. Out of Rome and liberated from the snares of political intrig

oney to attract recruits, subsidize supporters and educate opinion in Rome and throughout Italy. Octavianus had more skill,

ius embezzled the sum of seven hundred million sesterces deposited in Rome at the Temple of Ops. 1 Only the clumsy arts of a

of the East. 2 It is alleged that he duly dispatched these moneys to Rome , to the Treasury, holding that his own inheritanc

rt of private investors, among them some of the wealthiest bankers of Rome . Atticus, who refused to finance the war-chest of

ing the actions of others. Even a nonentity is a power when consul at Rome . A policy they had, and they might achieve it to

ce of Asia for Caesar with some credit in 46-44 B.C. On his return to Rome late in the summer Servilius embarked upon a tort

the policy of the consul on September 2nd. When Octavianus marched on Rome , however, no news was heard of P. Servilius: like

nd by personal approach. But Cicero stood firm: he refused to come to Rome and condone Caesar’s acts and policy by presence

ence and acquiesced in a large measure of authoritative government at Rome . He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutus later

ear Rhegium, he had cognizance on August 7th of news and rumours from Rome . The situation appeared to have changed. Antonius

the month of September brought no real comfort or confidence. Back in Rome , Cicero refrained from attending the Senate on th

to be compromised in public. Then Octavianus urged Cicero to come to Rome , to save the State once again, and renew the memo

num, which lay off the main roads. The young revolutionary marched on Rome without him. About Octavianus, Cicero was indee

evoked. More significant and most ominous was the speech delivered in Rome , the solemn oath with hand outstretched to the st

ls of the Republic. When Pompeius had subdued the East to the arms of Rome , he received an alarming proposal of this kind: t

Neither was the dupe. When he heard of the failure of the march on Rome , Cicero NotesPage=>143 1 Ad M. Brutum 1, 1

me or policy in the present, but simply the ancestral constitution of Rome as it was or should have been a century earlier,

leading. The private virtues of Cicero, his rank in the literature of Rome , and his place in the history of civilization tem

inst Antonius, there were clearly two opinions. Octavianus marched on Rome . Where was Brutus? What a chance he was missing!

f Pompeius, and a Brutus besieged at Mutina. There was no respite: at Rome the struggle was prosecuted, in secret intrigue a

upting the corrupt, compelled him to write indecent verses. 3 This at Rome : in his province lust was matched with cruelty. V

a coward. Instead of fighting at Caesar’s side in Spain, he lurked at Rome . How different was gallant young Dolabella! 2 The

t become her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had never mattered! 7 From the grosser forms

f peace and legitimate government. That was precisely the question at Rome where and what was the legitimate authority that

y that could demand the unquestioning loyalty of all good citizens? Rome had an unwritten constitution: that is to say, ac

. Further, it was an attractive theory that the conduct of affairs in Rome should not be narrowly Roman, but commend itself

the Revolution did not impede or annul the use of political fraud at Rome . On the contrary, the vocabulary was furbished up

n this plea that the young Pompeius raised a private army and rescued Rome and Italy from the tyranny of the Marian party; 2

air names. 4 In the autumn of 44 B.C. Caesar’s heir set forth to free Rome from the tyranny of the consul Antonius. 5 His ul

motives that induced him to waive his hostility against the rulers of Rome , Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar. 1 The dynast Pompe

t loyal support from the provincial governors, usurpation of power at Rome was doomed to collapse. Gallia Cisalpina dominate

ompeius to lay down his arms and come to terms with the government in Rome a heavy blow for the Republicans. Antonius secure

whereabouts of the Liberators there was still no certain knowledge at Rome at the end of the year. That they would in fact n

ution in the East. The friends and relatives of Brutus and Cassius at Rome , whatever they knew, probably kept a discreet sil

ncerted design between the Liberators and the constitutional party in Rome on the contrary, discordance of policy and aim.

e of Brutus, not to advance within a distance of two hundred miles of Rome , but to submit to the authority of the government

of Antonius was neither unreasonable nor contumacious. As justice at Rome derived from politics, with legality a casual or

certain extinction. Considering the recent conduct of his enemies at Rome and in Italy, he had every reason to demand safeg

or Pansa to come up with his four legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome about March 19th. Antonius for his part planned t

entidius slipped through. Before long Octavianus received news from Rome that amply justified his decision: he was to be d

sar’s heir turned his arms against his associates and was marching on Rome . Fate was forging a new and more enduring compact

d property, in the spirit and deed of revolution. On April 27th all Rome celebrated the glorious victory of Mutina. As the

Forum Gallorum and rumoured death of Pansa, it was widely believed in Rome NotesPage=>168 1 Ad fam. 11, 20, 1: ‘lauda

nce. The news of armies raised in Italy and Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have convinced him at last that there was no

in winter. 2 This may be why he wished to delay the publication in Rome of the report of Cassius’s seizure of the eastern

For the second time in ten months Caesar’s heir set out to march on Rome . He crossed the Rubicon at the head of eight legi

roops, moving with the rapidity of Caesar. There was consternation in Rome . The Senate sent envoys with the offer of permiss

did not survive the honour by many months. The new consul now entered Rome to pay sacrifice to the immortal gods. Twelve vul

ve vultures were seen in the sky, the omen of Romulus, the founder of Rome . 3 The day was August 19th. Octavianus himself wa

Ch. XIV THE PROSCRIPTIONS PageBook=>187 CAESAR’S heir now held Rome after the second attempt in ten months. The first

, to take vengeance upon the lesser enemies along with the greater. Rome could already have a foretaste of legal murder. O

in. With a devoted army, augmented to eleven legions, the consul left Rome for the reckoning with Antonius, whom he could no

sarian party. With the revival of the Pompeian faction in the city of Rome and the gathering power of Brutus and Cassius in

resviri rei publicae constituendae). When a coalition seized power at Rome , it employed as instruments of domination the sup

proportionate revenge for men who had been declared public enemies. Rome shivered under fear and portents. Soothsayers wer

ssive, but the prophecy was superfluous. The three leaders marched to Rome and entered the city in ceremonial pomp on separa

ignoble vices of cupidity and treachery. The laws and constitution of Rome had been subverted. With them perished honour and

orm of law and not in the heat of battle to shed the noblest blood of Rome , compassion and even excuse was found in later ge

oney. 2 There had been an extenuating feature of faction- contests at Rome the worst extremities could sometimes be avoided,

rocured his doom. The Caesarian party was fighting the Republicans at Rome as it was soon to fight them in the East. But the

confiscating real property only. 2 Hitherto the game of politics at Rome had been financed by the spoils of the provinces,

Italy was subject to no kind of taxation, direct or indirect. But now Rome and Italy had to pay the costs of civil war, in m

was a singular dearth, recalling the days when Cinna was dominant at Rome . In December of the year 44 B.C. the Senate had

ount only seventeen ex-consuls, the majority of whom were absent from Rome , ailing in health or remote from political intere

and L. Vinicius, who have left no record of service to the rulers of Rome but, as sole and sufficient proof, the presence o

follow. Their colleague Lepidus was left behind in nominal charge of Rome and Italy. The real control rested with Antonius,

us might have understood each other and compromised for peace and for Rome : the avenging of Caesar and the extermination of

he end of Cicero, it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome . 2 For good reasons Brutus and Cassius decided

arrow, imperfect and outworn, but for all that the soul and spirit of Rome . No battle of all the Civil Wars was so murdero

he aristocracy. 5 Among the fallen were recorded the noblest names of Rome . No consulars, it is true, for the best of the pr

the few survivors of that order cowered ignominious and forgotten in Rome or commanded the armies that destroyed the Republ

he ranks of discontent. Owners of land with their families flocked to Rome , suppliant and vocal. 3 The urban plebs cheerfull

icions of the soldiery. Riots broke out and his life was in danger. Rome and all Italy was in confusion, with murderous st

ud and took on the colours of an ancient wrong. Political contests at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerated we

the expense of Italy. Denied justice and liberty, Italy rose against Rome for the last time. It was not the fierce peoples

gions Umbria, Etruria and the Sabine country, which had been loyal to Rome then, but had fought for the Marian cause against

nius retired to the strong place of Praeneste in the neighbourhood of Rome . And now the soldiery took a hand Caesarian veter

and arranged a meeting of the adversaries at Gabii, half-way between Rome and Praeneste. It was arrested by mutual distrust

tioning war, if in defence of his dignitas. 2 The consul marched on Rome , easily routing Lepidus. He was welcomed by the p

attended none of his more recent predecessors when they had liberated Rome from the domination of a faction. But L. Antonius

ho had presented Caesar’s heir before the people when he marched upon Rome for the first time. 1 Death was also the penalty

, with the exception, it is said, of one man, an astute person who in Rome had secured for himself a seat upon the jury that

nal armed reckoning for the heritage of Caesar seemed inevitable; for Rome the choice between two masters. Which of them had

Philippi proceeded eastwards in splendour to re-establish the rule of Rome and extort for the armies yet more money from the

a year had passed; again, at Perusia, he stamped out the liberties of Rome and Italy in blood and desolation, and stood fort

dversary and destined to follow him before long to destruction, while Rome and the Roman People perished, while a world-empi

n Italy, Marsian or Etruscan, no foreign foe had been able to destroy Rome . Her own strength and her own sons laid her low.

Snell, Hermes LXXIII (1938), 237 ff. 2 The last Ludi Saeculares at Rome had been celebrated in 149 B.C. They were therefo

ers, escorted by some of their prominent adherents, made their way to Rome . Of Antonius’ men, the Republican Ahenobarbus had

llio may have departed to Macedonia about the same time if he came to Rome to assume the insignia of his consulate, it was n

nuptials of Antonius were soon clouded by disturbances in the city of Rome . The life of Octavianus was endangered. Unpopul

by the virtue of the name of Caesar, won the support of the plebs in Rome and the armed proletariat of Italy, and represent

ination of the nomads was transient. Brundisium freed the energies of Rome . Antonius at once dispatched Ventidius against

ed a captive by Pompeius Strabo fifty-one years before, celebrated in Rome his paradoxical triumph. 1 Ventidius is not hea

cious siege Jerusalem surrendered (July, 37 B.C.). The authority of Rome had been restored. It remained to settle the affa

ccidental but delayed advantage prominent Republicans now returned to Rome , nobles of ancient family or municipal aristocrat

rs: yet there was no rapid or unanimous adhesion to the new master of Rome . While some reverted again to Pompeius, many took

s, for whom there could be no pardon from Caesar’s heir, no return to Rome . But the young Pompeius was despotic and dynastic

iances, though the day was long past when that alone brought power at Rome . His brother-in-law the consular P. Servilius car

Caesarian fleet. Pompeius rendered thanks to his protecting deity: in Rome the mob rioted against Octavianus and the war.

ern measures Octavianus, sending Taurus to occupy Africa, returned to Rome , victorious. When he arrived there awaited him

aign in Sicily the presence of Maecenas had been urgently required at Rome ; 3 and there had been disturbances in Etruria. 4

4 The cessation of war, the freedom of the seas and the liberation of Rome from famine placated the urban plebs that had rio

n families of the ancient aristocracy and a steadily growing party in Rome and throughout the whole of Italy. How desperat

rested in the hands of the Triumvirs, Octavianus, by his presence at Rome , was in a position of distinct advantage over the

rents from every class and every party. He redoubled his efforts, and Rome witnessed a contest of display and advertisement

ium Libertatis and equipped it with the first public library known at Rome for to Libertas Pollio ever paid homage, and lite

ot all, of the edifices that already foreshadowed the magnificence of Rome under the monarchy. More artful than Antonius, th

lates and triumphs as patronage to senators, to embellish the city of Rome and to provide the inhabitants with pure water or

prominent in their place, Etruscan or Umbrian, Picene or Lucanian. 4 Rome had known her novi homines for three centuries no

h policy were conducted by the rulers in secret or at a distance from Rome . Contemporaries were pained and afflicted by mo

might confer the highest rewards. The practice of public speaking at Rome had recently been carried to perfection when Hort

corrupt oligarchy of the nobiles. 2 In his disillusionment, now that Rome had relapsed under a Sullan despotism, retired fr

how rotten and fraudulent was the Republican government that ruled at Rome between the two Dictatorships. Not Caesar’s invas

thage, and refusing to detect any sign of internal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empire, he imitate

before them the heirs and the marshals of Caesar, owing no loyalty to Rome but feigned devotion to a created divinity, Divus

lgar alike, that history repeated itself in cyclical revolutions. For Rome it might appear to be the time of Sulla come agai

r in state and society. Republican libertas, denied to the nobiles of Rome , could not be conceded to a freedman’s son. Not

e yet or unity, but discord and disquiet. Italy was not reconciled to Rome , or class to class. As after Sulla, the colonies

C.,4 harbingers of trouble before or after the contest with Antonius. Rome had witnessed a social revolution, but it had bee

e innumerable hordes of its subjects. The revolutionary years exposed Rome to the full onrush of foreign religions or gross

ds. 2 When Agrippa in 33 B.C. expelled astrologers and magicians from Rome ,3 that was only a testimony to their power, an at

whole people; 4 and a return to the religious forms and practices of Rome would powerfully contribute to the restoration of

bility and national confidence. The need was patent but the rulers of Rome claimed the homage due to gods and masqueraded, f

of the Senate a number of men who had come to maturity in years when Rome yet displayed the name and the fabric of a free s

rentum when that office lapsed, Antonian consuls would be in power at Rome . Antonius had already lost the better part of two

many of the kings, tetrarchs and petty tyrants abode loyalty, not to Rome , but to Pompeius their patron, whose cause sudden

eastern territories was consigned to four kings, to rule as agents of Rome and wardens of the frontier zone. A Roman provinc

ore. These grants do not seem to have excited alarm or criticism at Rome : only later did they become a sore point and pret

re the adherence of influential dynasts over all the East, friends of Rome and friends of Antonius. A ruler endowed with lib

ruling class in the cities of Asia might hope to enter the Senate of Rome , take rank with their peers from Italy and the we

the design to avenge the disaster of Crassus, display the prestige of Rome and provide for the future security of the Empire

Octavia had come as far as Athens. Her husband told her to go back to Rome , unchivalrous for the first time in his life. He

re ready yet to exploit the affront to his family than the affront to Rome arising from Antonius’ alliance and marital life

the strong kingdoms of Egypt and Judaea in the south and south-east, Rome was secure on that flank and could direct her ful

elegant C. Fonteius Capito, a friend of Antonius, who journeyed from Rome to the conference of Tarentum. 6 Of no note in th

augmentation of the kingdom of Egypt, passed without repercussion in Rome or upon Roman sentiment. Nor did any outcry of in

cts and dispositions were not immediately exploited by his enemies at Rome . The time was not quite ripe. The official Roma

eastern lands. The agents and beneficiaries were kings or cities. For Rome , advantage as well as necessity; and the populati

and economy they supplied levies, gifts and tribute to the rulers of Rome . The Empire of the Roman People was large, dang

it would have to abate its ambitions and narrow the area of its rule. Rome could not deal with the East as well as the West.

ir strength, but their weakness, fomented danger and embarrassment to Rome . A revived Egypt might likewise play its part i

art in the Roman economy of empire. It was doubly necessary, now that Rome elsewhere in the East had undertaken a fresh comm

dent kingdom of Media. Since the Punic Wars the new imperial power of Rome , from suspicion and fear, had exploited the rival

the rivalries and sapped the strength of the Hellenistic monarchies. Rome spread confusion over all the East and in the end

and civil. To the population of the eastern lands the direct rule of Rome was distasteful and oppressive, to the Roman Stat

elf, however much augmented, could never be a menace to the empire of Rome . Ever since Rome had known that kingdom its defen

augmented, could never be a menace to the empire of Rome. Ever since Rome had known that kingdom its defences were weak, it

Roman province: it must remain an ally or an appanage of the ruler of Rome . Even if the old dynasty lapsed, the monarchy wou

emies. Caesar Augustus was therefore at the same time a magistrate at Rome and a king in Egypt. But that does not prove the

cy would hardly have differed from that of Antonius. The first man in Rome , when controlling the East, could not evade, even

tonius might have moved farther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas

in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas swerved from Rome under the influence of Cleopatra? If Antonius be

nds or his allies. Nobler qualities, not the basest, were his ruin. Rome , it has been claimed, feared Cleopatra but did no

was planning a war of revenge that was to array all the East against Rome , establish herself as empress of the world at Rom

l the East against Rome, establish herself as empress of the world at Rome and inaugurate a new universal kingdom. 4 In this

, to secure and augment her Ptolemaic kingdom under the protection of Rome . The clue is to be found in the character of the

1 Tarn (CAH x, 76) concedes that Antonius himself was not a danger to Rome . 2 Horace, Odes 1, 37, 21. 3 The unimportance

rian veterans, personal adherents and their armed bands. Returning to Rome , on his own initiative he summoned the Senate. He

For the moment violence had given Octavianus an insecure control of Rome and Italy. But violence was not enough: he still

all the situation in 49 B.C., when the Pompeian consuls departed from Rome without securing a lex curiata. 3 This is a pur

nt things. Under what name and plea was the contest to be fought? For Rome , for the consuls and the Republic against the dom

ut Plancus. Accompanied by his nephew Titius, he deserted and fled to Rome . 4 Plancus had never yet been wrong in his estima

cate political crisis. The effect must have been tremendous, alike in Rome and in the camp of Antonius. Yet he still kept

e strong Republican following of one already denounced as an enemy of Rome , as a champion of oriental despotism. Bibulus, th

the document from the Vestal Virgins and read it out to the Senate of Rome . Among other things, Antonius reiterated as authe

nius were baffled, unable to defend him openly. Wild rumours pervaded Rome and Italy. Not merely that Antonius and Cleopatra

tra designed to conquer the West Antonius would surrender the city of Rome to the Queen of Egypt and transfer the capital to

ional sanction for his arbitrary power and a national mandate to save Rome from the menace of the East. A kind of plebiscite

y, whereas idea and practice were older still. Long ago the nobles of Rome , not least the dynastic house of the patrician Cl

rt. 3 When a Claudian faction encouraged a revolutionary agitation at Rome with tribunes’ laws and the division of lands, Sc

io Aemilianus and his friends, championing Italy against the plebs of Rome , got help from Italian men of property, themselve

talia was first invoked as a political and sentimental notion against Rome by the peoples of Italy, precisely the Italiciy w

torious city to form a nation. The Italian peoples did not yet regard Rome as their own capital, for the memory of old feuds

From the rivalry of the Caesarian leaders a latent opposition between Rome and the East, and a nationalism grotesquely enhan

Odes 3, 5, 5 ff. 2 Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 134 f. PageBook=>288 Rome and Italy. The lesson was reiterated in the splen

. 1 But he refused to support the national movement. Pollio cared for Rome , for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dig

us Paetus (or another) was proconsul of Africa. 5 Maecenas controlled Rome and Italy, invested with supreme power, but no ti

nce an impressive spectacle: a whole people marched under the gods of Rome and the leadership of Caesar, united in patriotic

naval battle (if treachery there was), and avoidance of bloodshed to Rome , is not known. Sosius might be suspected. Certain

te. On the one side stood Caesar’s heir with the Senate and People of Rome , the star of the Julian house blazing on his head

f the Julian house blazing on his head; in the air above, the gods of Rome , contending NotesPage=>297 1 For the hypot

um’. ‘Nunc est bibendum’ sang the poet Horace, safe and subsidized in Rome . There remained the partisans of Antonius. Caes

ments, the territory in Asia Minor and Syria directly administered by Rome was considerably smaller than it had been after P

the sober truth about the much advertised reconquest of the East for Rome . 1 The artful conqueror preferred to leave things

hem. The profession of defending Rome’s Empire and the very spirit of Rome from the alien menace, imposed on Caesar’s heir i

. Temples dedicated at Nicaea and Ephesus for the cult of the goddess Rome and the god Divus Julius did not preclude the wor

he land into a Roman province. 3 Acquiring Egypt and its wealth for Rome , he could afford to abandon Armenia and one part

6 f. 3 Res Gestae 27. PageBook=>302 memory of civil strife. Rome expected (and the poets announced) the true, comp

nds of the earth, subjugating both Britain and Parthia to the rule of Rome . 1 No themes are more frequent in the decade afte

e was work to do in the West and in the North. To serve the policy of Rome and secure the eastern frontiers, it was enough t

perversity or ignorance might elevate Parthia to be a rival empire of Rome :2 it could not stand the trial of arms—or even o

3 In the summer of 29 B.C. Octavianus returned to Italy. He entered Rome on August 13th. During three successive days the

icum, for the War of Actium and for the War of Alexandria—all wars of Rome against a foreign enemy. The martial glory of the

ony did not, however, mean that warfare was to cease: the generals of Rome were active in the frontier provinces. The exalta

ational aggression without match or parallel as yet in the history of Rome . An assertion of imperial NotesPage=>303 1

morem, parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. 1 But the armies of Rome presented a greater danger to her stability than

alvation hung upon a single thread. Well might men adjure the gods of Rome to preserve that precious life, hunc saltern ev

gun to compose a national epic on the origins and destiny of imperial Rome . To Venus, the divine ancestress of the Julian ho

6 and Livy duly demonstrates how the patriot Camillus not only saved Rome from the invader but prevented the citizens from

7 Camillus was hailed as Romulus, as a second founder and saviour of Rome —‘Romulus ac parens patriae conditorque alter urbi

quacy or dishonesty. Sulla established order but no reconciliation in Rome and Italy. Pompeius destroyed the Sullan system;

ing victory of Actium and the reconquest of all the eastern lands for Rome . 2 The consensus embraced and the oath enlisted,

the means to face and frustrate any mere constitutional opposition in Rome . It would be uncomfortable but not dangerous. Arm

tly harmonious account of the restoration of Republican government at Rome . The denial to Crassus of the title of imperato

Cornelius Gallus could easily take a wife from the noblest houses in Rome . 4 On this topic see above all J. Gage, Rev. hi

s the publication of the last book of the Odes (13 B.C.) the ruler of Rome can still be called ‘dux’—but with a difference a

attered when his poets called him ‘dux’ and ‘ductor’. 4 So much for Rome , the governing classes and Italy. But even in Ita

tatorial powers of the Triumvirate, pure usurpation, or act of law at Rome . To translate the term ‘princeps’ Greeks employed

rs and all provinces to the free disposal of the Senate and People of Rome . Acclamation was drowned in protest. The senators

єῖόν τι ἢ καί ἀνθρώπoυς ὤν. Cf. Ovid, Fasti 1, 609 ff Romulus founded Rome ‘augusto augurio’ (Ennius, quoted by Varro, RR 3,

ered; Gaul cried out for survey and organization; Syria, distant from Rome and exposed to the Parthians, required careful su

ate, still gave him the means to initiate and direct public policy at Rome if not to control through consular imperium the p

legates. At the same time he acquired a quasi-dictatorial position in Rome as consul for the third time (52 B.C.), at first

nd longing, wrote of an ideal commonwealth that had once existed, the Rome of the Scipiones, with the balanced and ordered c

r the state depicted in the Republic. The traditional constitution of Rome barely requires modification—‘quae res cum sapien

l—and based ultimately upon a personal oath of allegiance rendered by Rome , Italy and the West in 32 B.C., subsequently by t

was Divi filius, destined for consecration in his turn. The plebs of Rome was Caesar’s inherited clientela. He fed them wit

ff. = Kl. Schr. 12, 423 ff.; G. Ferrero, The Greatness and Decline of Rome (E.T., 1907), passim; F. b. Marsh, The Founding o

source and origin of his domination. When a faction seized power at Rome , the consulate and the provincial armies were the

ommand armies again. Yet, apart from these survivals of a lost cause, Rome could boast in 27 B.C. some eleven viri triumphal

, territories to organize. Above all, the Princeps must build up, for Rome , Italy and the Empire, a system of government so

ntion. He turned first to the provinces of the West, setting out from Rome towards the middle of the year 27. In absence, di

to invade the distant island of Britain, the island first revealed to Rome and first trodden by his divine parent. 1 The des

inus and five proconsuls after him had celebrated Spanish triumphs in Rome . Some of these campaigns may have prepared the wa

28 to 19 B.C.)2. Frail and in despair of life, Augustus returned to Rome towards the middle of 24 B.C. He had been away

e towards the middle of 24 B.C. He had been away about three years: Rome was politically silent, with no voice or testimon

es are not sentimental. Their loyalty to Augustus was also loyalty to Rome a high and sombre patriotism could prevail over p

tor fell, dissension in their ranks, ending in civil war and ruin for Rome . Patriotism conspired with personal interest to

reduced all proconsuls to the function of legates of Augustus. As for Rome , Augustus was allowed to retain his military impe

pacifying the wild tribes of the Taurus had been killed in battle. 1 Rome inherited: M. Lollius, an efficient and unpopular

manded armies in the wars of the Revolution. 4 Syria was distant from Rome , there must be care in the choice of Caesar’s leg

should contain such vivid and exact anticipations of the reforms that Rome expected and for which Rome had to wait five year

d exact anticipations of the reforms that Rome expected and for which Rome had to wait five years longer. Again Augustus put

d, famine and pestilence had spread their ravages, producing riots in Rome and popular clamour that Augustus should assume t

inherited in full measure the statecraft of houses that held power in Rome of their own right, the Claudii and the Livii. Sh

riage of his nephew to his only daughter Julia had been solemnized in Rome . Already in 23 the young man was aedile; and he w

deliciis’,4 visibly embodied the military and peasant virtues of old Rome . PageNote. 341 1 Suetonius, Dims Aug. 79, 2.

e epicure who sought to introduce a novel delicacy to the banquets of Rome , the flesh of young donkeys. 2 Effusive in gratit

t honours accorded to the young and untried Marcellus. Reports ran at Rome of dissension between the two. Agrippa’s departur

she might have selected an heiress from the most eminent families of Rome : she chose instead the daughter of Agrippa and Ca

in character; and Augustus, Caesar’s heir, a god’s son and saviour of Rome and the world, was unique, his own justification.

nly formula or the only system available. Indeed, for the empire of Rome it might be too narrow, especially as concerned p

mselves and finally Thracian and Illyrian brigands became emperors of Rome . Excited by the ambition of military demagogues

tanding force of nine cohorts of the Praetorian Guard, established in Rome and in the towns of Italy. When addressing the

e Triumvirate. Knights had been of much more value in the armies of Rome than the public and necessary prominence of membe

of Egypt or the command of the Guard were two administrative posts in Rome created by Augustus towards the end of his Princi

fact, but obscured by pretence and by prejudice. The old nobility of Rome , patrician or plebeian, affected to despise knigh

the Roman People Pollio, whose grandfather led the Marrucini against Rome , Ventidius from Picenum and the Marsian Poppaediu

nd from Corfinium of the Paeligni. 2 Municipal men in the Senate of Rome in the days of Pompeius were furnished in the mai

nt cities of Latium long decayed, like Lanuvium, provide senators for Rome there are remote towns of no note before or barel

speech was rustic, their alien names a mockery to the aristocracy of Rome , whose own Sabine or Etruscan origins, though kno

ntastic names had never been heard of before in the Senate or even at Rome . They were the first senators of their families,

region. 6 Larinum, a small town of criminal notoriety, now furnished Rome with two consuls. 7 NotesPage=>362 1 Tacit

me, nation and sentiments had so recently been arrayed in war against Rome . But Italy now extended to the Alps, embracing Ci

ipal families, whether in the Senate or not, all alike now looking to Rome as their capital, to the Princeps as their patron

ce. 1 Further, he devised a scheme for making their influence felt in Rome town councillors were to cast their votes in abse

use it was a mockery, given the true character of popular election at Rome it was quite superfluous. The absence of any sy

back to Latin or to Sabine ancestors to say nothing of the Kings of Rome . 4 NotesPage=>364 1 Suetonius, Divus Aug.

w order was indirectly, but none the less potently, representative of Rome and of Italy. In form, the constitution was less

65 1 Dio makes Maecenas advise Augustus to bring into the Senate of Rome το ς κορυϕαίους ξ ἁπάντων τ ν θν ν (52, 19, 3). H

d so highly, Polemo of Pontus or the Thracian dynasts, all worked for Rome , as though provincial governors. Augustus regarde

tegral members of the Empire:1 a century later the imperial Senate of Rome welcomed to its membership the descendants of kin

al), vigorous and prosperous regions, were loyal to the government of Rome now that they had passed from the clientela of th

never been senators, such as Balbus the Elder and Salvidienus Rufus. Rome came to witness younger and younger consuls Polli

nty and flattered by the magnificence of their champion, the plebs of Rome knew how they were expected to use that freedom.

tracies, see CAH x, 163 f. PageBook=>371 Agrippa departed from Rome before the end of 23 B.C., removing from men’s ey

rds and went to Gaul and Spain (20-19 B.C.), after a brief sojourn in Rome . For a time the capital city was relieved of th

hat had prevailed in the first four years of the Principate. Riots in Rome could not imperil peace so long as the Princeps c

ps controlled the armies. Nor indeed had there been serious danger in Rome itself. During the absence of the ruler (22-19 B.

en that Taurus was there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome was glad when Augustus returned. His rule, now mo

ius Maximus, of varied and perhaps meretricious talent, propagated in Rome the detestable Asianic habit of rhetoric which he

th, prejudicial or at least unprofitable while the Triumvirs ruled in Rome , now asserts its rights. Men revived decayed cogn

oss of money and influence, or lack of deference to the new rulers of Rome , cannot show consuls now or miss a generation, em

n one of the prizes of the Civil Wars. She was the richest heiress of Rome , Caecilia, the daughter of Atticus. Then he marri

hen the elder Balbus died, he was able to bequeath to the populace of Rome a sum as large as Caesar had, twenty-five denarii

ossessed a variety of properties in Istria, whole armies of slaves at Rome . 3 The successful military man of parsimonious ta

icet spoliis partae. ’ Note also the numerous slaves of the Lollii in Rome (for the details, P-W XIII, 1387). 8 Ib. Pliny

centuries was not merely a sign of his pious care for the religion of Rome . The existing colleges had naturally been filled

a and Samnium. One side of his family, Samnite local gentry, stood by Rome in the Bellum Italicum: a descendant was Prefect

here be detected. Velleius repaid the debt by composing a history of Rome , fulsome in praise for the government and bitter

eir leisure from intrigue and violence to the service of the State in Rome , Italy and the provinces. The Senate becomes a bo

mies, as legates or proconsuls. 1 There were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy could be firmly held for the Princeps i

is true; but the authority of Agrippa, Maecenas and Livia, who ruled Rome in secret, knew no name or definition and needed

finition and needed none. The precaution may appear excessive. Not in Rome but with the provincial armies lay the real resou

first published abroad an emperor could be created elsewhere than at Rome . 2 Everybody had known about it. After the firs

er a sojourn of four years as vicegerent of the East, Agrippa came to Rome in 13 B.C., to find Augustus newly returned from

e for the nine years in which Tiberius was absent from the service of Rome (6 B.C.-A.D. 4). By accident or by the adulatory

ronage was justified in its results and patronage was no new thing at Rome . Under the Republic the command of an army was

trative. The legate of Syria might be a menace to the government in Rome . NotesPage=>397 1 Fleets are now commanded

verus, the legate of Moesia, in a great battle all but disastrous for Rome , and remained for two years at the head of his ar

when Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile. Whatever had happened at Rome , there would have been a lull in operations after

at the principes were trained and yoked to service. The city state of Rome lacked permanent administrative officials or boar

ng partisans of Antonius and Octavianus competed to adorn the city of Rome . Augustus soon after Actium set about restoring t

repaired the Via Flaminia. 3 The charge of other roads radiating from Rome , fell to some of his generals who had recently ce

ich was the capital of Italy and the Empire. He boasted that he found Rome a city of brick and left it a city of marble. 3 T

d the name of Romulus, could justly claim to be the second founder of Rome . A government had been established. The princip

f great Republican houses still retained popularity with the plebs of Rome and troops of clients, arousing the distrust of t

nds of Augustus, there was scarcely ever a public building erected in Rome at private expense. Nor any more triumphs. At the

bears for the most part the name of the reigning dynasty of imperial Rome . Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a patr

where, grasping more and more. He retains his imperium in the city of Rome ; 2 he controls admission to the high assembly; h

is does not mean, however, that he exercised proconsular authority in Rome or in Italy, cf. A. v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u.

e reign drew to its close, now showing three new posts in the city of Rome ; and knights as well as senators have their place

tavianus had been merciless against Fulvia, the wife of Antonius; and Rome had fought a national war against a political wom

the city imposed Claudius in succession to his nephew Caligula, when Rome lacked a government for two days and in the Senat

nd extended the gains of Drusus in Germany: he was now to depart from Rome and set in order the affairs of the East (no doub

Roman People. In the last six years, Tiberius had hardly been seen in Rome ; and there was no urgent need of him in the East.

’ or ‘dominatio’ as it was called, was no new thing in the history of Rome or in the annals of the Claudian house. The hered

et strife in the counsels of the Princeps determine the government of Rome , the future succession and the destiny of the who

nly in epitomes; while Velleius records only trouble and disaster for Rome in the absence of Tiberius. For the internal hist

ural if not necessary after the great wars of conquest, the effort of Rome did not flag or fail. The governmental oligarchy

, dynastic and even regal in ancestry), regarded their obligations to Rome in the personal light of their own ambitions. The

rinius trimmed artfully. 5 It is evident that the political crisis in Rome and defeat of the Claudian faction would create r

, and the loyal servants of whatever happened to be the government of Rome now had their turn for nine years. Livia waited a

promulgated the laws that were to sanction the moral regeneration of Rome . 7 It may be tempting, but it is not necessary, t

ranty, while not seriously impairing the interests or the prestige of Rome , none the less called for attention. Moreover it

ent of Gaius; and Tiberius was debarred from public life. He dwelt in Rome as a private citizen. Even though the other Caesa

ree years passed and Gaius was dead. After composing the relations of Rome and Parthia, in the course of the same year Gaius

n the interests of Tiberius), Gaius wasted away and perished far from Rome (February 21st, A.D. 4). 5 NotesPage=>430

to the North. There had been fighting in Germany with more credit to Rome , perhaps, and more solid achievement than is indi

he passed to Illyricum. In the interval of his absence, the power of Rome had been felt beyond the Danube. The peoples fr

ears (A.D. 6-9). Then Germany rose. Varus and three legions perished. Rome did not see her new master for many years. The

d a disaster unparalleled since Crassus, the constitutional crisis in Rome , supervening when the first man in the Empire was

rospered; 3 likewise P. Quinctilius Varus, a person of consequence at Rome he had married Claudia Pulchra, the daughter of M

curity of possession, promotion for loyalty or merit and firm rule in Rome , Italy and the provinces, that was not enough.

of Roman nationalism to a formidable and even grotesque intensity. Rome had won universal empire half-reluctant, through

unwieldy mass the Empire might come crashing to the ground, involving Rome in the ruins. The apprehensions evoked by the lon

. 4 This is the undertone of the whole preface to Livy’s History of Rome . PageBook=>442 Marius was an exemplar of ‘

n emotional content. To a Roman, such a word was ‘antiquus’; and what Rome now required was men like those of old, and ancie

er the protection of the State a measure quite superfluous so long as Rome remained her ancient self. In the aristocracy of

acking in the city states of Greece but inculcated from early days at Rome by the military needs of the Republic, namely rea

ion of the cult of the Lares compitales and the genius of Augustus at Rome , and by priesthoods in the towns. 6 PageNotes.

strong and confident without pietas, the honour due to the gods of Rome , On some tolerable accommodation with supernatu

ce. The ruinous horror of the Civil Wars, with threatened collapse of Rome and the Empire, engendered a feeling of guilt it

mount auctoritas. Soon after the War of Actium and the triple triumph Rome witnessed his zealous care for religion ’sacrati

rusted Augustus with the task of repairing all temples in the city of Rome . No fewer than eighty-two required his attention,

The myth of Actium was religious as well as national on the one side Rome and all the gods of Italy, on the other the besti

us had long been domiciled in Latium. Though the national spirit of Rome was a reaction against Hellas, there was no harm,

of Actium could be shown as a sublime contest between West and East. Rome was not only a conqueror Rome was a protector of

sublime contest between West and East. Rome was not only a conqueror Rome was a protector of Greek culture. As though to

culture. As though to strengthen this claim, measures were taken in Rome to repress the Egyptian cults, pervasive and alar

as martial. 6 The fiercest of the Italici had recently fought against Rome in the last struggle of the peoples of the Apenni

but renowned for all time in war. In the exaltation of ‘Itala virtus’ Rome magnified her valour, for Rome had prevailed over

r. In the exaltation of ‘Itala virtus’ Rome magnified her valour, for Rome had prevailed over Italy. PageNotes. 449 1 Pr

last generation saw the Marsian and the Picene leading the legions of Rome to battle against the Parthians; and the Principa

hians; and the Principate, for all its profession of peace, called on Rome and Italy to supply soldiers for warfare all over

and Roman poor, whose peasant ancestors had won glory and empire for Rome . The Revolution was over. Violence and reform ali

child. 2 One of them came of a noble Samnite family now reconciled to Rome : it might be added that the other was a Picene. T

as held to be lacking in the decadent, pleasure-loving aristocracy of Rome . Among the intimate friends of Augustus were to b

ealed oligarchy or the general mandate of his adherents? It was not Rome alone but Italy, perhaps Italy more than Rome, th

adherents? It was not Rome alone but Italy, perhaps Italy more than Rome , that prevailed in the War of Actium. The Princip

tself may, in a certain sense, be regarded as a triumph of Italy over Rome : Philippi, Perusia and even Actium were victories

f Augustus was disappointed in the aristocracy, he might reflect that Rome was not Italy; and Italy had been augmented in th

y other towns in Spain and Gallia Narbonensis that soon might send to Rome their local aristocrats, well trained in ‘provinc

the work of earlier generations which had transformed the history of Rome by assiduously expurgating the traces of alien in

igure of the earliest Narbonensian senator who attained prominence in Rome , Cn. Domitius Afer, of resplendent talents as an

m was a deadly blow, not merely to the foreign and frontier policy of Rome , but to the patriotic pride of Augustus. In dejec

r, concentrating, as was just, upon Pompeius Magnus; and the plebs of Rome was encouraged to make public demonstrations in t

he government proceeded to celebrate in verse the ideals of renascent Rome the land, the soldier, religion and morality, the

oem that should reveal the hand of destiny in the earliest origins of Rome , the continuity of Roman history and its culminat

. 5 His triumph did not bring personal domination, but the unity of Rome and Italy, reconciliation at last. That was his m

called for a consecrated word and for commemoration of the founder of Rome ‘deum deo natum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae’

had no history of its own, with memories of ancient independence from Rome or recent hostility. As far as concerned the po

from Rome or recent hostility. As far as concerned the politics of Rome , its loyalties were mixed and confused. There was

and frontier zone, were transcended in a common national devotion to Rome . Further, as might be expected of a region that h

le. To Virgil the Transpadane, Actium is the victory of Italy, not of Rome only. This conception does not find expression in

ses of Italy in a patriotic vein, invokes, not Italy, but the name of Rome : omnia Romanae cedent miracula terrae. 1 Not

ciple and turned it inside out. He might have instructed the youth of Rome to honour the past, to be worthy of Rome in valou

have instructed the youth of Rome to honour the past, to be worthy of Rome in valour and in virtue. Instead, he composed a d

ed contrast to Antonius’ action on the last occasion there flocked to Rome from the towns of Italy such a concourse as had n

ut of place. The Princeps’ own form and features were reproduced in Rome and over all the world. It is true that he caused

No frog croaked in that place ever again. When Caesar’s heir entered Rome for the first time, the sun was surrounded with a

urrounded with a halo; and the omen of Romulus greeted his capture of Rome in the next year. Cicero in a political speech de

e to the archaic ritual and austere appeal of the traditional gods of Rome . Nor was Divus Julius enough. His son could hardl

made the world habitable for mankind, and to Romulus, the Founder of Rome . In the meantime, his birthday and his health, hi

in the War of Actium: it did not lapse when he became a magistrate at Rome and in relation to the laws of Rome. A similar oa

se when he became a magistrate at Rome and in relation to the laws of Rome . A similar oath, it may be presumed, was administ

sty he monopolized every form and sign of allegiance; no proconsul of Rome ever again is honoured in the traditional fashion

er of a crusade. To this end Drusus dedicated at Lugdunum an altar to Rome and Augustus where deputies from the peoples of C

gustus and the dynasty in the first place, and through the dynasty to Rome and the Empire. 1 The institution would further i

just so much community of sentiment as would serve the convenience of Rome without creating a dangerous nationalism. It was

culation. The different forms which the worship of Augustus took in Rome , Italy and the provinces illustrate the different

ondaridubnus, an Aeduan noble (Livy, Per. 139). Note, as fighting for Rome in 10 B.C., Chumstinctus and Avectius, described

Republic to Empire might be described as the provinces’ revenge upon Rome . Army and provinces stood firm for the establishe

n history. In town or country there was poverty and social unrest but Rome could not be held directly responsible for the tr

t be held directly responsible for the transgressions of the wealthy. Rome seldom intervened against the local dynasts. C. J

Augustus and subsequently banished. 1 Kings and tetrarchs ruled for Rome and for Caesar Augustus, guarding the frontiers o

ert their rights, if such they were, is another question. The rule of Rome in the Empire represented no miraculous conversio

t of a successful war for liberty against the legions and colonies of Rome . In origin, the Roman colony was a military stati

ed conspirators among their citizens. 4 Like the army, the plebs of Rome supported the monarchy. Though purged of evil hab

his own time. A plain, solid style recalled the earliest annalists of Rome ; and archaism was a consistent and laudable featu

cent. Nor was the judgement merely one of style, as though a Roman of Rome , infallible arbiter of urban purity, mocked and s

history was. It was not like Livy. Augustus’ historian of imperial Rome employed for his theme an ample Ciceronian style,

iring brides from patrician families, Taurus flaunting in the city of Rome a bodyguard of Germans like the Princeps himself,

ommemorating the glory of the great houses that were the Republic and Rome . The faction-wars of Marius and Sulla had been

orce or craft he had defeated the Aemilii and the Antonii: to rule at Rome , he needed their descendants. The heir to his pow

e great ancestor, Attus Clausus, migrating from the Sabine country to Rome , settled there with the company of his clients, t

her not only great estates but boundless popularity with the plebs of Rome , L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was formidable in politi

us, by Caligula and by Claudius, a statue was erected in the Forum at Rome bearing an inscription that commemorated his unsw

enemy to the nobiles as any of his ancestors, or any of the rulers of Rome , introduced his clients, the tribal dynasts of Co

, it stole their saints and their catchwords. Despotism, enthroned at Rome , was arrayed in robes torn from the corpse of the

hentic history in epic verse, a typical and traditional occupation at Rome , came from Corduba. His Pharsalia recorded the do

ad the ‘gesta populi Romani’; 1 and Cato wrote of Italy as well as of Rome . 2 But Cato was powerless against Roman tradition

eir shattered fortunes, and the hope that the Princeps would provide: Rome owed them a debt for their ancestors. It was paid

tore by the patriciate. The last renascence of the oldest nobility of Rome revealed its inner falsity in the character of th

sum sponte sua cecidit sub leges artaque iura. 3 So order came to Rome . ‘Acriora ex eo vincula’, as Tacitus observes. 4

oral: it was more often a harmless act of homage to the great past of Rome than a manifestation of active discontent with th

Not so Athens and Rhodes they were democracies, and deplorably so. 6 Rome too, so long as Rome was on the wrong path, produ

odes they were democracies, and deplorably so. 6 Rome too, so long as Rome was on the wrong path, produced vigorous oratory.

5 And so Augustus is ‘custos rerum’; 6 he is the peculiar warden of Rome and Italy, ever ready to succour and to guard:

had striven to repair the shattered Republic; and Cicero, for saving Rome in his consulate, had been hailed as pater patria

functions, there was no sharp division between classes. Service to Rome won recognition and promotion for senator, for kn

e that was already classical. The doom of Empire had borne heavily on Rome , with threatened ruin. But now the reinvigorated

ent capable of Empire. It might have been better for Tiberius and for Rome if Augustus had died earlier: the duration of his

hat the inscription was primarily designed to be read by the plebs of Rome , very precisely the clients of the Princeps (Klio

ulers, be openly worshipped as a deity in the provinces or receive in Rome and Italy honours like those accorded to gods by

s, he would be enrolled by vote of the Roman Senate among the gods of Rome for his great merits and for reasons of high poli

reference to the religions and kings of the Hellenistic East but from Rome and Roman practice, as a combination between the

ary of the day when he assumed his first consulate after the march on Rome . Since then, fifty-six years had elapsed. Throu

Roman Empire. Oxford, 1926. ROUSSEL, P. ‘Un Syrien au service de Rome et d’Octave’, Syria XV (1934), 33 ff. RUDOL

ff. SHIPLEY, F. W. ‘The Chronology of the building operations in Rome from the death of Caesar to the death of Augustus

, 112 ff.; demagogic activities, 11 6 ff., 119 f.; his first march on Rome , 125 ff., 141 f.; origin of his party, 127 ff.,20

26 ff., 383; as legates of Augustus, 327, 330, 393 ff.; employment in Rome , 403 f.; as counsellors, 407 f., 411 ff.; a polit

73. Cura legum et morum, 443. Cura rei publicae, 313. Curatores, at Rome , 403. Curio, see Scribonius. Cursus honorum, un

esarian, 79. Hybreas, orator of Mylasa, 259. Idealization, of early Rome , 249, 452 f., 455; of municipal men, 455; of peas

87, 286. Italici, 86 ff., 94; disliked by Cato, 26; their hatred of Rome , 86 f., 286 f., 359; aristocracy of, 87, 91 f., 2

359; aristocracy of, 87, 91 f., 285, 359 ff. Italy, in relation to Rome , 8, 16 f., 49, 82 ff., 86 ff., 208, 244, 285 ff.,

367. Juventius Laterensis, M., honest Republican, 179. Kings, of Rome , 68, 58 f., 84 f., 365. Knights, status and pur

ate, 320 f., 516 f. Libertas Augusta, 506. Liberty, nature of, at Rome , 2, 59, 154 ff.; incompatible with peace and orde

opposition literature, 486 f.; creation of a classical literature at Rome , 461; repression of, 486; decline of, 487, 515 f.

., 129, 131; diplomatic missions of, 213, 217, 224, 225; in charge of Rome , 233, 292, 298; relations with poets, 242, 253 f.

8. Marcius, (cos. suff. 36 B.C.), 199, 243. Marcius, Ancus, King of Rome , 68, 85. Marcius Censorinus, C. (Marian partisan)

189, 229, 238, 345, 378, 421 ff., 491 ff.; legislation concerning, at Rome , 443 ff. Marrucini, 91, 169, 359, 485. Mars U

s status, 320; according to Seneca, 518 f. Oratory, function of, at Rome , 149 ff.; under the Triumvirate, 245 f.; differen

65; an oriental dynast, 30, 54, 74, 261 f., 473; excessive honours at Rome , 32; at Miletopolis, 30; at Mytilene, 263; Pompei

440 ff.; dubious features of, 452 f. Religion, political use of, at Rome , 68, 256; in the East, 263, 273 f., 473 f.; relig

11 f. Representation, meaning of, in politics, 93, 364; of Italy at Rome , 91, 93, 364 f.; indirect, 364, 519. Republic,

5. Salvius Otho, M., see Otho, the Emperor. Samnium, in relation to Rome , 17, 87 f., 287; impoverished by Sulla, 91; nomen

and Lollius, 381; enfranchisement, 446. Snobbery, character of, at Rome , 150 f., 358, 509 f.; in the municipia, 101, 360

509 f.; in the municipia, 101, 360 f., 454. Society, classes of, at Rome , 10 ff., 352, 365, 510 f., 521; prejudice in, 11,

t Actium, 297; perhaps proconsul of Macedonia, 302; in Spain, 302; at Rome , 372; praefectus urbi, 403 f.; his career in gene

423, 425. Statio principis, 520. Statius the Samnite, senator at Rome , 88, 195. Stendhal, compared with Pollio, 485.