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1 (1960) THE ROMAN REVOLUTION
be held to justify, or at least to palliate, the horrors of the Roman Revolution : hence the danger of an indulgent estimate of the
Actium. To this partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the Roman Revolution there stands a notable exception. To one of the u
man. Of tough Italic stock, hating pomp and pretence, he wrote of the Revolution as that bitter theme demanded, in a plain, hard s
disbelief) may encourage the attempt to record the story of the Roman Revolution and its sequel, the Principate of Caesar Augustus
f the governing class. The marshals, diplomats, and financiers of the Revolution may be discerned again in the Republic of Augustu
story at all and only the ruling city: only Rome, not Italy. 1 In the Revolution the power of the old governing class was broken,
and Caesar. 2 When Pollio set out to narrate the history of the Roman Revolution he began, not with the crossing of the Rubicon, b
lence and confiscation, by civil wars, by the Dictatorship and by the Revolution . The role of Caesar is evident and important no o
the work had much farther to go in so far as Italy was concerned: the Revolution had barely begun. A unity in terms of geography
rosperity it commands a wide measure of acquiescence, even of belief. Revolution rends the veil. But the Revolution did not impede
e of acquiescence, even of belief. Revolution rends the veil. But the Revolution did not impede or annul the use of political frau
ainments and standing; and all three were to survive the years of the Revolution , Lepidus consigned to exile and ignominy, Plancus
stern lands, became the proverbial trio among the novi homines of the Revolution . 1 Which is appropriate, given the rarity and non
es might compete with knights for military command in the wars of the Revolution . 2 The Republic had been abolished. Whatever th
d Ventidius, and most remarkable, perhaps, of all the marshals of the Revolution . Like Balbus, he had held as yet no senatorial of
and the armed proletariat of Italy, and represented Caesarism and the Revolution in all that was most brutal and odious. Their rea
otism. Despite repeated disturbances, the lapse of time permitted the Revolution (for such it may with propriety be called) to acq
e and future hopes. PageBook=>320 opinion of Augustus, for the Revolution had now been stabilized. Neither the Princeps nor
ecure the domination of the Caesarian party, the consolidation of the Revolution and the maintenance of peace, it was necessary th
insman of the Princeps. 1 Nor are the other consuls of the age of the Revolution and the years between Actium and the first consti
f his rule, proconsular imperium and the tribunician powers, were the Revolution itself the Army and the People. On them stood the
es compared with the poet who had commanded armies in the wars of the Revolution . 4 Syria was distant from Rome, there must be car
steadfast allies of early days there was no love lost. The men of the Revolution can scarcely be described as slaves to tradition:
el and ready for action. Agrippa had been through all the wars of the Revolution and had won most of them. With exemplary modesty
deed from there being reaction under the Principate, the gains of the Revolution were to be consolidated and extended: what had be
he army still preserved traces of its origin as a private army in the Revolution . Not until A.D. 6, when large dismissals of legio
aetia. 4 Secondly, the freedmen. The commercial class profited in the Revolution , by purchasing the lands of the proscribed. Their
ommon practice of the age of Pompeius, accelerated by the wars of the Revolution and the rule of the Triumvirate. Knights had be
ed whole armies to victory. Salvidienus and Gallus are symbols of the Revolution . Peace and a well-ordered state can do without su
omed in Caesar the resurgence of the Marian faction. Dictatorship and Revolution both broke down Roman prejudice and enriched the
ome, Ventidius from Picenum and the Marsian Poppaedius. Despite the Revolution and the national war of Actium, the process of cr
ts in the plebiscite of all Italy. So the New State, perpetuating the Revolution , can boast rich and regular corps of novi homines
easure by circumstances by the time Augustus acquired sole power, the Revolution had already proceeded so far that it could abate
wing up, and along with them the sons of novi homines ennobled in the Revolution . NotesPage=>372 1 ILS 7448 f. attests the
st distinction to men whose youth had been trained in the wars of the Revolution and whose mature skill, directed against foreign
existing colleges had naturally been filled with partisans during the Revolution : they continued thus to be recruited. 3 Calvisius
h as the renegade M. Junius Silanus; but also the new nobility of the Revolution , conspicuous among them the prudent Cocceii, and
he character, of government. The same men who had won the wars of the Revolution now controlled the destinies of the New State but
e. They had all grown to manhood and to maturity in the period of the Revolution ; and they all repaid Augustus more than he or the
the solid advantage. In the feverish and credulous atmosphere of the Revolution portents of divine favour for Caesar’s heir were
of the exuberant insincerity of public oratory and by the wars of the Revolution , which stripped away shams and revealed the naked
ast generation of the Free State or were abruptly extinguished in the Revolution had a better fate than some that prolonged an ign
>498 So much for the nobiles. The successful novi homines of the Revolution and of the New State were by no means exempt from
the complete exclusion of the nobiles, the delayed but logical end of Revolution and Empire. Noble birth still brought the consu
he new government as a collection of amiable and virtuous characters. Revolution demands and produces sterner qualities. About the
a pragmatic justification of success. One man only of all whom the Revolution had brought to power deserved any public repute,
llio as well as Messalla will be reckoned among the profiteers of the Revolution . 5 Enriched by both sides, Pollio augmented the d
in the future. The New State established as the consolidation of the Revolution was neither exclusive nor immobile. While each cl
or provincial. The rewards were not so splendid as in the wars of the Revolution ; but the rhythm, though abated, was steady and co
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