e succeed that in later days, confronted with the separate persons of Octavianus the Triumvir, author of the proscriptions, and Au

ϵȋν. PageBook=>005 without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus —or for both at once. A section of it was so writt

th was hazardous. The lava was still molten underneath. 2 An enemy of Octavianus , Pollio had withdrawn from political life soon af

ge and development between youth and middle age. The personality of Octavianus will best be left to emerge from his actions. One

ted with political maturity is not enough to explain the ascension of Octavianus . A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator ha

. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Octavianus , according them scant attention. 4 Which member o

devoted to me’, he wrote. 6 The ground was prepared. Early in May, Octavianus drew near the city. As he entered Rome, a halo wa

hi totus deditus. PageBook=>115 the sun, a portent of royalty. Octavianus without delay announced that he accepted the adop

he consul himself was back in Rome. An unfriendly interview followed. Octavianus claimed the ready money from the inheritance of C

r the present, the Liberators remained in Italy, waiting on events. Octavianus , in the meantime, acquired a mastery of the demag

the organization of popular sentiment. Already, at the Ludi Ceriales, Octavianus had made an attempt to display in public the gold

s Genetrix, the ancestress of the Julian house (July 20th to 30th). Octavianus again sought to exhibit the Caesarian emblems. Wh

sky. The superstitious mob acclaimed the soul of Caesar made a god. Octavianus accepted the sign with secret confidence in his d

l suasion, Antonius agreed to a formal and public reconciliation with Octavianus . The ceremony was staged on the Capitol. In rev

veterans. The Senate was hostile: yet the uneasy reconciliation with Octavianus could scarcely last. On any count, the outlook wa

y count, the outlook was black for the friends of settled government. Octavianus did not belong to that class. The rhetoric of t

power at Rome. They were patent to contemporaries. For the ambitious Octavianus , the gradual advancement of a Roman noble through

ry, intrigue, and even violence; for the short and perilous path that Octavianus intended to tread, such resources would have to b

ed to tread, such resources would have to be doubled and redoubled. Octavianus was resolute. He had a cause to champion, the ave

line of demagogues. Rumours went about in the July days at Rome that Octavianus , though a patrician, had designs upon this office

ons or settled in the military colonies of Italy. While at Apollonia, Octavianus made himself known to the soldiers and officers o

of promises, of bribes. With his years, his name and his ambition, Octavianus had nothing to gain from concord in the State, ev

could build up a new Caesarian party of his own. It was the aim of Octavianus to seduce the moderate Caesarians by an appeal to

ime for an ideal and patriotic appeal. Such were the resources that Octavianus gathered in late summer and autumn of the year. M

ion. Antonius imitated his leader which came easy to his open nature: Octavianus also, though less easily perhaps. Only two of his

is honour, the rights due to his name and station. But not to excess: Octavianus took a firm stand upon dignitas without dangerous

isastrous unless caused by delusion or indecision. The treacheries of Octavianus were conscious and consistent. To assert himsel

ed by the genial idea of employing the name of Caesar and the arms of Octavianus to subvert the domination of Antonius, and so des

of Antonius, and so destroy the Caesarian party, first Antonius, then Octavianus . But before such respectable elements could ventu

ts could venture openly to advocate sedition, violence and civil war, Octavianus would have to take the lead and act. 1 NotesPag

υνασт∊ίας ἔ⍴γα έγίγν∊тo. The motives of the politicians who supported Octavianus are thus reproduced: έ⌽ίλoυν µέν γἀ⍴ oùδὲт∊⍴oν, v

he now became bewildered, impatient and tactless. His relations with Octavianus did not improve. Neither trusted the other. To

fall from the other side, from the plebs, from the veterans and from Octavianus . In pursuance of his Caesarian policy, Antonius c

an soldiers of his bodyguard, alleging that they had been suborned by Octavianus to assassinate him. Octavianus protested his inno

lleging that they had been suborned by Octavianus to assassinate him. Octavianus protested his innocence. The truth of the matte

reality of the attempt and rejoiced1 as though it suited the plans of Octavianus to rid himself of Antonius in this summary and pr

t;125 Before he returned, armed revolution had broken out in Italy. Octavianus solicited his father’s veterans. A tour in Campan

ast of Italy towards Cisalpine Gaul, or to march on Rome himself? 2 Octavianus took the supreme risk and set out for Rome. With

ief autumnal escapade. With weakened forces and despair in his heart, Octavianus made his way northwards to try his chances in the

editious troops confronted the consul: the leaflets and the bribes of Octavianus were doing their work. To restore discipline Anto

e. He summoned the Senate to meet on November 24th, intending to have Octavianus denounced as a public enemy. The rash youth appea

eared to have played into his hands. Of the legal point, no question: Octavianus and his friends were guilty of high treason. No

arching up the eastern coast of Italy, the legio Martia, declared for Octavianus and turned westwards. Antonius confronted the mut

he offered was miserable in comparison with the lavish generosity of Octavianus . The consul returned to Rome. On November 28th

ar was ready on the side of Antonius with a bill of attainder against Octavianus . 1 Nothing came of this perhaps the situation was

embraced the revolutionary cause. Had the consul attempted to outlaw Octavianus , a tribune would surely have vetoed the measure:

emaining legions and occupy Cisalpine Gaul. Fresh levies were needed. Octavianus had not carried all Campania with him: two old Ca

e must decide. But not all at once Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavianus a public enemy, nor did he now turn his military

nt, in the direction of Arretium. The veterans in the private army of Octavianus would not stand against Antonius, the Caesarian g

rst revolutionary venture has been narrated as the deed and policy of Octavianus . In himself that young man had not seemed a polit

covered from Cicero’s defence of the morals, family and patriotism of Octavianus , Phil. 3, 15 ff. 2 See Table III at end. Page

his fortune through the will, which they are said to have resigned to Octavianus . 4 Nothing else is known of their attitude or act

us, consuls in 29 B.C. and 20 B.C. respectively. PageBook=>129 Octavianus turned for help to friends of his own, to loyal C

Agrippam quidem notus. ’ Agrippa was the same age to within a year as Octavianus , and is said to have been his schoolfellow (Nicol

ubsidize supporters and educate opinion in Rome and throughout Italy. Octavianus had more skill, fewer scruples and better fortune

ir perhaps unjustly. The legacies to the plebs were paid after all by Octavianus , perhaps not wholly from his own fortune and the

. 1 Only the clumsy arts of an apologist reveal the awkward fact that Octavianus at Brundisium in April, for a time at least, had

e than his patrimony. The diversion of public funds was not enough. Octavianus also won the support of private investors, among

quite possible. Note the absence of Salvidienus. PageBook=>132 Octavianus may already have numbered among his supporters ce

own town. 1 Evidence about the names and origin of the adherents of Octavianus in the first years of his revolutionary career is

o had written pantomimes, the Spaniard Decidius Saxa. 2 The fact that Octavianus was deemed to be on the side of the Republic prec

moted to senatorial rank by Caesar. He commanded the legio Martia for Octavianus at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 33, 4): who impelled the l

mber of senators emerge on his side. When four years have elapsed and Octavianus through all hazards, through all vicissitudes of

and fortune to one revolution were not eager to stir up another. But Octavianus wished to be much more than the leader of a small

was private and personal, not the considered policy of a whole class. Octavianus needed the Senate as well. He hoped to win sympat

first place, the consuls- designate, Hirtius and Pansa, whose counsel Octavianus sought when he arrived in Campania. Friends of Ca

uence of Balbus3 no good prospect for the Republicans, but a gain for Octavianus . Less is known about Pansa. Yet Pansa was no decl

r Q. Fufius Calenus, an able politician. 1 Pansa, however, encouraged Octavianus at a quite early date. Along with Pansa in this

a secret compact with Cicero, Cicero to provide political support for Octavianus while enjoying the protection of his financial re

Cicero, and therefore might be said to have encouraged the designs of Octavianus . That was all they had in common in character, ca

rrespondence of Cicero preserved none of the letters he received from Octavianus . That is not surprising: the editor knew his busi

urer. There is a danger, it is true, that the relations of Cicero and Octavianus may be dated too far back, interpreted in the lig

be encouraged and kept from allying himself with Antonius; 3 in July, Octavianus became a fact and a force in politics. Events w

udi Victoriae Caesaris and the consequent breach between Antonius and Octavianus . Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cog

November, Cicero was full of distrust, suspecting the real designs of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to stand against Antoni

ns of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to stand against Antonius. Octavianus for his part exerted every art to win the confide

ause. By the beginning of November daily letters passed between them. Octavianus now had an army NotesPage=>141 1 Ad Att, 1

t Campania and retired to Arpinum, foreseeing trouble. After Caecina, Octavianus sent Oppius to invite him, but in vain. 3 The exa

ight win more respectable backing. ‘But look at his age, his name. ’6 Octavianus was but a youth, he lacked auctoritas. On the oth

e Dictator. 8 Cicero in alarm confessed the ruinous alternatives: ‘if Octavianus succeeded and won power, the acta of Caesar would

te forecast of the hazards of supporting the Caesarian revolutionary. Octavianus NotesPage=>142 1 Ad Att. 16, 8 (Nov. 2nd),

ion which the sombre Brutus was later to recall with bitter rebuke. 1 Octavianus has sometimes been condemned for cold and brutal

and partial interpretation will be repulsed in the interests, not of Octavianus , but of the truth. The political alliance between

, not of Octavianus, but of the truth. The political alliance between Octavianus and Cicero was not merely the plot of a crafty an

sion, Cicero cannot be acquitted. Aware of the risks, he hoped to use Octavianus against Antonius and discard him in the end, if h

an: it may be doubted whether at any time he felt that he could trust Octavianus . Neither was the dupe. When he heard of the fai

esolved to wait until January 1st before appearing in the Senate. But Octavianus and D. Brutus were insistent the former with his

t Caesarians themselves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavianus , or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of

rous champion, boldly asserting his responsibility for the actions of Octavianus . 2 His policy violated public law with what chanc

e and illegal arms against Antonius, there were clearly two opinions. Octavianus marched on Rome. Where was Brutus? What a chance

αν amittis! ’ 4 For his views about the alliance between Cicero and Octavianus , cf. esp. Ad M. Brutum 1, 16 and 17 (summer, 43 B

me of municipal origin. On the paternal side, the greatgrandfather of Octavianus was a freedman, a rope-maker; on the maternal, a

acrificed his ally Caesar to the oligarchs out of sheer patriotism. 2 Octavianus , to secure recognition and power, was ready to po

ad not the Republic been rescued from tyranny and restored to vigour? Octavianus had the veterans, the plebs and the name of Caesa

l, Cicero seized the chance to develop a programme for future action. Octavianus had no standing at all before the law, and Brutus

nlica auctoritas, for the privatum consilium, the illicit ventures of Octavianus and D. Brutus. This meant usurpation of power by

rent reasons both Paullus, the brother of Lepidus, and the kinsmen of Octavianus , Philippus and C. Claudius Marcellus. Three excel

Cicero. One point, indeed, he carried the troops of D. Brutus and of Octavianus were converted into legitimate armies recognized

itimate armies recognized by the State; the promises of money made by Octavianus were solemnly ratified; in addition, dismissal af

authority of the Senate. This covered Brutus in the Cisalpina. As for Octavianus , Cicero, bringing abundant historical parallels f

, found his proposal outstripped by P. Servilius. The Senate adlected Octavianus into its ranks and assigned to him, along with th

e allowed to stand for the consulship ten years before the legal age. Octavianus was now nineteen: he would still have thirteen ye

e. But this was different a just and holy war. Thus to the Senate: to Octavianus and to D. Brutus, letters of exhortation. The w

steps for the security of the State. With the consuls was associated Octavianus . The most extreme of sanctions, however, was rese

icero had in his hands an open letter sent by Antonius to Hirtius and Octavianus , spirited, cogent and menacing. Antonius warned

onth of February the forces of the consul Hirtius and the pro-praetor Octavianus were encamped along the Via Aemilia to the south-

orced to abandon; but Antonius drew his lines closer around Mutina. Octavianus and Hirtius avoided battle, waiting for Pansa to

. The great Antonius extricated himself only after considerable loss. Octavianus , in the meantime, held and defended the camp near

f the best general of the day and the political maturity of the youth Octavianus . The unnatural compact between the revolutionary

the war by the two consuls had overshadowed for a time the person of Octavianus . Hirtius and Pansa, at the head of armies, might

ow unexpectedly to dominate the game of high politics. Brutus urged Octavianus to turn south across the Apennines into Etruria,

would have obeyed. 1 And so Ventidius slipped through. Before long Octavianus received news from Rome that amply justified his

Senate when the tidings of Mutina were known. In the victory-honours Octavianus was granted an ovation, Decimus Brutus, however,

riotic armies, choosing a commission to effect that salutary economy. Octavianus was not among its members but neither was D. Brut

sed to tolerate such a slight upon their leader, patron and friend. Octavianus , his forces augmented by the legions of Pansa, wh

or may not have given to Caesar’s heir. 4 And now on others beside Octavianus the menace from the East loomed heavily. The Re

gladiator’. 3 According to Velleius (2, 65, 1), Antonius threatened Octavianus with this alternative. 4 Appian, BC 3, 75, 305

It was high time for the Caesarians to repent and close their ranks. Octavianus made no move. He remained in the neighbourhood of

d no wish for war they had NotesPage=>166 1 Ad fam. 10, 24. On Octavianus , ib. § 5 f. 2 Cf. his letters, Ad fam. 10, 31–3

égé, the ‘divine youth whom Providence had sent to save the State’. 5 Octavianus and his army grew daily more menacing. That young

masterly policy of using Caesar’s heir to wreck the Caesarian party. Octavianus did not intend to be removed; and the emphasis th

. He would show them. Cicero entered into the original compact with Octavianus with clear perception of the dangers of their equ

policy, and the value of the results thereby achieved, in hoping that Octavianus would still support the constitutional cause now

peian and Republican. 3 The consulate lay vacant but not unclaimed. Octavianus aspired to the honour; and it would clearly be ex

hilippus and Marcellus) who appeared to be supporting the ambition of Octavianus . 4 Who was the destined colleague? It may well ha

e ex fonte consiliorum meorum. ’ 4 Ib. 1, 10, 3. He there describes Octavianus as ‘meis consiliis adhuc gubernatum, praeclara ip

proposal there is evidence not lightly to be discarded. 3 Cicero and Octavianus were to be joint consuls. It might fairly be repr

ro, interceding for his relatives. Cicero answered with a rebuke. 4 Octavianus was a greater danger to the Republic than Antoniu

at is the point of overthrowing Antonius to install the domination of Octavianus ? Cicero is as bad as Salvidienus. Men fear death,

law. ’6 On receipt of an extract from a letter written by Cicero to Octavianus , the Roman and the Republican lost all patience.

he supplications of a slave to a despot. ’1 Cicero had suggested that Octavianus might be induced to pardon the assassins of Caesa

step. The Caesarian generals would have united at once to destroy him Octavianus in his true colours, openly on their side against

urs, openly on their side against Caesar’s murderer. The designs of Octavianus upon the consulate were suspected in May, his int

of Caesar’s heir. For themselves they asked the promised bounty, for Octavianus the consulate. The latter request they were able

till trusting that the adventurer could be won to legitimate methods. Octavianus was not deflected from his march. And now for a

city was put in a posture of defence. Whether the Senate now declared Octavianus a public enemy is not recorded: these formalities

not recorded: these formalities were coming to matter less and less. Octavianus marched down the Flaminian Way and entered the ci

as the only bloodshed. The senators advanced to make their peace with Octavianus ; among them, but not in the forefront, was Cicero

came a rumour that the two legions which had deserted the consul for Octavianus in the November preceding, the Fourth and the Mar

ary levies in Picenum. The rumour was false. 2 On the following day Octavianus forbore to enter the city with armed men a ‘free

the omen of Romulus, the founder of Rome. 3 The day was August 19th. Octavianus himself was not yet twenty. NotesPage=>172

and remained unmolested until the proscriptions were duly instituted. Octavianus could afford to wait, to take vengeance upon the

tors, Q. Gallius, was accused of an attempt to assassinate the consul Octavianus . His indignant colleagues deposed the criminal fr

hat he departed on a voyage. Pirates or shipwreck took the blame. 4 Octavianus had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State

messages may then have passed. A clear indication was soon given. As Octavianus moved up the Flaminia, he instructed the other co

agents. Behind them stood the legions and the forces of revolution. Octavianus crossed the Apennines and entered Cisalpine Gaul

isted on a solid guarantee against dissension in the Caesarian party. Octavianus gave up his betrothed, the daughter of Servilius,

prose fiction among the Romans. PageBook=>191 For the youth of Octavianus , exposed to an iron schooling and constrained thr

; other apologists artfully suggested that the merciful reluctance of Octavianus was overborne by the brutal insistence of his old

raw fine distinctions between the three terrorists, it was hardly for Octavianus that they invoked indulgence and made allowances.

had been harried by faction and treason, when proconsul outlawed. For Octavianus there was none, and no merit beyond his name: ‘pu

ppears completely after 43 B.C. 5 Consul in 39 B.C. and admiral for Octavianus in the Bellum Siculum. Calvisius is the first con

rty could dull the edge of action. From the beginning, the faction of Octavianus invited those who had nothing to lose from war an

, among the ‘foundation-members’ being Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus. Octavianus himself had only recently passed his twentieth bi

t Saxas. ’ 2 Demetrius for Antonius (Dio 48, 40, 5 f.), Helenus for Octavianus (Dio 48, 30, 8 cf. 45, 5; Appian, BC 5, 66, 277;

nia, passed Philippi, and took up a favourable position. Antonius and Octavianus proposed to follow. Their colleague Lepidus was l

held the Cisalpina with a strong army. 4 At first there was delay. Octavianus turned aside to deal with Sex. Pompeius, who by n

the south around the flank of Cassius, he at last forced on a battle. Octavianus had now come up though shattered in health and ne

e right flank swept over the Caesarian lines and captured the camp of Octavianus , who was not there. A certain mystery envelops hi

er Studien xxxv (1913), 280 f. Agrippa and Maecenas did not deny that Octavianus lurked in a marsh (Pliny, NH 7, 148). PageBook=

ith Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he would pay for his folly in the end. 4 Wh

rals, Antonius, it is alleged, they saluted as imperator, but reviled Octavianus . A number of them were put to death. 5 A body of

now had to satisfy the demands of their soldiers for land and money. Octavianus was to return to Italy to carry out the settlemen

om Lepidus. Lepidus was also despoiled of Spain, for the advantage of Octavianus , most of whose original portion was by now in the

n Italy. A victor, but lacking the glory and confidence of victory, Octavianus returned to Italy. On the way he fell ill again a

tead the day of Philippi. Ailing, despondent and under evil auspices, Octavianus took in hand the confiscation of Italian property

Towns and local magnates armed in self-protection. The opposition to Octavianus was not merely a revolt of middle-class opinion a

Lepidus, his triumviral colleague, and from the consul P. Servilius, Octavianus got no help. He was actively hindered by the othe

ey played a double game. Before the veterans they laid the blame upon Octavianus , insisting that a final decision be reserved for

d: he neither would nor could go back upon his pledges of alliance to Octavianus . She must force him by discrediting, if not by de

specting consort the sole power which he scarcely seemed to desire. Octavianus , while prosecuting the policy of the Caesarian pa

discover the ultimate truth of these transactions. The propaganda of Octavianus , gross and mendacious, exaggerated the role of Fu

n grew steadily worse. The sentiments of the soldiery veered round to Octavianus where their interests clearly lay. Octavianus, fo

oldiery veered round to Octavianus where their interests clearly lay. Octavianus , for his part, divorced his unwelcome and untouch

with the generals of his brother who held all the Gallic provinces. Octavianus , with Agrippa in his company, had retired to sout

ublican forces in Italy and on the seas adjacent would have destroyed Octavianus . But there was neither unity of command nor unity

g prompt relief from Pollio and Ventidius. He was quickly undeceived. Octavianus at once invested Perusia with an elaborate ring o

. Antonius. 2 No less outspoken was the propaganda of the principals. Octavianus in verses of ‘Roman frankness’ derided the absent

ruitless sortie, L. Antonius made a capitulation (late in February?). Octavianus received with honour the brother of his colleague

age=>211 1 CIL xi, 67211: ‘M. Ant. imp. ’ Also indecent abuse of Octavianus , ib. 67217 and672111. 2 Ib. 672126: ‘L(eg.) xι

n which proclaimed that their dead had fallen fighting for freedom. Octavianus imposed a crushing fine. 4 The generals of Anto

north- eastwards and held Venetia for a time against the generals of Octavianus . Then all is a blank, save that he negotiated wit

t. That way all odds pointed and most men’s hopes. In his emergency Octavianus sought aid where he could, an accommodation with

r confidence, was induced to surrender all Gaul and eleven legions. 5 Octavianus left Italy to take over this welcome accession: h

affair of Perusia had been sadly mismanaged. This time the enemies of Octavianus had a leader. The final armed reckoning for the h

a for the Caesarians, cf. above, p. 189, n. 5. Fango had been sent by Octavianus after Philippi to take over from Sextius. 4 App

oyal and open character of Antonius, his position as the colleague of Octavianus and the slowness of communication by sea in the d

43 ff. 3 W. W. Tarn, CAH x, 41 f. 4 There was even a theory that Octavianus and L. Antonius were acting in collusion, forcing

hand. He had already expelled from Sardinia M. Lurius the partisan of Octavianus , and he now made descents upon the coasts of sout

ces transformed the visage but not the substance of Roman politics. Octavianus the adventurer, after achieving recognition with

f had been inactive during the War of Perusia. His errors had enabled Octavianus to assert himself as the true Caesarian by standi

nding for the interests of the legions. But his errors were not fatal Octavianus had great difficulty in inducing the veterans fro

the colonies to rally and march against Antonius; some turned back. 4 Octavianus might command a mass of legions: they were famish

ey were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men, for Octavianus by the diplomatic Maecenas. L. Cocceius Nerva was

nius held all the provinces beyond the sea, from Macedonia eastwards, Octavianus the West, from Spain to Illyricum. The lower cour

he consul there invoked was shortly to become a father. The sister of Octavianus had a son, Marcellus, by her consular husband; bu

prevalent belief that Virgil must have been writing about a child of Octavianus derives from anachronistic opinions concerning th

were diverse and impressive, but barely known to historical record. Octavianus now learned of the danger that had menaced him. I

yet no senatorial office the wars had hardly left time for that. But Octavianus had designated him as consul for the following ye

us were soon clouded by disturbances in the city of Rome. The life of Octavianus was endangered. Unpopular taxes, high prices an

enus the freedman from Sardinia, which he was trying to recapture for Octavianus ,2 and resumed his blockade of the coasts of Italy

midable advantage. It waned with the years and absence in the East. Octavianus was able to win over more and more of the leading

eutral. 2 For the present, however, no indication of such a change. Octavianus went to Gaul for a brief visit, Lepidus to Africa

nce was clearly Macedonia, not Illyricum, which lay in the portion of Octavianus , cf. CQ xxxi (1937), 39 ff. 2 W. W. Tarn, CQ xx

s revolutionary début, had everything to gain by stirring up trouble. Octavianus soon found it advisable or necessary to make war

d at once, alleging pressure of Parthian affairs: by letter he warned Octavianus not to break the peace with Pompeius. Octavianus,

by letter he warned Octavianus not to break the peace with Pompeius. Octavianus , persisting, incurred ruinous disaster (38 B.C.)

C. Sosius. But five years is a long period in a revolutionary epoch. Octavianus felt that time was on his side. For the present,

11, 71 f. PageBook=>226 be enlisted to deal with Pompeius. But Octavianus would have none of that. Further, from duty to hi

Puteoli brought Italy a respite at last from raids and famine, and to Octavianus an accidental but delayed advantage prominent Rep

4, 19: ‘contra latrones atque servilem manum. ’. PageBook=>229 Octavianus abruptly divorced Scribonia, his senior by many y

er husband and the child Tiberius, Livia fled from the armed bands of Octavianus to take refuge with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Livia was ab

her, not hastening to declare himself too openly for his step-brother Octavianus : his father, through diplomacy, hoped to get him

previously married to Scribonia, before 40 B.C. PageBook=>230 Octavianus now had a war on his hands earlier perhaps than h

e able to influence Antonius or Lepidus: they had done so before. For Octavianus there subsisted the danger of a revived Republica

red the island of Sardinia, a war-fleet and an army of three legions. Octavianus or his admirals L. Cornificius and C. Calvisius S

lan for invading Sicily. The result was disastrous. Pompeius attacked Octavianus as his ships, coming from Tarentum, were passing

ndered thanks to his protecting deity: in Rome the mob rioted against Octavianus and the war. NotesPage=>230 1 Lepidus’ son

. Perhaps in 36 B.C.: pretty certainly the Servilia once betrothed to Octavianus . 2 Lepidus had several children. Their destiny,

ot choose to hold the triumph that would have thrown the disasters of Octavianus into high and startling relief. 1 The young Caesa

2 and Lepidus was conciliated or cajoled, perhaps through Antonius. Octavianus now had the ships. He needed crews and a harbour.

plan for attacking Sicily from three directions in the summer of 36: Octavianus was to sail from Puteoli, Statilius Taurus from T

fighting was varied and confused. Agrippa won a victory at Mylae but Octavianus himself was defeated in a great battle in the str

grippa, who was present, accepted the capitulation in his own person. Octavianus objected: Lepidus, with twenty-two legions at his

ianus objected: Lepidus, with twenty-two legions at his back, ordered Octavianus to depart from Sicily. But Octavianus had not acq

wo legions at his back, ordered Octavianus to depart from Sicily. But Octavianus had not acquired and practised the arts of the mi

story and origin but united by their appetite for bounties and lands. Octavianus was generous but firm. 1 The veterans of Mutina a

r equestrian in rank, were put to death. 2 After which stern measures Octavianus , sending Taurus to occupy Africa, returned to Rom

vagant, was perhaps a little premature. But it contained a programme. Octavianus remitted debts and taxes; and he gave public expr

e believed in the sincerity of such professions. That did not matter. Octavianus was already exploring the propaganda and the sent

prominent of them, Pollio, Ventidius and Plancus, were with Antonius. Octavianus had two and two only, the military men C. Carrina

BC 5, 130, 541 f. 2 Ib. 5, 132, 548. 3 Above, pp. 90 and 188. For Octavianus he fought in Spain in 41 B.C. (Appian, BC 4, 83,

0 B.C., with no record of his activity, and governor of all Spain for Octavianus the year after. No other nobilis can be found h

. 2 One of them, C. Peducaeus, fell at Mutina for the Republic or for Octavianus . 3 Sex. Peducaeus, who had served under Caesar in

centurion C. Fuficius Fango, killed while fighting to hold Africa for Octavianus , were among the Dictator’s new senators. The youn

to help his ally and may have passed before long into the service of Octavianus , cf. M. A. Levi, Riv. di fil. LXVI (1938), 113 FF

ian in 44 B.C. (Phil. 3, 26). There is no evidence how soon he joined Octavianus . On his origin, cf. above, p. 199 and p. 221. P

s from Antonius as did Bibulus and Atratinus. He is not attested with Octavianus before 36 B.C. The reason given for his change of

35, 21). 6 Lepidus was not an admiral: but he was in the company of Octavianus in 36 B.C(Suetonius, Divus Aug. 16, 3). 7 Pulch

e Triumvirs. No matter Messalla was created an augur extraordinary. 5 Octavianus enriched his friends by granting war-booty or pri

heiress, Caecilia, the daughter of Atticus. 8 Of the associates of Octavianus so far as now revealed to history, Messalla, Ap.

te and other forms of patronage rested in the hands of the Triumvirs, Octavianus , by his presence at Rome, was in a position of di

and more Pompeian. That was not the only advantage now resting with Octavianus . He had cleared the sea of pirates, eliminated Le

friendship or open war. Of the former, the chances grew daily less as Octavianus emancipated himself from the tutelage of Antonius

leets and armies of the East, whether it was peace or war in the end, Octavianus could face him, as never yet, with equal power an

the wars of the Republic or of private ambition far away in the East; Octavianus chose to safeguard Italy. The victories of Antoni

f his troops does not need to show his person in the front of battle. Octavianus in the campaigns in Illyricum risked his person w

the glory. NotesPage=>240 1 It has sometimes been argued that Octavianus in these years made vast conquests in Illyricum,

d an armed struggle. It had begun some six years before. 2 At first Octavianus was outshone. Antonius’ men celebrated triumphs i

(38). Then in 36 the balance inclined with the Sicilian triumph, and Octavianus pressed the advantage in the next few years with

riumph (June 30th, 34 B.C.) to Illyricum, took charge of affairs when Octavianus departed (Dio 49, 38, 4). 2 The precise dates o

ieve great fame afterwards, either the nobiles or the novi homines. 2 Octavianus may now have honoured men of discreet repute amon

r standing. The patricians were sparse enough at the best of seasons: Octavianus created new families of that order, for patronage

lars could be discerned one Claudius only, one Aemilius, partisans of Octavianus ; no Fabii at all, of the patrician Cornelii two a

Cornelius, cos. suff. 38. 3 Not only Messalla himself, consul with Octavianus for the year 31, but two Valerii, suffect consuls

t’). This looks like the original dedication: but a poem in honour of Octavianus stands at the head of the series. 3 Varro wrote

o overestimate the strength and popularity that by now had accrued to Octavianus . It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast wi

not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlier situation. Octavianus was no longer the terrorist of Perusia. Since the

f all Italy. In this NotesPage=>257 1 Nepos, Vita Attici 19 f. Octavianus wrote to him almost every day (ib. 20, 2): yet At

tticus, Vipsania, was betrothed to Ti. Claudius Nero, the step-son of Octavianus (19, 4). 2 Ib. 21, 4. Balbus probably died not

e to train them: Antonius wanted the twenty thousand legionaries that Octavianus had promised to provide. The faithless colleague

ome, unchivalrous for the first time in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus : but he learned too late. Octavianus, however, wa

in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus: but he learned too late. Octavianus , however, was no more ready yet to exploit the af

ly a few months passed, however, and the crisis in his relations with Octavianus became so acute that Antonius instructed Canidius

us and Canidius Crassus): Proculeius, however, was surely coining for Octavianus on Cephallenia after Actium, cf. BMC, R. Rep. II

rtrait). 2 lb. 510 ff. He took a fleet to Sicily in 36 B.C. to help Octavianus , and was governor of Syria in 32, when he died (A

he clash was now imminent, with aggression coming from the West, from Octavianus , but not upon an innocent and unsuspecting ally.

he East and the sinister intentions thence deduced and made public by Octavianus and his band of unscrupulous and clear-headed pat

nder the rule of an oriental queen. An expedient and salutary belief. Octavianus was in reality the aggressor, his war was precede

. Had the eastern lands instead of the western fallen by partition to Octavianus , his policy would hardly have differed from that

of the War of Actium as it was designed and contrived by the party of Octavianus . It was not a war for domination against Antonius

was Roman, as Antonius himself assuredly did not. 1 The propaganda of Octavianus magnified Cleopatra beyond all measure and decenc

etween the two Caesarian leaders. Failing Cleopatra and her children, Octavianus would have been reduced to inferior expedients, m

Ch. XX TOTA ITALIA PageBook=>276 THE year 33 B.C. opened with Octavianus as consul for the second time: with its close, th

The rivals manoeuvred for position: of compromise, no act or thought. Octavianus moved first. Early in the year he delivered a spe

that his own men had been passed over in the allotment of lands; that Octavianus had deposed in arbitrary fashion a colleague in t

readiness to lay down office and join in restoring the Republic. 3 Octavianus evaded the charge of breach of contract. Preferri

al, and the private vices of lust, cruelty and cowardice. 1 Above all Octavianus attacked Antonius’ devotion to drink and to Cleop

ing new, but had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As for Octavianus , what about Salvia Titisenia, Rufilla, Tertulla a

Caesar was the true heir as well as authentic son of the Dictator. Octavianus put up the Caesarian agent Oppius to disprove pat

secure constitutional sanction for the young adventurer. Once again Octavianus lacked standing before the law, for the triumvira

that this famous fragment, matching in frankness an early product of Octavianus (cf. Martial 11, 20) does not furnish either a sa

onius. The women alluded to may be the wives of certain associates of Octavianus at least Terentilla is presumably Terentia, the w

t Antonius did in 32 B.C. On the other, the statement and attitude of Octavianus is perfectly clear: he had been Triumvir for ten

g to a higher sanction, so far had the Roman constitution declined. Octavianus retired from the city. The new consuls summoned t

the preceding autumn. They may previously have made a compromise with Octavianus :1 it is more likely that they were afraid to divu

ad and delivered a speech in praise of Antonius, with strong abuse of Octavianus ; he proposed a motion of censure which was vetoed

of censure which was vetoed by a tribune. That closed the session. Octavianus meanwhile mustered supporters from the towns of I

d Antonius. None dared to raise a voice against the Caesarian leader. Octavianus then dismissed the Senate, instructing it to asse

otal strength of the Senate was over a thousand. PageBook=>279 Octavianus alleged that he suffered them to depart freely an

ort from the Roman aristocracy. 3 For the moment violence had given Octavianus an insecure control of Rome and Italy. But violen

tonius and the War of Mutina. A more brutal stimulant was required. Octavianus was in a very difficult position. The secession o

nce of something more than desperate loyalty or invincible stupidity. Octavianus professed to have resigned the office of Triumvir

bsequent successes and by the ordering of the north-eastern frontier. Octavianus had to wait and hope for the best. His enemy woul

For Rome, for the consuls and the Republic against the domination of Octavianus , or for Egypt and Egypt’s Queen? Ahenobarbus urge

divorced Octavia. That act, denoting the rupture of his amicitia with Octavianus , was the equivalent of a declaration of war; and

t;281 able to retain all his partisans or prevent their adhesion to Octavianus . Nor were Republicans and Pompeians as amenable t

precious gift, so it is alleged news of the documentary evidence that Octavianus so urgently required. They told him that the last

ough the provisions of the will do not perhaps utterly pass belief. 1 Octavianus extorted the document from the Vestal Virgins and

ies NotesPage=>282 1 The truth of the matter is lost for ever. Octavianus had the first view of the document, alone καì πρῶ

rcery. 6 Antonius for his part made no move yet. Not merely because Octavianus had picked the quarrel to invade Italy with Cleop

istributed lavish bribes among the civil population and the soldiery. Octavianus NotesPage=>283 1 Plutarch, Antonius 58.

mbition upon the Roman People. In this atmosphere of terror and alarm Octavianus resolved to secure national sanction for his arbi

anifestly inadequate if it was the instrument of Rome’s enemy. And so Octavianus , like Cicero twelve years earlier when he so eloq

was distant and irrelevant when compared with the armed domination of Octavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intim

ancestors had ruled as kings, that the Appuleii (a family related to Octavianus ) and Nonius Gallus won over the city of Aesernia

PageBook=>291 Those who were not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus or their own emotions might be impelled by certai

evolted both his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions about Octavianus and his friends in the Caesarian party, old and n

be well understood. His comments would have been frank and bitter. Octavianus , supported by the oath of allegiance and consensu

of Perusia. The surest guarantee provided also the fairest pretext. 7 Octavianus took with him across the seas the whole of Note

e. Antonius proposed to leave the approach free to the enemy, to lure Octavianus onwards, and entrap him with the aid of superior

s officers lacked recent experience of naval warfare. The admirals of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated

ny defeats, invigorated by their final success in the Sicilian War. Octavianus did not strike at Dyrrhachium or Apollonia. Makin

a great naval battle; 2 and Antonius’ attempt to cut off the camp of Octavianus on the landward side and invest his position prov

1 The ex-Republican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his peace with Octavianus about the same time—on terms, namely the consulat

y M. Octavius, of a consular family. 6 On the other side the fleet of Octavianus faced the Antonians. The battle was to be fought

1 (for Messalla). 7 Virgil, Aen. 8, 680 f. PageBook=>297 But Octavianus , though ‘dux’, was even less adequate in maritime

al and complete. There was no haste to pursue the fugitives to Egypt. Octavianus had a huge army on his hands, with many legions t

relegated Lepidus: his wife, Servilia, who had once been betrothed to Octavianus , bravely followed him in death, true to noble and

ing was the news reported by Agrippa—veterans clamorous and mutinous. Octavianus crossed the wintry seas to Brundisium and appease

, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius, by Cassius, or by Antonius. Octavianus deposed a certain number of petty dynasts or city

en of Cleopatra, whatever they might be and whatever they were worth, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the rest, when he had co

annexed by Antonius, but Armenia fell away during the War of Actium. Octavianus was not incommoded: he took no steps to recover t

e decade after Actium—or less relevant to the history of those years. Octavianus had his own ideas. It might be inexpedient to def

he capital of empire be transferred to other lands. The propaganda of Octavianus had skilfully worked upon such apprehensions. Onc

t to civil and ordered government, in a word, to ‘normal conditions’. Octavianus in his sixth and seventh consulates carried out c

C. PageBook=>307 meaning of this ‘reform’ will emerge later. Octavianus himself assumed the title traditionally pertainin

hoods and subsidies; some had even been elevated into the patriciate. Octavianus could count upon certain of his NotesPage=>3

ficance. Being consul (and perhaps able to invoke tribunician power)1 Octavianus possessed the means to face and frustrate any mer

ion he was holding in Gaul (above, p. 302). Dio expressly states that Octavianus took the title of imperator from Crassus and adde

mpletely from history. In robbing Crassus of the title of imperator Octavianus raised, perhaps at an untimely moment, the delica

imprudence or the calumny of his enemies, who no doubt were numerous. Octavianus disowned him, breaking off all amicitia. After a

and of a great military province at the time of Crassus’ dispute with Octavianus . The successor of L. Autronius Paetus as proconsu

e, communi omn[i]|um regum formidine, subacta. ’ PageBook=>310 Octavianus could tolerate misdemeanour, crime or vice in his

ial or verbal, for Suetonius ranks his fall with that of Salvidienus. Octavianus praised the pietas of the Senate and deplored the

onsuls were a menace. Yet it would be inexpedient to remove them all. Octavianus decided upon a half-measure. Under the rule of

e provinces, taken imperatorial acclamations and celebrated triumphs. Octavianus would now remove the proconsuls from the more pow

e more important, deprived of proconsuls, under the immediate rule of Octavianus presented a fair show of restored liberty, and re

the deputy-leader and political successor of Caesar the Dictator, and Octavianus , who was his heir in name and blood. The sentim

nd ruinous. Lepidus lacked capacity, Antonius cunning and temperance: Octavianus had been too ambitious to be a loyal partner. Now

OF AUGUSTUS PageBook=>349 THE modest origins of the faction of Octavianus stand revealed in the names of the foundation-mem

ould recover dignity and efficiency when the Free State was restored, Octavianus and Agrippa carried out a purification in 28 B.C.

ggle for power after Caesar’s assassination and augmented yet more by Octavianus to finance his war against Antonius. 2 The spoils

eir defender. 2 In the year 29 B.C., about the time of his triumph, Octavianus gave a donative in money to the veterans in his c

of a consular family (Cn. Domitius Calvinus) belonged to the faction. Octavianus was acutely conscious of the need of aristocratic

heir prestige had sunk still further except for the dynasts Antonius, Octavianus and Lepidus, only four of them find any mention i

.: the truth of the matter has often been obscured by the belief that Octavianus in 35 and 34 B.C. conquered the whole of Bosnia a

ssed a grandiose spectacle when the leading partisans of Antonius and Octavianus competed to adorn the city of Rome. Augustus soon

ictator quietly worked out his plans in the company of his intimates. Octavianus inherited the policy and no little part of the pe

ed and always malevolent, was all too well founded. The propaganda of Octavianus had been merciless against Fulvia, the wife of An

th in the name of Tiberius, renewing the allegiance sworn long ago to Octavianus before Actium. 3 This was the essence of the Prin

ng Sallustius. When Pompeius thus became a respectable figure, so did Octavianus . It was the fashion to be Pompeian rather than Ca

rliest of the nobiles who fought at Philippi to pass from Antonius to Octavianus , the statement is not as daring as it might appea

ithout scandal or inconvenience. Cato was already out of the way when Octavianus took up arms against the State. But Cato was wors

, passing to Antonius after Philippi and from Antonius before long to Octavianus . Along with Agrippa, Messalla occupied the house

ius C. f. Pansa Caetronianus: A. Hirtius A. f. C. Julius C. f.Caesar ( Octavianus ): Q. Pedius (Q. f.?) P. Ventidius P. f.: C. Carri

409, 411; of freedmen, 354,410. Admirals, of Sex. Pompeius, 228; of Octavianus , 230, 236 f., 297; of Antonius, 267 ff., 296; und

94. Aemilius Lepidus, Paullus (cos. 34 B.C.), patrician partisan of Octavianus , 229, 237 f.; completes the Basilica Aemilia, 241

exander the Great, 54; empire of, 217, 250; and Pompeius, 30, 54; and Octavianus , 305; Roman view of, 441. Alexander Helios, 261

107, 110, 115, 170; relations with the Liberators, 108, 117 ff.; with Octavianus , 115 ff., 141 ff.; with Cicero, 140 f.; actions i

.; ulterior designs, 273 ff.; acta of Antonius, 276, 278; breach with Octavianus , 276 ff.; testament of Antonius, 282; actions in

460; with Gallus, 75, 252; in the Perusine War, 209 ff.; dictum about Octavianus , 211; his consulate, 218 f., 369; at Brundisium,

is consulate, 40; kills L. Ticida, 63; death, 50. Caecina, agent of Octavianus , 131, 142, 208. Caecina, A., Etruscan nobleman, 8

equestrian officer and senator, 132, 235. Carisius, P., partisan of Octavianus , 236, 376; legate of Hispania Ulterior, 329, 332;

, 45, 112, 164, 197; neutral in the Civil War, 62, 64; relations with Octavianus , 142, 182; death, 217; character, 128; family con

s, 364. Confiscation, by Caesar, 76 f.; by the Triumvirs, 194 ff.; by Octavianus , 350. Consensus Italiae, 153, 161, 169, 286, 321,

eat wealth, 77, 381; does not enter the Senate, 80 f.; relations with Octavianus , 114, 131, 133; consulate, 220; at the bedside of

his sagacious remarks on contemporary history, 250; on the quarrel of Octavianus and Antonius, 258. Cornelius Scipio, paramour o

f.; with Juvenal, 489. Cornificius, L. (cos. 35 B.C.), partisan of Octavianus , 132, 187, 200, 498; an admiral in the Bellum Sic

256; for Pompeius, 30, 263; Caesar, 53 ff., 263; Antonius, 263, 273; Octavianus , 233; Augustus, 305, 469 ff., 519, 524; for Gaius

elations with Caesar, 73, 81 f.; afraid of the Pompeians, 73; support Octavianus in 44 B.C., 131; attitude to Antonius, 272 f., 29

, T., see Vespasian, the Emperor. Fleets, of Sex. Pompeius, 228; of Octavianus , 231, 295; of Antonius, 231, 294 f.; command of,

Generals, in politics, 15, 158 f., 180; of the Triumvirs, 199 ff.; of Octavianus , 234 ff., 327 f.; of Antonius, 266 ff.; of August

Haterius, Q. (cos. suff. 5 B.C.), 362, 375. Helenus, freedman of Octavianus , 201, 221. Helvidius Priscus, son of a centurio

ook=>550 Illyricum, in the provincia of Caesar, 47; campaigns of Octavianus , 240; a senatorial province, 314, 315, 329 f., 39

330, 390, 394, 400, 436, 437. Imperator, adopted as a praenomen by Octavianus , 113; title assumed by proconsuls, 238, 308, 312;

Julius Caesar, C. (cos. A.D. 1), see Gaius Caesar. Julius Caesar ( Octavianus ), C. (cos. suff. 43 B.C.), see Augustus. PageBo

ilitary service, 70 f., 78 f., 82, 353 ff., 395 f.; in the faction of Octavianus , 133; commanding armies, 201, 355; victims of the

, 383. Laronius, Q. (cos. suff. 33 B.C.), novus homo and admiral of Octavianus , 200, 237 f., 242, 328; origin, 237; no descendan

ates, of Pompeius, 31, 67, 396; of Caesar in Gaul, 67, 94 f., 199; of Octavianus , consular and praetorian, 327, 329 f., 393; in 27

f Macedonia, 303, 308, 327, 349; claim to spolia opima and clash with Octavianus , 308 f.; descendants, 424, 496 f. Licinius Cras

488. See also History, Roman Poets. Livia Drusilla, her marriage to Octavianus , 229; character and ambitions of, 340 f.; her suc

347, 406; altar at, 474 patriotism of, 478. Lurius, M., partisan of Octavianus , 235, 376; in Sardinia, 213, 216; at Actium, 297;

Marcius Philippus, L. (cos. 56 B.C.), 35 f., 62, 197; relations with Octavianus , 114, 128, 134, 142, 147, 164, 167, 169, 170, 322

Caesar, 71, 81, 407; his loyalty, 106; his letter quoted, 121; helps Octavianus , 131. Matius, C., the younger, 71. Mausoleum, o

522. Media, Antonius’ invasion, 264 f.; relations with, 265 f.; and Octavianus , 301. Mediolanium, 150, 503; L. Piso proconsul

senator from Umbria, 361. Mindius Marcellus, M., early partisan of Octavianus , 132, 236. Minucius Basilus, L., Caesarian partis

Philippi, 205 f.; under the Triumvirate, 243 f., 257; on the side of Octavianus , 237, 238 f.; on the side of Antonius, 222, 269 f

us Asprenas, L. (cos. A.D. 93), 500. Nonius Gallus, M., partisan of Octavianus from Aesernia, 289; active in Gaul, 289, 302, 308

rty, 80 ff.; in the Triumviral period, 199 ff., 243 ff.; partisans of Octavianus , 129 ff., 234 ff.; marshals of Augustus, 329 f.,

Octavia, half-sister of Augustus, 112, 378, 421. PageBook=>557 Octavianus , see Augustus. Octavii, 19, 83, 493. Octavius

aesarian agent and banker, 71 f., 81, 159; after the Ides, 106; helps Octavianus , 131, 139, 142; literary activities, 250, 277, 40

iberalism of, 70, 345; patricians surviving in 33 B.C., 244; added by Octavianus , 244, 306, 376; created by Augustus, 382; decline

, 102, 192; in the proscriptions, 192 f.; relations with Antonius and Octavianus , 257; deathbed of, 257; his estates in Epirus, 10

Porcius Cato, M. (cos. suff. A.D. 36), delator, 492. Portents, about Octavianus , 471 f. Postumii, 64. Potamo, of Mytilene, 26

2. Proletariat, Italian, 15, 89, 180 f., 352, 514. Propaganda, of Octavianus in 44 B.C., 116 f., 120, 125; political, 154 ff.,

e, 73; services to Caesar, 82; not given the consulate, 82, 95; helps Octavianus , 131. Raetia, 357, 394. Rationarium imperii,

lius Blandus, C, ancestor of Nerva, 501. Rufilla, alleged mistress of Octavianus , 277. Rufinus, freedman of Caesar, 76. Rufrenus

, dubious son of Pollio, 219. Salvia Titisenia, alleged mistress of Octavianus , 277. Salvidienus Rufus, Q., 93, 95, 121, 132,

Scaurus, see Aemilius. Scipio, see Cornelius. Scribonia, wife of Octavianus , 213, 219, 229; her other husbands, 229. Scribo

s, L. (cos. suff. 34 B.C.), admiral of Antonius, 231, 269; deserts to Octavianus , 282; proconsul of Africa, 328, 339; his family a

y Caesar, 78 ff.; social status of, 80 ff.; Triumviral, 196 ff.; with Octavianus at Actium, 293, 349. Senatus consulta under the

by Atticus, 102, 192. Servilia, daughter of Isauricus, betrothed to Octavianus , 182, 189; married to Lepidus’ son, 230; her deat

arrels with Cicero, 170, 182; appointed an envoy, 172; relations with Octavianus , 182, 189; his second consulate, 197, 208; career

zed by Antonius, 116, 272; seized by Sex. Pompeius, 189; conquered by Octavianus , 230 ff.; as a senatorial province, 328, 405. S

. Taurus, see Statilius. Taxation, imposed by Triumvirs, 195 f.; by Octavianus , 284, 354; remitted by Augustus, 351; new taxatio

wife of M. Crassus (cos. 70 B.C.), 22. Tertulia, alleged mistress of Octavianus , 277. Theophanes, see Cn. Pompeius Theophanes.

, 228. Titedius Labeo, minor novus homo, 456. Titinius, partisan of Octavianus , 236. Titinius Capito, C., equestrian civil ser

his verdict on Caesar, 56, 145; in March, 44 B.C., 97 ff., 139; meets Octavianus , 114, 141; in the summer of 44 B.C., 139 ff.; att

the summer of 44 B.C., 139 ff.; attacks Antonius, 123; relations with Octavianus , 141 ff.; policy in 44–43 B.C., 143 ff., the Phil

M. (cos. 31 B.C.), as a Republican, 198; an Antonian, 206, 222; joins Octavianus , 237, 238, 368; allegations against Antonius, 277

he Georgics, 254; the Aeneid, 304 f., 317 f., 462 ff.; his views upon Octavianus after Actium, 304 f.; on Troy, 305; Pompeius and

llegiance of, 15; Sullan, 88, 89; Caesarian, 101, 120, 255; bribed by Octavianus , 125; changes of side, 159; pacifism of, 180 f.;