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1 (1960) THE ROMAN REVOLUTION
ause of many pertinacious delusions about the Principate of Augustus. Nor is the Augustan period as straightforward or as w
ouring is evident enough: their affinity goes much deeper than words. Nor would it be rash to assert that Pollio was closel
e and adapt that cumbrous theme to a consecutive narrative of events. Nor is it only the biography of Augustus that shall b
ht against it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come to terms. Nor could Caesar have ruled without it. Coerced by Po
icus usurped a cognomen for petty exploits in a pirate-ridden island. Nor were the kinsmen of the Metelli inactive. Ap. Pul
es were much too stubborn to admit a master, even on their own terms. Nor was Pompeius in any way to their liking. His fami
double-edged weapon in the hand of Crassus, who disliked them both. 4 Nor was Pompeius’ consul effective, though a witty ma
ed resources of patronage for the party in control of the government. Nor was it at all likely that the dynast would abide
was not a simple personality but passionate, intense and repressed. 1 Nor was his political conduct wholly to be predicted.
ts shunned politics altogether. Sulla had taught them a sharp lesson. Nor would a seat in the lower ranks of the Senate at
or their lives, the Liberators barricaded themselves in their houses. Nor , as the days passed, did it become safe for them
g the name of Cicero with a loud voice. 2 The appeal was premature. Nor could the faction of Brutus and Cassius reckon up
re added and privileges, generous but not carrying full conviction. 1 Nor were the veterans to be won merely by material ad
in violence and corruption to equal the first consulate of Caesar. Nor are there sufficient grounds for the partial and
and Hispania Citerior. C. Asinius Pollio was in Hispania Ulterior. Nor was this all. The trusty and experienced Caesaria
at Alexandria to maintain order in the dependent kingdom of Egypt. Nor was trouble likely to come from the other Caesari
o the troops, which certain friends counselled, was wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch w
en as he did in order to force his enemies to come out into the open. Nor was it likely that he would consent to surrender
’s freedmen were very wealthy. The heir could claim their services. 2 Nor is this all. Caesar, intending to depart without
e hoped through Antonius to get an early consulate for his own son. 5 Nor was the devious Marcellus wholly to be neglected
l returned, on any excuse. Piso replied, no doubt with some effect. 3 Nor did any political enemy or ambitious youth come f
Pansa were consuls. The legislation of June 1st deepened his dismay. Nor was any decision or hope to be discerned among th
by Caesar the Dictator in his organization of the Roman Commonwealth. Nor was Antonius more susceptible. Cicero was constra
ation on that theme belongs to a time when it could do him no harm. 9 Nor was it Caesar’s enemies but his beloved soldiery
y weakened, with no consular Metelli left alive, no Licinii or Junii. Nor could the survivors of the Marcelli, Marcii and C
wo were alive at the end of 44 B.C., Cicero and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus. Nor had the years of Caesar’s Dictatorship furnished
269. PageBook=>164 East were consigned to Cassius in one act. Nor was this all. Sextus Pompeius had already promise
next act was to stem its advance, to consolidate the existing order. Nor would Antonius and his associates have behaved as
and at variance, refused battle and retired through the Apennines. 6 Nor did help come from the south in time or in adequa
closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all. Nor did he see the Queen of Egypt again until nearly
with Saxa opened the operations against the Liberators in Macedonia. Nor are senators’ sons at all frequent in the revolut
her six were commended by no known military service to the Triumvirs. Nor did they achieve great fame afterwards, either th
lbus came forward to protect the memory of their friend and patron. 1 Nor was Sallustius unmindful of his own political car
truculent, but humane and tolerant: which suited his own temperament. Nor would the times now permit political satire or fr
s would soon be evident in the Balkans and on the Black Sea coasts. Nor was the preponderance of Antonius less evident in
f Egypt, passed without repercussion in Rome or upon Roman sentiment. Nor did any outcry of indignant patriotism at once de
trary fashion, he did not go beyond the measure of a Roman proconsul. Nor did Antonius in fact resign to alien princes any
to retain all his partisans or prevent their adhesion to Octavianus. Nor were Republicans and Pompeians as amenable to dis
government, a certain suspension of belief may safely be recommended. Nor is it to be fancied that all the land rose as one
le on personal allegiance. Dux partium became princeps civitatis. 4 Nor is surmise entirely vain about the manner in whic
a Romuli’). 2 Odes 4, 5, 5. 3 Fasti 1, 613; 2, 60; 5, 145; 6, 92. Nor is this merely, as might be expected, with defini
seem, to a free constitution, but merely guardians of the frontiers. Nor need the new system be described as a military de
consuls are definitely attested in the early years of the Principate. Nor is the information provided by the contemporary S
the true name and essence of the auctoritas of Augustus the Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist. As he pronounced w
ions of this remarkable person are highly obscure (P-W V A, 706 ff.). Nor is his nomenclature constant. Yet it is pretty cl
ome of these men were dead or had lapsed long ago from public notice. Nor was it likely that the ex-Antonians Pollio, Censo
om his consulate. It was Sex. Appuleius, a kinsman of the Princeps. 1 Nor are the other consuls of the age of the Revolutio
ore, only one was of consular standing. 1 The others were praetorian. Nor was high birth in evidence. The family and connex
natorial provinces in the East has been argued, but cannot be proved. Nor can precision be extorted from Josephus’ statemen
bibulous son in the year after Actium: no pretence of Republic then. Nor was the consulate of a Marcellus (Aeserninus) and
an Ode, disclaiming any talent to celebrate a soldier’s exploits. 5 Nor did Agrippa speak for himself. Like the subtle Ma
all the world, as a schematic and convenient theory might suggest. 4 Nor was Agrippa thereby unequivocally designated to a
senators, Roman knights commanded each of the legions in garrison. 4 Nor was the practice always confined to Egypt elsewhe
ith a name of that type, nearly anticipated, however, by Salvidienus. Nor had there been a consul with a name ending in ‘-a
al time but now embracing a whole empire, to the exclusion of rivals. Nor was it for reasons of theory that Caesar and Augu
t grasp on the consulate, as the names on the Fasti attest and prove. Nor is there a hint anywhere of electoral ambition, c
ould not imperil peace so long as the Princeps controlled the armies. Nor indeed had there been serious danger in Rome itse
year 19 B.C. he was replaced by M. Vinicius, another of the marshals. Nor will it be forgotten that Taurus was there all th
Ateius Capito won promotion as a politician more than as a lawyer. 5 Nor will the orator Q. Haterius have shown any alarmi
or to take a province into his charge for short or for long periods. Nor were the public provinces classified as praetoria
s scarcely ever a public building erected in Rome at private expense. Nor any more triumphs. At the most, a stray proconsul
epart from Italy and visit the provinces, save permission obtained. 1 Nor could he now discover fields to spread his person
for the most part the name of the reigning dynasty of imperial Rome. Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a patron wi
The taciturn and business-like Agrippa would have been of little use. Nor would Taurus, the other soldier and administrator
ughter though in truth their offence was political rather than moral. Nor is it certain that the Princeps himself was above
nd frugal: he was also narrow and grasping, brutal and superstitious. Nor is it evident that the Roman aristocrat of the go
But they were a tough and military stock. That was what was wanted. Nor indeed was recruiting for the legions confined to
id not think that moral laxity was a topic of innocent amusement. 4 Nor can Ovid himself be taken seriously in his role o
estic, was the source, the guarantee and the testimony of prosperity. Nor was the significant past to be omitted Aeneas app
he archaic ritual and austere appeal of the traditional gods of Rome. Nor was Divus Julius enough. His son could hardly hav
was short, a defect which he sought to repair by wearing high heels. Nor were all his features prepossessing he had bad te
ondoned the return of one of the assassins, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Nor , on the other hand, had he refused to proscribe C
es of his native dialect. Pollio himself may have had a local accent. Nor was the judgement merely one of style, as though
gh showing, with Ovid to sustain the splendour and dignity of poetry. Nor could the new oratory outshine the fame of Messal
ius Cinna, and the Scribonii, issue of the daughter of Sex. Pompeius. Nor was the house of Sulla extinct an obscure grandso
disappear utterly or prolong their family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the new families ennobled for loyal service i
njoying both Republican liberty and the benefits of an ordered state. Nor was there need for orators any more, for long spe
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