d as an Oxford University Press paperback 1960 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, store

omposition of the Caesarian party in the form of a long digression. No less than the subject, the tone and treatment cal

lidity all human and rational calculation. It lasted for forty years. No astrologer or doctor could have foretold that the

of the law might circumscribe the prerogative of the First Citizen. No matter: the Princeps stood pre-eminent, in virtue

did not, it is true, stand like a solid rampart to bar all intruders. No need for that the conservative Roman voter could

lar authority over the coasts of the Mediterranean (the Lex Gabinia). No province of the Empire was immune from his contro

irst speech before the People was flat and verbose, saying nothing. 3 No happier in the Senate, the conqueror of the East

The swift rise of Caesar menaced the primacy of Pompeius the Great. No longer an agent and minister but a rival, the con

C. Marcellus (49) and their cousin C. Claudius C. f. Marcellus (50). No consul since their great-grandfather (cos. III, 1

t stamp with his foot in the land of Italy, as he had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his call. Even Picenum, his

Even Picenum, his own barony, went over to the enemy without a blow. No less complete the military miscalculation: the im

ot reveal them. For the rest, the evidence is partisan or posthumous. No statement of unrealized intentions is a safe guid

equals in the first place, but also towards clients and dependents. 4 No NotesPage=>057 1 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 8

divorcing his Claudia and marrying his cousin Porcia, Bibulus’ widow. No mistake about the meaning of that act; and Servil

policy. The majority of the leading consulars was massed against him. No matter Caesar’s faction numbered not only many se

gands in defence of his own dignitas, he would have requited them. ’2 No empty words this trait and policy of Caesar was p

s was perhaps, like Mamurra, a praefectus fabrum in Caesar’s service. No contemporary or official source gives him the cog

rsonal profit, but to acquire the means for bounty and benevolence. 5 No details confirm the paradox among Roman financier

d from Caesar’s side an irruption of barbarians from beyond the Alps. No less real the menace from Pompeius, the tribes of

ert a peculiar and proper claim to be the home of trousered senators. No names are recorded. Yet surmise about origins and

ver too warmly to be commended as champions of the established order. No mere concordia ordinum, with senators and knights

he was profuse in praise of the virtue and vigour of the novus homo. No evidence, however, that he was generous in act an

ĸαȋ διἀ πλoȗτoν ĸαȋ γένoς ές τò ‘Pωµαίων βoνλ∊ντή⍴ιoν ἀναĸ∊λ∊ƞµένoς. No evidence, however, precisely when he became a sen

s own person. Italy was held to be firm for conservative interests. No doubt: the propertied classes looked with distrus

tion, which was to seize and maintain primacy in the Caesarian party. No doubt Antonius desired them to be away from Rome:

ndecided. Servilia promised her influence to get the measure revoked. No other decision was taken. For the present, the Li

he two, cf. Brutus’ abusive reference to him (Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 4). No mention of either by Cicero their mere names woul

escribe him as ‘Q. Salvius imp. cos. desig. ’ (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 407). No other authority gives ‘Salvius’ as his name: had

e war-chest of the Liberators, would not have looked at this venture. No matter: Caesar’s heir secured almost at once the

. Balbus could keep his counsel,4 and time has respected his secrets. No record survives of his services to Caesar’s heir.

and Cicero: they are described as neutrals, their policy dishonest. 2 No word here of the consulars Philippus and Marcellu

3 Piso and P. Servilius each had a change of side to their credit. No politician could compete with Cicero for versatil

e. ’9 Cicero was all too often deluded in his political judgements. No easy optimism this time, however, but an accurate

Italy. The State now had spirit and leadership, armies and generals. No need for timidity or compromise. As for the terms

egions. In Rome a steady disintegration sapped the public counsels. No new consuls were elected. There was no leadership

mperfect and outworn, but for all that the soul and spirit of Rome. No battle of all the Civil Wars was so murderous to

stocracy. 5 Among the fallen were recorded the noblest names of Rome. No consulars, it is true, for the best of the princi

of Caesar’s heir was arduous, unpopular and all but fatal to himself. No calculation could have predicted that he would em

plimentary addresses to Fulvia and to the bald head of L. Antonius. 2 No less outspoken was the propaganda of the principa

=>218 Was there no end to the strife of citizen against citizen? No enemy in Italy, Marsian or Etruscan, no foreign f

activity, and governor of all Spain for Octavianus the year after. No other nobilis can be found holding military comma

es had already been crammed full with the partisans of the Triumvirs. No matter Messalla was created an augur extraordinar

, but the Valerii were soon to provide three consuls in four years. 3 No less conspicuous were the gaps in the ranks of th

st foreign enemies had augmented the aristocracy with a new nobility. No record stands of the sentiments of the nobiles wh

so the grave moral tone, flagrant in contrast with his earlier life. No matter: Sallustius at once set the fashion of a s

onius could count upon tried military men like Sosius and Canidius. No names are recorded in the company of Plancus and

s victorious in war with the help of alien allies was another matter. No less disquieting, perhaps, the prospect of an ind

he earth, subjugating both Britain and Parthia to the rule of Rome. 1 No themes are more frequent in the decade after Acti

uked them (9, 18, 6). 3 Dio 51, 7, 7, cf. Tibullus 1, 7, 13 ff. 4 No evidence—but Taurus was an honorary duovir of Dyr

both the credit and the confidence of any who deal in that commodity. No ruler could have faith in men like Plancus and Ti

on him. Some informal exchange of opinion there may well have been. No record would be likely to survive, when an import

To preclude disputes of competence, a new regulation was required. No source records any political repercussions of the

t mark an era in dating; in the provinces it passed almost unnoticed. No change in the foreign or domestic policy of the g

lish upon a lasting basis’ is not a matter of paramount importance. No man of the time, reared among the hard and palpab

al armies were the traditional instruments of ‘legitimate’ supremacy. No need to violate the laws: the constitution was su

s, C. Norbanus Flaccus and the polyonymous A. Terentius Varro Murena. No doubt about any of these men, or at least no cand

ageBook=>327 the only immediate change from Triumviral practice. No longer the menace of a single consular proconsul

r the Princeps, and eventually a multiplication of small provinces. No less simple the fashion of government. The ruler

of consular and praetorian is a subsequent and a natural development. No new system was suddenly introduced in the year 27

rosanctity of a tribune for life, in 30 B.C. certain powers in law. No trace hitherto of their employment. 3 It was not

e was not in all things the equal and colleague of Caesar Augustus. No system was thus established of two partners in su

ir dissensions broke the compact and inaugurated the rule of one man. No sooner destroyed, the Triumvirate had to be resto

rominent under the Principate. 2 Dio 51, 4, 6. PageBook=>351 No hint of a Republican reaction here. The senators

ctavianus gave a donative in money to the veterans in his colonies. 3 No fewer than one hundred and twenty thousand men re

1 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 48. Lanuvium is only five miles from Velitrae. 2 No certain evidence: but he purchased large estates

ative party that had superseded the spurious Republic of the nobiles. No mere stabilizing here, but a constant change and

ed and regularized by Caesar Augustus. Caesar admitted provincials. No evidence that Augustus expelled them all. The des

a special service to Augustus (ILS 2676). This person was a XXVIvir. No evidence, however, that he actually entered the S

e brought nobility and a place in the front ranks of the oligarchy. No new system was suddenly created in January, 27 B.

ried Marcella, the niece of Augustus, and lastly the daughter, Julia. No less resplendent in its way was the fortune that

red but could never have created. The power of the People was broken. No place was left any more for those political pests

e barely known, other campaigns no doubt have lapsed into oblivion. No complete record exists either of governors of the

nius Piso (the augur), cos. I B.C., proconsul of Asia (ILS 8814). 8 No evidence: but there would be room for him in the

Tacitus, Ann. 6, 11. For difficulties about the date, cf. PIR2 C 289. No praefectus urbi is mentioned in A.D. 14. 3 Suet

mmoners to give their names to cities, and that was in far Cilicia. No senator might depart from Italy and visit the pro

1 Nor could he now discover fields to spread his personal influence. No governor now was able to enlist whole communities

y the various bodies of advisers that are attested in his Principate. No sooner was the Free State restored than Augustus

on to the Principate or rather, for the continuity of the government. No less evident the acute differences of opinion abo

Syria by Varus in 6 B.C. may, or may not, have had political causes. No doubt, however, about the significance of Ahenoba

er Tiberius’ return, the Claudian was not restored to his dignitas. 2 No honour, no command in war awaited him, but a drea

paei from the Picene country; also L. Apronius and Q. Junius Blaesus. No less significant is the name of Lucilius Longus,

m, quo facilius possint maiora discere’ (Cicero, De república 1, 30). No moral or political value ‘nec meliores ob earn sc

man history. Temples had crumbled, ceremonies and priesthoods lapsed. No peace for the Roman, but the inherited and cumula

Augustus with the task of repairing all temples in the city of Rome. No fewer than eighty-two required his attention, so

ageBook=>449 Augustus appealed to the virtues of a warrior race. No superfluous exhortation, since the Romans had rec

, so in economic life, there could be no reaction. None was intended. No thought of mulcting the rich men of Italy, curbin

l, and Augustus was a traditional member of the Italian middle class. No less genuine his patriotism: it might be guessed

and there was danger of mutiny (Dio 56, 12, 2). PageBook=>458 No new legions could be raised. As a partial remedy

love and of peace: pacis amor deus est, pacem veneramur amantes. 4 No son of his would be a soldier: nullus de nostro

ended. When the child could first speak, he bade the frogs be silent. No frog croaked in that place ever again. When Caesa

tional devotion to the person of Augustus and to the house of Caesar. No less comprehensible was the loyalty of the provin

at Philippi and the Porcii lapsed into obscurity if not extinction. 1 No more consuls came of the Luculli, the Lutatii, th

contemplates the possibility that Plancus may go to the wars again. 6 No chance of that: in the cool shade of Tibur Plancu

re publica, quieta deinde n[obis et felicia] tempora contigerunt’. 1 No longer was the proletariat of Italy pressed into

ncouragement to the more irresponsible type of serious-minded person. No danger that they would be challenged to put their

petulant and pointless to complain of omission and misrepresentation. No less vain the attempt to discover ultimate deriva