d of Antonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about Livy . Yet, in the end, the Principate has to be accept

freedom and with veracity. It was no other than Claudius, a pupil of Livy . 3 His master had less exacting standards. The

efeated and killed by the Italian insurgents in the Marsic territory ( Livy , Per. 75). 4 A great extension of the corn-dole

s Caesar condemnatus essem, nisi ab exercitu auxilium petissem. ’ 2 Livy , Per. 114: ‘imperator se bene habet. ’ 3 Lucan,

istent and instructive. Though in different words, Virgil, Horace and Livy tell the same tale and point the same moral. 1

3K), 39 ff. 3 The contingent from Opitergium was justly celebrated, Livy , Per. 110, &c. 4 ILS 8888. 5 Bell. Hisp.

onius, Divus Vesp. 1 6 Id., Divus Aug. 1. 7 The river Cecina. 8 Livy 10, 3, 2: ‘Cilnium genus praepotens divitiarum in

4, 5. The Fabii certainly belonged to the settlement on the Quirinal, Livy 5, 46, 1 ff. 3 As may be inferred from Val. Max

. For their intermarriage with a dynastic house of Capua c. 217 B.C., Livy 23, 2, 1 ff. The Fabii seem to have acquired grea

ent in the years 88–83 B.C. The Samnites held Nola even till 80 B.C., Livy , Per. 89. 4 As Telesinus the Samnite exclaimed

cina 102; Ad Att. 1, 19, 4, &c. Volaterrae held out till 80 B.C., Livy , Per. 89. PageBook=>088 After a decade of

e Marsic land mentioning a Q. Poppaedius (N. d. Scav., 1892, 32). 9 Livy , Per. 73. PageBook=>092 in the courts of R

, not merely a cognomen (cf. ‘Carrinas’). For the Cilnii of Arretium, Livy 10, 3, 2; for Maecenas’ regal ancestry, Horace, O

nus’ speech can be recovered from Dio (46, 1, ff.). 2 Res Gestae 1; Livy , Per. 118; Dio 46, 29, 2. For Cicero’s proposal,

cuit. ’ 2 Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 71. 3 Livy , Per. 120 (cf. Orosius 6, 18, 10; Florus 2, 16, 3

Julius NotesPage=>192 1 There are full accounts of his end in Livy (quoted by Seneca, Suasoriae 6, 17); Plutarch, Ci

scendisset, e quo infra se et Caesarem videret et rem publicam. ’ Cf. Livy , Per. 127; Dio 48, 33, 3; Suetonius, Divus Aug. 6

Statilius in 282 B.C. (Val. Max. 1, 8, 6) and Marius Statilius in 216( Livy 22, 42, 4 ff.), commanders of Lucanian troops. A

elled after their victory. NotesPage=>265 1 Velleius 2, 82, 3. Livy , Per. 130, is moderate two legions cut to pieces,

vish of detail. It is strange that neither Velleius (2, 82, 2 f.) nor Livy (at least to judge by Per. 131) fully exploited t

or 2 (Poppaedius). Cf. Florus 2, 5, 1: ‘totiusque Italiae consensu. ’ Livy (Per. 71) recorded the ‘coetus coniurationesque’

n especial habit of the Greeks to make much of Parthia. The historian Livy rebuked them (9, 18, 6). 3 Dio 51, 7, 7, cf. Ti

forbidding Troy ever to be rebuilt; 5 Virgil is quite explicit; 6 and Livy duly demonstrates how the patriot Camillus not on

6 Aen. 12, 828: Occidit, occideritque sinas cum nomine Troia. ’ 7 Livy 5, 51 ff. 8 Ib. 5, 49, 7. PageBook=>306

au (Hermes XLi (1906), 142 ff.) discovered the startling relevance of Livy 4, 19 f. All historians before Livy stated that C

overed the startling relevance of Livy 4, 19 f. All historians before Livy stated that Cornelius Cossus won the spolia opima

Cossus won the spolia opima when military tribune: but Augustus told Livy that he had seen in the temple of Juppiter Feretr

mature years the statesman stole their heroes and their vocabulary. Livy was moved to grave doubts—was the birth of Caesar

ces to the ascension of Caesar’s heir. 1 The picture is consistent. Livy , Virgil and Horace of all Augustan writers stand

vented by the founder of a legitimate monarchy. 4 PageNote. 336 1 Livy , Praef. 9: ‘haec tempora, quibus nec vitia nostra

d optimum sit esse nobilissimum. ’ Cf. Cicero, Pro Balbo, passim. 4 Livy 4, 3, 10 ff. (speech of the tribune Canuleius); I

ued and completed by Tiberius. 3 Dio 54, 34, 5 ff.; Velleius 2, 98; Livy , Per. 140; Seneca, Epp. 83, 14. The three years o

e age of the Gracchi. PageNotes. 441 1 Virgil, Aen. 1, 278 f. 2 Livy 9, 18 f. 3 Aen. 6, 851. 4 This is the underto

by Cicero in his De república (St. Augustine, De civ. Dei 2, 21). 4 Livy , Praef. 12: ‘nuper divitiae avaritiam et abundant

estas. 5 PageNotes. 443 1 Odes 4, 4, 29. 2 Propertius 2, 7, cf. Livy , Praef. 9. 3 Odes 3, 3, 1. 4 Ib. 3, 24, 27ff.

probrum in senatu ne relinquonto. ’ 5 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 89, 2; Livy , Per. 59. 6 Propertius 4, 11, 36. 7 ILS 8403.

us] occasione occupaverat. ’ 4 Ovid, Fasti 2, 60 5 Res Gestae 20; Livy 4, 20, 7: ‘templorum omnium conditorem aut restit

the type in a contemporary historian, cf. the Sabine Sp. Ligustinus ( Livy 42, 34) who inherited from his father one iugerum

entes aeterna in foedera mittant. 6 In the same years the historian Livy was already at work upon the majestic and compreh

lebs and army, less acceptable to the Senate. If the later books of Livy with their record of recent and contemporary hist

oir in which the Princeps recorded his arduous and triumphant career. Livy , like Virgil, was a Pompeian: he idealized the ea

se of Cato Cato stood for the established order. Virgil, Horace and Livy are the enduring glories of the Principate; and a

. History does not record, or legend embroider, any loss sustained by Livy the historians did not excite the interests of bi

n, and not a single slave betrayed his master. 3 PageNotes. 464 1 Livy 1, 16, 3. On Romulus, cf. also above, pp. 305 f.;

for the Senate in 43 B.C., cf. Phil. 12, 10. PageBook=>465 If Livy , Horace and Virgil had private and material reaso

. Horace was the son of a wealthy freedman from Venusia. Virgil and Livy had a more respectable origin. Whatever racial di

etected in the character or in the political sentiments of Virgil and Livy . Both may be taken as fairly typical representati

994). 5 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 60. 6 Josephus, AJ 15, 268 ff. 7 Livy , Per. 139. PageBook=>475 As in Galatia or

he first high priest was C. Julius Vercondaridubnus, an Aeduan noble ( Livy , Per. 139). Note, as fighting for Rome in 10 B.C.

lation, not to any defect of personal integrity. PageNotes. 477 1 Livy , Per. 138, cf. Dio 54, 32, 1. 2 Dio 54, 5, 1.

more than a century later, was scornful of the academic historian. 2 Livy had come to history from the study of rhetoric. T

rhetoric. That was not the only defect that Pollio could discover in Livy . Pollio, so it is recorded by Quintilian, criti

scover in Livy. Pollio, so it is recorded by Quintilian, criticized Livy for ‘Patavinitas’. 3 It is by no means certain th

initas’ has been held to be a characteristic of the literary style of Livy in the narrower sense, or even of the dialect and

he Marrucini, was provincial himself, in a sense. The original sin of Livy is darker and more detestable. The word ‘Patavini

ntic view of history. 1 Pollio knew what history was. It was not like Livy . Augustus’ historian of imperial Rome employed

leged that the Princeps proposed to banish the writings of Virgil and Livy from the public libraries. 3 The rule of Caligu

omulus, 186; cult and imitation of, 305 f., 313 f., 472, 520, 524; in Livy , 464; in Ennius, 520. Rubellius Blandus, C, anc