ctively to share, in the shaping of the new government which a united Italy and a stable empire demanded and imposed. The r

d imposed. The rule of Augustus brought manifold blessings to Rome, Italy and the provinces. Yet the new dispensation, or

ould have any history at all and only the ruling city: only Rome, not Italy . 1 In the Revolution the power of the old governi

r of the old governing class was broken, its composition transformed. Italy and the non- political orders in society triumphe

ike a monarch out of the East, would subjugate Rome to an alien rule. Italy suffered devastation and sacking of cities, with

stocracies, the holders of property, power and office in the towns of Italy , the proportion was clearly much higher than has

s, content with the petty dignity of municipal office in the towns of Italy . Others, however, grasped at the spoils of empire

he ancestral property of senators, and thus built up large estates in Italy . Among senators were great holders of property li

st might win influence not merely in Rome but in the country-towns of Italy and in regions not directly concerned with Roman

resources. The soldiers, now recruited from the poorest classes in Italy , were ceasing to feel allegiance to the State; mi

t of clients, looking to their leader for spoil in war and estates in Italy when their campaigns were over. But not veteran

the tribunes and supported by a resurgence of the defeated causes in Italy . The tribunes were only a pretext, but the Marian

dispossessed was a permanent menace. The long and complicated war in Italy had barely ended. The Samnites, Sulla’s enemy and

. But disorders continued, even to a rising of the slaves in southern Italy . Then a coup d’état of two generals (70 B.C.), re

the patrician demagogue L. Sergius Catilina to raise a revolution in Italy for Catilina attacked property as well as privile

e towards the financial interests, might have perpetuated in Rome and Italy its harsh and hopeless rule. The Empire broke it.

le. The Empire broke it. The repercussions of the ten years’ war in Italy echoed over all the world. The Senate was confron

From time to time, families rise and fall: as Rome’s rule extends in Italy , the circle widens from which the nobility is rec

ve and justify the rule of class and privilege. The ten years’ war in Italy not merely corrupted their integrity: it broke th

a young man early prominent in politics through the great estates in Italy and the clientela among the Roman plebs which he

laurels of Pompeius. When the great imperator, returning, landed in Italy towards the end of the year 62 B.C. with presti

bbed the indispensable general of the glory of saving the Republic in Italy as he had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius

amilies of the local gentry, the men of substance in the municipia of Italy ; 2 and he contracted ties of friendship with a nu

roposals: Pompeius should be elected consul in absence or recalled to Italy to establish public order. 6 Nepos also silenced

Senate, the conqueror of the East neglected to praise the saviour of Italy , and thereby put a double-edged weapon in the han

nd Caesar was granted the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which dominated Italy , for five years. Pompeius’ purpose was flagrant t

ch on Rome; and Caesar did not conquer Gaul in the design of invading Italy with a great army to establish a military autocra

armed conflict and despotism. As the soldiers were the proletariat of Italy , the revolution became social as well as politica

emergency and instructed Pompeius to hold military levies throughout Italy . 4 The demands for a dictatorship went on: to cou

another previously lent by Pompeius to Caesar. Both were retained in Italy . Though Pompeius or the enemies of Caesar might

rewards of greed and ambition in a war against the Sullan oligarchy. Italy began to stir. In the city of Rome political co

as submission to tyranny, protested that Caesar was already invading Italy , and took action on behalf of the Commonwealth. A

ith dramatic gesture, bidding him take command of the armed forces in Italy . Pompeius already held all Spain, in an anomalo

ived him of the command against Mithridates. Again, when he landed in Italy after an absence of nearly five years, force was

ted the true wishes of a vast majority in the Senate, in Rome, and in Italy . They pretended that the issue lay between a rebe

been expected that the solid and respectable classes in the towns of Italy would rally in defence of the authority of the Se

ld rise as one man against the invader. Nothing of the kind happened. Italy was apathetic to the war-cry of the Republic in d

as not their own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land of Italy , as he had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose

t, as it appeared to his allies, but subtle and grandiose to evacuate Italy , leaving Caesar entrapped between the legions of

his army was still far away. But he swept down the eastern coast of Italy , gathering troops, momentum and confidence as he

nt. Within two months of the crossing of the Rubicon he was master of Italy . Pompeius made his escape across the Adriatic car

m in a world-empire; and so was the power of the Roman plebs when all Italy enjoyed the franchise. Caesar in truth was more c

ly of Caesar, abated his ardour, deserted his cousins and remained in Italy , scorned by the Pompeians; likewise L. Marcius Ph

and far- sighted bankers as his adherents, Caesar easily won Rome and Italy . NotesPage=>073 1 Ad Att. 7, 7, 5 (Dec. 50

’ PageBook=>074 But Rome had conquered an empire: the fate of Italy was decided in the provinces. In earlier days the

ugmented his power and influence through attaching the aristocracy of Italy to his friendship, the poor to his clientela. The

e crossed and Britain revealed to the world. The levies of northern Italy filled the legions of Caesar with devoted recruit

ates of his adversaries. Land was seized for his veteran colonies, in Italy and abroad. At auction Pompeius’ property brought

prosperous and reputed, might with truth be extolled as the flower of Italy , the pride and bulwark of the Roman State. 3 That

ich received a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118 B.C., before all Italy became Roman, was also subjected to casual settle

n some of the intruders who derived from remote and backward parts of Italy their harsh accents and hideous nomenclature. P

r farming, pursuits in no way exclusive. Rome outshines the cities of Italy , suppressing their history. Yet these were indivi

o levy a private army from tenants and dependents. 4 Many cities of Italy traced an origin earlier than that of Rome: their

le and sometimes convincing, in the religion and archaeology of early Italy , in names of gods and of places. The family name

Sancus; Cicero’s friend Visidius, a local dynast somewhere in central Italy , bears a kindred name to a deity worshipped at Na

th the knights and personal ties with the leading men in the towns of Italy he acquired power and advanced partisans to offic

tuated a narrow tradition. Under the old order a considerable part of Italy , namely most of Etruria, Umbria and the Sabellic

d not belonged to the Roman State at all, but were autonomous allies. Italy had now become politically united through the ext

d of tota Italia. The reality was very different. 2 The recent war of Italy against Rome must not be forgotten. When Caesar i

war of Italy against Rome must not be forgotten. When Caesar invaded Italy he could reckon on something more than aversion f

State, or at least subjected to Roman influences. In a wide region of Italy it was reinforced by hostility to Rome as yet una

nd neglected) topic, cannot be discussed here. 2 The unification of Italy is often dated much too early. That it can have b

alliance, a coniuratio of eight peoples against Rome, in the name of Italy . Italia they stamped as a legend upon their coins

, Q. Poppaedius Silo, cf. Plutarch, Cato minor 2. 3 A large part of Italy must have been outside the control of the Roman g

ll 80 B.C., Livy, Per. 89. PageBook=>088 After a decade of war Italy was united, but only in name, not in sentiment. A

lla’s enemies, supported his domination, promoted the Romanization of Italy and kept alive the memory of defeat and suffering

pion. Cicero was lavish with appeals to the sentiments and loyalty of Italy tota Italia; he was profuse in praise of the virt

however, that he was generous in act and policy, no man from remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate, no novus homo for

were his own ancestors. 3 He desired that the sentiment and voice of Italy should be heard at Rome but it was the Italy of t

e sentiment and voice of Italy should be heard at Rome but it was the Italy of the post-Sullan order, and the representation,

ndirect, was to be adequate and of the best, namely his own person. Italy was held to be firm for conservative interests. N

what everybody knew and few have recorded bitter discontent all over Italy , broken men and debtors ready for an armed rising

ppressed classes. 6 Caesar had numerous partisans in the regions of Italy that had suffered from participation in the Bellu

centurions were recruited from the impoverished or martial regions of Italy , as their names often testify. 7 All classes came

ly, as their names often testify. 7 All classes came in. The towns of Italy welcomed the resurgence of the Marian faction led

nsul who, like him, had crushed the Gauls, the traditional enemies of Italy . Caesar in his invasion pressed swiftly through P

s knew better than did his allies the oligarchs the true condition of Italy : his decision to evacuate the peninsula was taken

ators, some four hundred in number, comprised adherents from all over Italy . Like the families proscribed by Sulla, regions w

the Dictatorship. 5 The union of the alien and discordant stocks of Italy into something that resembled a nation, with Rome

work, in motive or in effects. That he was aware of the need to unify Italy will perhaps be inferred from his municipal legis

tituta and that, after the Bellum Italicum and the enfranchisement of Italy , could not be confined to Rome, but must embrace

isement of Italy, could not be confined to Rome, but must embrace all Italy . That Italy should at last enter the government

n politics. But even now the work had much farther to go in so far as Italy was concerned: the Revolution had barely begun.

endings; and the local distribution of the non-Latin gentile names of Italy often permits valid conclusions about origins. Et

apid and violent. The moderates, the party of Caesar, the veterans in Italy , and the Caesarian armies in the provinces would

been the soldiers of the legions and the inhabitants of the towns of Italy . With the veterans, the Liberators were at once c

y, for tradition, and for the constitution might appear to survive in Italy . Not everywhere, or among all classes. When Brutu

that describe the Liberators as guarded by the devoted loyalty of all Italy . 3 Brutus and Cassius were warmly welcomed by the

private subsidies; and he later made a grant to Servilia. Rome and Italy , if lost, could be recovered in the provinces, as

of a mere soldier. Caesar, a good judge of men, put him in control of Italy more than once during the Civil Wars, in 49 B.C.

im the last coup d’état of all, the national front and the uniting of Italy . The memory of Antonius has suffered damage mul

t nuisance in 47 B.C., during Caesar’s absence. If Antonius stayed in Italy , it was precisely because he was dependable and m

The failings of Antonius may have told against him but in Rome and in Italy rather than with the troops and in the provinces.

e, provoking a native rising in Gaul or else the legions might invade Italy to avenge the Imperator. Unable to restrain his g

bitterly observed, the name of Caesar was the young man’s fortune. 2 Italy and the world accepted him as Caesar’s son and he

ampania, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy . Antonius had returned to Rome with an escort of

other decision was taken. For the present, the Liberators remained in Italy , waiting on events. Octavianus, in the meantime

should cease to be a province at the end of the year and be added to Italy . That would preclude competition for a post of va

ors said no word in their edict. But they now prepared to depart from Italy . They had hesitated to take over the corn- commis

to grant them the harmless provinces of Crete and Cyrene. Brutus left Italy towards the end of the month, not before publishi

Caesar, active in the legions or settled in the military colonies of Italy . While at Apollonia, Octavianus made himself know

to financiers and to individuals commanding influence in the towns of Italy . Once a compact and devoted following was won, an

enemies might win the provincial armies. Brutus and Cassius had left Italy , ostensibly for their provinces of Crete and Cyre

f the Macedonian legions and send them or march with them to northern Italy . NotesPage=>124 1 Ad fam. 12, 23, 2: ‘prud

Book=>125 Before he returned, armed revolution had broken out in Italy . Octavianus solicited his father’s veterans. A to

of the consul’s legions which were moving along the eastern coast of Italy towards Cisalpine Gaul, or to march on Rome himse

t to Alba Fucens. One of the legions marching up the eastern coast of Italy , the legio Martia, declared for Octavianus and tu

not seemed a political factor of prime importance when he arrived in Italy . Seven months pass, and he has money, troops and

bitious sons of ruined families from the local gentry of the towns of Italy . The hazards were palpable, and so were the rewar

uits, subsidize supporters and educate opinion in Rome and throughout Italy . Octavianus had more skill, fewer scruples and be

ust 17th he met Brutus, occupied in the last preparations for leaving Italy . L. Piso, he learned, had indeed spoken in the Se

ould each with justice appeal. In 49 B.C. Antonius, then in charge of Italy , treated Cicero with tact and with respect, advis

narrowly Roman, but commend itself to the sentiment and interests of Italy as a whole. An aspiration rather than a programme

ea that the young Pompeius raised a private army and rescued Rome and Italy from the tyranny of the Marian party; 2 and Caesa

the precedents for Caesar’s heir. When an adventurer raised troops in Italy on his own initiative, privato consilio, it was c

ther for the good of the Commonwealth, might then organize opinion in Italy so as to exert unofficial pressure on the governm

Senate that fought against Antonius. The assassins of Caesar had left Italy , and the young men of the faction of Cato, the so

icero’s renown. 7 Of the surviving consulars three were absent from Italy , Trebonius, Lepidus and Vatinius. Fourteen remain

n of power at Rome was doomed to collapse. Gallia Cisalpina dominated Italy ; and the generals in the West held the ultimate d

ly ratified; in addition, dismissal after the campaign and estates in Italy . It was also decided that governors should contin

the Senate’s authority, the loyalty of the plebs and the unanimity of Italy . The State now had spirit and leadership, armies

inction. Considering the recent conduct of his enemies at Rome and in Italy , he had every reason to demand safeguards in retu

bly arrived in the second week of the month. 2 After departing from Italy , Brutus went to Athens and was seen at the lectur

it was no occasion for rejoicing. ‘Think rather of the desolation of Italy and all the fine soldiers slain’, wrote Pollio fr

eld firm in the West, the combined armies of the Republic in northern Italy would have an easy task. So it might seem. Antoni

in the East, crushed and exterminated. If Brutus and Cassius came to Italy with their host of seventeen legions, his ‘father

ata mustered his army and made a semblance of intervening in northern Italy on the side of the Republic. On April 26th he cro

hat the Senate sent him no instructions; nor could he have marched to Italy against the will of the ambiguous Lepidus; furthe

emained in Macedonia, though a vote of the Senate had summoned him to Italy after the Battle of Mutina. Now, in June, Cicero

he pressure of events gradually drove him to a decision. When he left Italy in August, it was not with the plan already conce

plan already conceived of mustering the armies of the East, invading Italy and restoring the Republic through violence. He d

ncial governors but did not act at once. The news of armies raised in Italy and Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have conv

But his words belied him he did not cease to urge Brutus to return to Italy . After a council with Servilia he launched a fina

er Asia from Dolabella, and make a junction with Cassius. To cross to Italy without Cassius and the resources of the East wou

al enemies out of the land, thus precluding any armed insurrection in Italy when they settled accounts with the Liberators. C

not take their property with them; some of the proscribed remained in Italy , under collusion and protection, or returned soon

es. Many a long-standing contest for wealth and power in the towns of Italy was now decided. The Coponii were an ancient fami

is adherents and tenants, armed the slaves and fought his way through Italy to the sea coasts. 1 Arruntius did the same. 2

ded gentry, was averse from any radical redistribution of property in Italy . He maintained the grants of Sulla. Further, many

er, many of his colonies were established on provincial soil, sparing Italy . A party prevailed when Caesar defeated Pompeius

mselves were helpless in the hands of the legions. The proletariat of Italy , long exploited and thwarted, seized what they re

Roman People through a more equitable division of landed property in Italy ; now they were companions in adversity. The benef

ad saved their gains and bought landed property. The Roman citizen in Italy was subject to no kind of taxation, direct or ind

subject to no kind of taxation, direct or indirect. But now Rome and Italy had to pay the costs of civil war, in money and l

s set apart the territories of eighteen of the most wealthy cities of Italy . 3 What had already happened was bad enough. Afte

the nobiles, both ex-Pompeians and adherents of Caesar, banished from Italy , were with the Liberators or with Sex. Pompeius.

tion of Cato, almost all kinsmen of Marcus Brutus. When Brutus left Italy , he was accompanied or followed by his relatives

f Macedonia, and the retiring quaestors of Asia and Syria; 7 and from Italy there came sympathizers, among them M. Valerius M

or the Republic. 10 Most of the assassins of Caesar had no doubt left Italy at an early date; and the party was NotesPage=&

composition as well as by its policy. The Triumvirs had expelled from Italy not only the nobiles, their political enemies, bu

their victims as well, men of substance and repute from the towns of Italy . Change and casualties are most clearly evident

s Julius; and another law made provision for the cult in the towns of Italy . 2 The young Caesar could now designate himself ‘

Their colleague Lepidus was left behind in nominal charge of Rome and Italy . The real control rested with Antonius, for one o

artisans, Calenus, seems to have commanded two legions established in Italy ,3 while Pollio held the Cisalpina with a strong a

ssius, reinforced Murcus and won complete control of the seas between Italy and the Balkans. The communications of the Caesar

For good reasons Brutus and Cassius decided not to carry the war into Italy in winter or even in summer, but to occupy the ti

nds of their soldiers for land and money. Octavianus was to return to Italy to carry out the settlement of the veterans, Anto

longer but removed from political competition by being made a part of Italy . 1 So Antonius promised to give up the Cisalpina:

league the arduous and unpopular task of carrying out confiscation in Italy . A victor, but lacking the glory and confidence

t lacking the glory and confidence of victory, Octavianus returned to Italy . On the way he fell ill again and lingered at Bru

om the varied hazards of this eventful year. The eighteen cities of Italy marked down to satisfy the soldiery were not slow

soldiery. Riots broke out and his life was in danger. Rome and all Italy was in confusion, with murderous street battles b

civil wars into which they degenerated were fought at the expense of Italy . Denied justice and liberty, Italy rose against R

ated were fought at the expense of Italy. Denied justice and liberty, Italy rose against Rome for the last time. It was not t

ons. The decision to abolish this province and unite the territory to Italy had not yet, it appears, been carried out, perhap

nly time. A concerted effort of the Antonian and Republican forces in Italy and on the seas adjacent would have destroyed Oct

nity of purpose among his motley adversaries. Antonius’ generals in Italy and the western provinces, lacking instructions,

ed, slow but menacing, in his rear. The war had already broken out in Italy . 3 Etruria, Umbria and the Sabine country witness

be plain folly to fight for L. Antonius and the propertied classes of Italy . Pollio, Plancus and Ventidius separated and re

n altar dedicated to Divus Julius. 3 Where Caesar’s heir now stood, Italy learned in horror at Perusia and in shame at Nurs

vianus was in no way at the end of his difficulties. He was master of Italy , a land of famine, desolation and despair. But It

He was master of Italy, a land of famine, desolation and despair. But Italy was encompassed about with enemies. Antonius was

l held all Gaul beyond the Alps. On the coasts Ahenobarbus threatened Italy from the east, Pompeius from the south and west.

s induced to surrender all Gaul and eleven legions. 5 Octavianus left Italy to take over this welcome accession: he placed Sa

ome the choice between two masters. Which of them had the sympathy of Italy could scarcely be doubted; and, despite the loss

cidius Saxa, to sore straits. Antonius arrived at Tyre. Of trouble in Italy , the most disquieting rumours were already curren

that Antonius went from Syria to Egypt and lurked in Egypt, while in Italy his wife and his brother not NotesPage=>214

ea in the dead of winter. Of the earlier stages of the dissensions in Italy , Antonius was well apprised. He could not interve

2 He felt that he was well out of the tangle. Of subsequent events in Italy , the war in Etruria and the investment of Perusia

1 He had already been secured by Pollio. 2 Brundisium, the gate of Italy , refused to admit Antonius. He laid siege to the

n of Octavianus, and he now made descents upon the coasts of southern Italy . A complete revolution of alliances transformed

d passed; again, at Perusia, he stamped out the liberties of Rome and Italy in blood and desolation, and stood forth as the r

mplacable. Antonius, however, a former public enemy, was now invading Italy with what remained of the Republican armed forces

ostile cavalry. 3 His brother had tried to defend the landed class in Italy from the soldiery; and Antonius himself had been

had no ships at all. Not merely did Antonius hold the sea and starve Italy . NotesPage=>216 1 Appian, BC 5, 55, 230 ff

a full settlement was reached. 3 The Triumvirate was re- established. Italy was to be common ground, available for recruiting

m portended a renewal of warfare, proscriptions and the desolation of Italy , with a victor certain to be worse than his defea

as there no end to the strife of citizen against citizen? No enemy in Italy , Marsian or Etruscan, no foreign foe had been abl

recapture for Octavianus,2 and resumed his blockade of the coasts of Italy . The plebs clamoured for bread and peace. Followi

ar, won the support of the plebs in Rome and the armed proletariat of Italy , and represented Caesarism and the Revolution in

ion was shared by the middle class and the men of property throughout Italy . Having the best men of both parties in sympath

ater part of two years (39-37). Save for two journeys to the coast of Italy to meet his triumviral colleague and one to the b

essary to make war upon Sex. Pompeius. He invited Antonius to come to Italy for a conference in the spring of the year 38. An

in the spring of 37 Antonius sailed with a large fleet from Athens to Italy . Once again he found that Brundisium would not ad

. From Corcyra in the late summer of the year he sent Octavia back to Italy . He may already have tired of Octavia. Anything t

arfare and little success as a general. The Pact of Puteoli brought Italy a respite at last from raids and famine, and to O

bs that had rioted so often against the Triumvirs. Their iron rule in Italy , while it crushed liberty, had at least maintaine

racy and a steadily growing party in Rome and throughout the whole of Italy . How desperate had been his plight at the time

er was short of partisans. The compact with Antonius, his presence in Italy , the advantageous alliance and the regular contro

irates, eliminated Lepidus and satisfied the veterans without harming Italy . But the seizure of Sicily and Africa disturbed

private ambition far away in the East; Octavianus chose to safeguard Italy . The victories of Antonius paled with distance or

ements would be visible and tangible. It was on the north-east that Italy was most vulnerable, over the low pass of the Jul

untainous hinterland extended their depredations and ravaged northern Italy , Istria and the coast of Dalmatia with impunity.

s up to the Danube and the winning of the route by land from northern Italy by way of Belgrade to Salonika or Byzantium: such

ed the strong post of Siscia, an advanced buttress for the defence of Italy ; in the second he pacified the coast of Dalmatia

of the Dinaric Alps, but not beyond it. If war came, he would secure Italy in the north-east from an invasion from the Balka

tain the monopoly of martial valour. This was the young Caesar that Italy and the army knew after the campaigns of 35 and 3

among the Roman aristocracy, or persons of influence in the towns of Italy : in both he advertised and extended his power. L.

om ancient families among the aristocracies of the kindred peoples of Italy . As for the consular Balbus, that was beyond word

ruled at Rome between the two Dictatorships. Not Caesar’s invasion of Italy but the violent ascension and domination of Pompe

ges and destruction of Etruscan cities, the desolation of the land of Italy , massacre for revenge or gain and the establishme

ks on agriculture had newly appeared; men had bewailed for years that Italy was become a desert; and the hardships imposed by

an 10, 1, 89: ‘versificator quam poeta melior. ’ PageBook=>254 Italy on imported corn, may have reinforced the argumen

the sturdy peasant-farmer. Varro, however, had described the land of Italy as no desolation but fruitful and productive beyo

aly as no desolation but fruitful and productive beyond comparison; 1 Italy had barely been touched by the wars; and it would

als for mere subsistence. But Virgil intended to compose a poem about Italy , not a technical handbook; he wrote about the cou

bance: beneath, no confidence yet or unity, but discord and disquiet. Italy was not reconciled to Rome, or class to class. As

e power and splendour of the future monarch. Antonius was absent from Italy , but Antonius was the senior partner. His prestig

nce then seven years had passed. But he was not yet the leader of all Italy . In this NotesPage=>257 1 Nepos, Vita Atti

ght hope to enter the Senate of Rome, take rank with their peers from Italy and the western provinces and blend with them in

ggerated reputation yet Galatia or Macedonia could have competed with Italy in valour and even in discipline. It would take t

2 the amiable and diplomatic L. Cocceius, however, may not have left Italy after the Pact of Brundisium. Plancus remained,

s striving to subvert the liberties of the Roman People, to subjugate Italy and the West under the rule of an oriental queen.

sion for the present, not for a long future, for the East but not for Italy and the West as well. 2 To absolute monarchy belo

was built the supremacy of Caesar’s heir and the resurgent nation of Italy . Yet, for all that, the contest soon assumed the

ntonius complained that he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy ; that his own men had been passed over in the all

: the consuls could be held guilty of a grave misdemeanour in leaving Italy without sanction. 2 In place of Sosius and Ahenob

moment violence had given Octavianus an insecure control of Rome and Italy . But violence was not enough: he still lacked the

, estranged by absence or by the diplomatic arts of the new master of Italy , had changed their allegiance on a calculation of

baffled, unable to defend him openly. Wild rumours pervaded Rome and Italy . Not merely that Antonius and Cleopatra designed

e yet. Not merely because Octavianus had picked the quarrel to invade Italy with Cleopatra in his company would alienate symp

e decree of the Caesarian leader and executed simultaneously over all Italy , but rather the culmination in the summer of a se

necessity of taking the oath manifested the solidarity of the rest of Italy and riveted the shackles of servitude. Bononia, o

rupt plebs or the packed and disreputable Senate of the city, but all Italy . The phrase was familiar from recent history, w

the division of lands, Scipio Aemilianus and his friends, championing Italy against the plebs of Rome, got help from Italian

got help from Italian men of property, themselves menaced. 4 Aid from Italy could be invoked for revolution, for reaction or

champion, friend and patron of the leading men in the communities of Italy ; 5 his allies took an oath of personal loyalty, a

taly; 5 his allies took an oath of personal loyalty, and the towns of Italy offered public vows for his safety. 6 NotesPage

(Per. 71) recorded the ‘coetus coniurationesque’ of the chief men of Italy . 6 Auctor de vir. illustr. 12: ‘vota pro illo p

Ak. der Wiss., phil.-hist. Abt., N.F. 15 (1937). PageBook=>286 Italy then had been foreign, and the activities of Drus

had been foreign, and the activities of Drusus precipitated war. But Italy , become Roman through grant of the franchise afte

lack of organization frustrated these partial attempts. The name of Italy long remained as it had begun, a geographical exp

as a political and sentimental notion against Rome by the peoples of Italy , precisely the Italiciy when they fought for free

o reason at all to be passionately attached to Roman gods and garb. Italy retained a rational distrust of the intrigues of

disinclination to join in quarrels fought at her expense. Why should Italy sacrifice brave sons and fair lands at the biddin

test it would have been difficult enough to enlist Italian sentiment. Italy had no quarrel with Antonius; as for despotism, t

ome. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimidation and by violence, Italy was forced into a struggle which in time she came

nd patriotic character. But not all at once. A conscious and united Italy cannot have arisen, total and immediate, from the

5, 5 ff. 2 Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 134 f. PageBook=>288 Rome and Italy . The lesson was reiterated in the splendid and tr

d lapidary language of official inscriptions. 1 For the present, as Italy loathed war and military despotism, the immediate

r politicians to build up a following among the propertied classes of Italy . The oath embraced all orders of society and atta

gates to M. Antonius when he led troops for Caesar in the invasion of Italy . The adhesion of Sulmo to the national cause seve

long. The loss of the dominions beyond the sea would be ruinous to an Italy that had prospered and grown rich from the revenu

rt of soldiers, financiers and governors. The source of life cut off, Italy would dwindle into poverty and dishonour. Nationa

rte 11, 153. 2 As seventeen years before, when Caesar’s invasion of Italy was imminent, bankers and men of property probabl

of action, or at least of acquiescence. The better sort of people in Italy did not like war or despotic rule. But despotism

used to support the national movement. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not fo

Octavianus, supported by the oath of allegiance and consensus of all Italy , usurped authority and the conduct of a patriotic

n oath had also been administered to the provinces of the West. As in Italy , the military colonies were the chief support of

(or another) was proconsul of Africa. 5 Maecenas controlled Rome and Italy , invested with supreme power, but no title. 6 The

o title. 6 There must be no risks, no danger of an Antonian rising in Italy in defence of Libertas, no second War of Perusia.

d citizens with the knight’s census, a number surpassed by no town of Italy save Patavium (Strabo, p. 169). For numerous knig

, for every reason, not merely the political damage of an invasion of Italy in the company of Egypt’s Queen. On military calc

he company of Egypt’s Queen. On military calculation, to disembark in Italy was hazardous—the coast lacked good harbours, and

the Pact of Brundisium Antonius had been unable to raise recruits in Italy . The retreat from Media had seriously depleted hi

erators had achieved when they contended against invaders coming from Italy . If that was his plan, it failed. Antonius had

le propaganda against Cleopatra, to the sworn and sacred union of all Italy . But the young Caesar required the glory of a vic

gions to be paid, demobilized or employed. He sent Agrippa at once to Italy . The work must begin without delay. He had not go

e farther east than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy . There had been a plot—or so it was alleged. It w

ery spirit of Rome from the alien menace, imposed on Caesar’s heir in Italy for the needs of his war and not safely to be dis

liable partisans. 3 In the summer of 29 B.C. Octavianus returned to Italy . He entered Rome on August 13th. During three suc

e remainder were disbanded, the veterans being settled in colonies in Italy and in the provinces. The land was supplied by

and was supplied by confiscation from Antonian towns and partisans in Italy , or purchased from the war-booty, especially the

e all, security of tenure was to be the watchword of the new order. 4 Italy longed for the final stabilization of the revolut

dishonesty. Sulla established order but no reconciliation in Rome and Italy . Pompeius destroyed the Sullan system; and when e

dy was deceived by this symbol of victory in civil war. What Rome and Italy desired was a return, not to freedom—anything but

or Rome. 2 The consensus embraced and the oath enlisted, not only all Italy , but the whole world. 3 In 28 B.C Caesar’s heir s

m ‘dux’ and ‘ductor’. 4 So much for Rome, the governing classes and Italy . But even in Italy, the Princeps by his use of ‘i

’. 4 So much for Rome, the governing classes and Italy. But even in Italy , the Princeps by his use of ‘imperator’ as a part

ors of Illyricum, Macedonia and Africa. 3 These regions were close to Italy , a menace from geographical position and the memo

based ultimately upon a personal oath of allegiance rendered by Rome, Italy and the West in 32 B.C., subsequently by the othe

nt his money with ostentation and for power. The military colonies in Italy and abroad were a network of his armed and devote

nd abroad were a network of his armed and devoted garrisons. Towns in Italy and the provinces knew him as their founder or th

cise definition of the command held by generals operating in northern Italy in this period is a matter of no little difficult

itories to organize. Above all, the Princeps must build up, for Rome, Italy and the Empire, a system of government so strong

ears, fervent and official language had celebrated the crusade of all Italy and the glorious victory of Actium for Actium was

t it, if they had lost their fortunes. After Actium certain cities of Italy were punished for Antonian sympathies by confisca

t for dignity: local magnates of the Antonian faction in the towns of Italy had local enemies. A number of victims of the p

ation of constitutional forms was the abolition of direct taxation in Italy , crushingly imposed by all parties in the struggl

of victory and the revenues of the East now revivified the economy of Italy . The speculators and the bankers who supported wi

bition of military demagogues, the claims of the armed proletariat of Italy menaced and shattered the Roman Republic: none th

e strongest pillar of the military monarchy. Twenty-eight colonies in Italy and a large number in the provinces honoured Augu

orts of the Praetorian Guard, established in Rome and in the towns of Italy . When addressing the troops, Augustus dropped t

no means unlikely that sons of equestrian families from the towns of Italy entered the legions for adventure, for employment

stability of the Commonwealth: in alliance they perpetuated abuses in Italy and throughout the provinces, blocking reform and

n wealthy cities of old civilization, what of the backward regions of Italy that had only been incorporated after the Bellum

nly been incorporated after the Bellum Italicum? Cicero had spoken of Italy with moving tones and with genuine sentiment. But

and the national war of Actium, the process of creating the unity of Italy had not yet reached its term. Augustus was eager

for further recruitment and admission to the Senate of the flower of Italy , good opulent men from the colonies and municipia

kbone of Augustus’ faction, the prime agents in the plebiscite of all Italy . So the New State, perpetuating the Revolution, c

eastwards towards Picenum and the Sabine land. Now they came from all Italy in its widest extension, from the foothills of th

afe votes for the Princeps in his restored and sovran assembly of all Italy . Names more familiar than these now emerge from

and sentiments had so recently been arrayed in war against Rome. But Italy now extended to the Alps, embracing Cisalpina. To

m and Picenum was now added the fresh vigour of the North. The newest Italy of all, Italia Transpadana, renowned already in L

capital, to the Princeps as their patron and defender. The towns of Italy contributed soldiers, officers and senators to th

indirectly, but none the less potently, representative of Rome and of Italy . In form, the constitution was less Republican an

hange and renewing. Liberal theory and the long-desired unifying of Italy may with propriety be taken to commend and justif

attached to their party and promoted to the Senate the aristocracy of Italy . Senators represented, not a region or a town, bu

working of a natural process. How soon and how far it would go beyond Italy , which of the personal adherents of the new dynas

us colonies and municipia. Spain and Narbonensis, along with northern Italy (until recently provincial), vigorous and prosper

regularly entered the Senate under the new order. 5 Augustus exalted Italy ; but the contrast between Italy and the provinces

der the new order. 5 Augustus exalted Italy; but the contrast between Italy and the provinces is misleading and erroneous whe

that part of the Roman People which extended far beyond the bounds of Italy . NotesPage=>367 1 Tacitus, Ann. 11, 24: ‘m

, should they possess the Jus Italicum, they are treated as a part of Italy , even for fiscal purposes. PageBook=>368 A

pt and inefficient as might hastily be imagined, the governing of all Italy and a wide empire under the ideas and system of a

isure from intrigue and violence to the service of the State in Rome, Italy and the provinces. The Senate becomes a body of c

legates or proconsuls. 1 There were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy could be firmly held for the Princeps in his abse

tan plan sought to rectify these defects by winning a land route from Italy to the Balkans and an adequate frontier. This was

e in part the result of accident. Augustus himself never again left Italy . Agrippa had been indispensable in the earlier ye

, the security and the adornment of the city which was the capital of Italy and the Empire. He boasted that he found Rome a c

eBook=>405 For the senator no hope or monument of fame was left. Italy by the Via Aemilia and Narbonensis by the Domitia

o cities, and that was in far Cilicia. No senator might depart from Italy and visit the provinces, save permission obtained

mean, however, that he exercised proconsular authority in Rome or in Italy , cf. A. v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u. Wesen des P

4 Many men of merit had shared with Tiberius’ parents the flight from Italy , the sojourn with Sex. Pompeius and memories of t

of possession, promotion for loyalty or merit and firm rule in Rome, Italy and the provinces, that was not enough. Peace c

, cf. H. M. Last, CAH x, 461 ff. PageBook=>446 In the towns of Italy there was a counterpart the collegia iuvenum, clu

3 This generosity, which in the past had established Rome’s power in Italy on the broad basis that alone could bear it, was

eligious as well as national on the one side Rome and all the gods of Italy , on the other the bestial divinities of Nile. 2 P

‘Itala virtus’ Rome magnified her valour, for Rome had prevailed over Italy . PageNotes. 449 1 Propertius 4, 6, 57. 2 Ae

d the Principate, for all its profession of peace, called on Rome and Italy to supply soldiers for warfare all over the world

he New State of Augustus glorified the strong and stubborn peasant of Italy , laboriously winning from the cultivation of cere

n the art and practice of agriculture, had transformed the economy of Italy . Over a hundred years earlier, the decline of the

amnium was a desolation after Sulla, and wide tracts of south-eastern Italy were occupied by graziers. The sons of Italy were

tracts of south-eastern Italy were occupied by graziers. The sons of Italy were scattered over the world: many preferred to

for profit. 3 Thousands and thousands of veterans had been planted in Italy but may more correctly be regarded as small capit

the freedman class, the antithesis of urban and rural at this time in Italy was not complete and exclusive the new proprietor

an import of superfluous luxury and alien vices. So far the ideal. Italy was spared the realization of such perverse anach

o reaction. None was intended. No thought of mulcting the rich men of Italy , curbing the growth of their fortunes, or dividin

or the general mandate of his adherents? It was not Rome alone but Italy , perhaps Italy more than Rome, that prevailed in

mandate of his adherents? It was not Rome alone but Italy, perhaps Italy more than Rome, that prevailed in the War of Acti

rincipate itself may, in a certain sense, be regarded as a triumph of Italy over Rome: Philippi, Perusia and even Actium were

ng recruited in so large a measure from Roman knights of the towns of Italy , it found itself rewarded with power in the Senat

sness of superiority, with pride and with resentment, in the towns of Italy . The Roman noble sneered at the municipal man he

erished through ambition and intrigue. Novi homines from the towns of Italy , and especially from the provinces, took their pl

s disappointed in the aristocracy, he might reflect that Rome was not Italy ; and Italy had been augmented in the north there

ted in the aristocracy, he might reflect that Rome was not Italy; and Italy had been augmented in the north there was a new I

not Italy; and Italy had been augmented in the north there was a new Italy , but recently a province, populous, patriotic and

Moreover, the Roman nation now transcended the geographical limits of Italy , for it included the descendants of Italian colon

a model the character and habits of the middle class in the towns of Italy . Aristocratic libertas and fides were supplante

n municipal virtue rapidly extended to cover the provinces as well as Italy , with the same accepted terminology and standards

could admit with safety, or could no longer disguise, the decline of Italy and the transformation of her governing class, th

l ideals of an imperial race, service in the legions was unpopular in Italy , the levy detested,3 PageNotes. 456 1 Vibidiu

2. PageBook=>457 The material was not available. Recruits from Italy south of the Apennines were by no means abundant.

were by no means abundant. On the other hand, northern or provincial Italy , above all the parts beyond the Po, a region pred

t was wanted. Nor indeed was recruiting for the legions confined to Italy . The practices of the revolutionary age were unob

for him, no repose, no union of heart and policy with an alien queen. Italy is his goal ‘hie amor, haec patria est. ’ PageN

eshadowing of Augustus. Like the transference of Troy and her gods to Italy , the building of the New Rome was an august and a

m condere gentem. 1 Destiny foretold the coming of a great ruler in Italy and conqueror of all the world: sed fore qui grav

nied by his trusty Achates he was to fight the intractable peoples of Italy and to prevail, to establish cities and civilized

triumph did not bring personal domination, but the unity of Rome and Italy , reconciliation at last. That was his mission:

s fairly typical representatives of the propertied classes of the new Italy of the north, which was patriotic rather than par

as patriotic rather than partisan. The North, unlike so many parts of Italy , had no history of its own, with memories of anci

d. There was patriotic recollection of the great Marius who had saved Italy from the German invader, there was devotion to Ca

might be expected of a region that had only recently become a part of Italy , the name ‘Italian’ bore a heavier emphasis and a

ller emotional content than elsewhere. 3 For all the talk of a united Italy and all the realities of reconciliation, there mu

Augustus was singularly fortunate in discovering for his epic poet of Italy a man whose verse and sentiments harmonized so ea

us and admirable. To Virgil the Transpadane, Actium is the victory of Italy , not of Rome only. This conception does not find

Horace and Propertius. Propertius again, when singing the praises of Italy in a patriotic vein, invokes, not Italy, but the

, when singing the praises of Italy in a patriotic vein, invokes, not Italy , but the name of Rome: omnia Romanae cedent mir

n. He came from Asisium, neighbour city to unhappy Perusia, from that Italy which paid the bitter penalty for becoming involv

’ action on the last occasion there flocked to Rome from the towns of Italy such a concourse as had never before been seen. 8

e has seen the portent that promises to his family an abiding home in Italy . Pax Augusta could not be dissociated from Vict

In Rome the magistri vicorum had their altars; likewise throughout Italy and in Roman towns abroad the officiants of the n

co and Narbo were dedicated to the cult of the numen of Augustus. 5 Italy and the provinces of the West had sworn a militar

on. The different forms which the worship of Augustus took in Rome, Italy and the provinces illustrate the different aspect

ntent or the propagation of unsound opinions. Certain of the towns of Italy and the West took pride in their Republican tradi

ting of history. Pollio, who came from a poor and infertile region of Italy , knew what Patavium was a city notorious for mate

ancestors. As has been shown, the marshals of Augustus, the flower of Italy , did not respond to his national policy by the pr

he nobiles. Frugal and astute men of property from the newer parts of Italy and the civilized regions of the West prospered i

e eastern lands are pressing rapidly behind, soon almost to overwhelm Italy and the western provinces in the cosmopolitan Sen

rder to honour instead the ‘gesta populi Romani’; 1 and Cato wrote of Italy as well as of Rome. 2 But Cato was powerless agai

et felicia] tempora contigerunt’. 1 No longer was the proletariat of Italy pressed into the legions to shed its blood for am

o Augustus is ‘custos rerum’; 6 he is the peculiar warden of Rome and Italy , ever ready to succour and to guard: o tutela p

He had done more than that. The Roman State, based firmly on a united Italy and a coherent Empire, was completely renovated,

, the coup d’état of 32 B.C. appears as a spontaneous uprising of all Italy , Philippi is transformed into the victory of Caes

openly worshipped as a deity in the provinces or receive in Rome and Italy honours like those accorded to gods by grateful h

f., 375 ff., 453 ff.; with the plebs, 322, 370, 468 ff., 478 f.; with Italy , 284 ff., 359 ff., 449 f., 453 f., 465 f., 472 f.

inarians, punishment of, 25 f.; on Caesar’s side, 66; in the towns of Italy , 89. Catullus, see Valerius. Catulus, see Lutat

ire, 365; Agrippa’s activity, 389; Gaius Caesar’s, 428. Economy, of Italy , impaired by the separation of East and West, 290

of Egypt, 300, 338, 357, 358, 367, 383, 411, 437. Emigration, from Italy , 80, 366 f., 450. Ennius, on ‘mores antiqui’, 4

f Rome, 86 f., 286 f., 359; aristocracy of, 87, 91 f., 285, 359 ff. Italy , in relation to Rome, 8, 16 f., 49, 82 ff., 86 ff

rease of Senate, 77 ff.; choice of consuls, 94 f.; the unification of Italy , 82, 89 ff., 92 ff., 359; his liberal policy, 365

8, 106, 203, 206; actions in summer, 44 B.C., 116 ff.; departure from Italy , 119, 140; seizure of Macedonia, 171 f., 184; qua

ter the Ides of March, 97 ff.; in the summer, 44 B.C., 116 ff.; leave Italy , 119, 124, 163, 167; win eastern armies, 171, 184

B.C.), 16, 19, 20, 87, 89, 229, 345; as a party leader, 87, 285; and Italy , 87, 285 f.; oath sworn to, 285. Livius Drusus

, 356; organic function in the system of the Principate, 364 see also Italy , Novi homines. Murcus, see Staius. Murena, se

of, 491 ff. Patriotism, spurious appeals to, 157 f.; growth of, in Italy , 287 f.; north-Italian, 465; Roman, 440 f.; in mi

; concerning the Principate, 319 ff., 516 ff.; and the unification of Italy , 365; of Cicero, 144 f., 318 f., 351; of Sallusti

349 f., 511 f. Representation, meaning of, in politics, 93, 364; of Italy at Rome, 91, 93, 364 f.; indirect, 364, 519. Re

ipate of Augustus, 320, 420, 506; true character of, 514; in northern Italy , 465, 478. Republicans, under the Principate, 3

4 f.; on Troy, 305; Pompeius and Caesar, 317; Catilina and Cato, 317; Italy , 450, 463; the Aeneid as an allegory, 462 ff.; no