less than the subject, the tone and treatment calls for explanation. In narrating the central epoch of the history of Rom

rk on Republican family-history, this book could hardly have existed. In detail my principal debts are to the numerous pro

imes reveal facts or connexions not explicitly mentioned in the text. In some way or other most of the consuls and governo

summated in solemn and legal ceremony. The corpse had long been dead. In common usage the reign of Augustus is regarded as

ϵ ναι µoναρχίας παρανóµoυ πóλϵµoν ὲµϕύλιoν (Plutarch, Brutus 12). 2 In the Caesares of Julian (p. 309 a) Silenus calls A

le of a party, and in certain aspects his Principate was a syndicate. In truth, the one term presupposes the other. The ca

sonality, actions and influence of the principal among his partisans. In all ages, whatever the form and name of governmen

any history at all and only the ruling city: only Rome, not Italy. 1 In the Revolution the power of the old governing cla

you will. Caesar the Dictator bears the heavier blame for civil war. In truth, Pompeius was no better ‘occultior non meli

ble, as though destiny ordained the succession of military tyrants. In these last and fatal convulsions, disaster came u

s powerless. Men believed only in destiny and the inexorable stars. In the beginning kings ruled at Rome, and in the end

ading away on close scrutiny, at once stands out, solid and manifest. In any age of the history of Republican Rome about t

destiny; and their daughters were planted out in dynastic marriages. In their great age the Metelli overshadowed the Roma

om their own careers the folly of ambition, the vanity of virtue. 1 In the decline of the older generation the sons and

wo Metelli (Celer and Nepos) and certain of the Cornelii Lentuli. 3 In the year of Cicero’s consulate Q. Metellus Celer

the consuls Metellus and Afranius into a date heavy with history. 5 In the next year the domination of Pompeius Magnus w

to the vulgar and untenable opinion that Brutus was Caesar’s son. 2 In alliance, namely, with both Labienus and Q. Metel

trigue, further sharpening the enmity between Pompeius and Crassus. In the spring of 56 B.C. the dynasts’ coalition seem

te or in a Rome that was merely the head of an Italian confederation. In the capital of the world they were anachronistic

and now Caesar had become a rival political leader in his own right. In every class of society the defeated and disposses

mbition in a war against the Sullan oligarchy. Italy began to stir. In the city of Rome political contests and personal

bunes for the next year, promised to continue the tactics of Curio. In the autumn men began to speak of an inevitable wa

Republic conveniently added, the array is impressive and instructive. In the first place, Pompeius and his decorative fath

aesar asserted both legal and moral rights to preferential treatment. In the last resort his rank, prestige and honour, su

to curtail their privileges and repress their dangerous ambitions. In name and function Caesar’s office was to set the

need was patent. The Dictator’s task might well demand several years. In 46 B.C. his powers were prolonged to a tenure of

in his ambition and the modest magistrate who restored the Republic. In its treatment of Caesar the inspired literature o

itings reveal him, Caesar stands out as a realist and an opportunist. In the short time at his disposal he can hardly have

sed the good fortune of Sulla Felix and the glory of Pompeius Magnus. In vain reckless ambition had ruined the Roman State

nce of another civil war after a brief respite of precarious peace. 2 In all, twenty-six men of consular standing were ali

for good or for evil. Caesar the proconsul was faithful to the cause. In his company emerge ex-tribunes noted for past leg

crop of ‘homines calamitosi’. The censorship was a valuable weapon. In 70 B.C. two Pompeian censors had cleansed the Sen

ainst Caesar for one of themselves or for a mere municipal dignitary. In the traditional way of the patricians, Caesar exp

. 5 Münzer, RA, 356; 358 f.; 424. PageBook=>069 not in vain. In the time of Sulla the Fabii have declined so far

, who worked steadily to restore the dignity and power of her family. In her dynastic policy she ruthlessly employed the t

attle-cry of Caesar’s dignitas and the liberty of the Roman People. 5 In his dispatches Caesar duly requited the valour an

Caesar, Balbus gradually edged towards the more powerful attraction. In the last decade of the Republic there can have be

conquered an empire: the fate of Italy was decided in the provinces. In earlier days the Roman noble augmented his power

e provinces. Pompeius Magnus surpassed all the proconsuls before him. In the West, in Africa and throughout Asia, towns, p

to the imperator of the Roman People by personal ties of allegiance. In the imminence of civil war, Rome feared from Caes

naming him ‘the Roman Xerxes’:2 he was an Oriental despot himself. In the West, in the Gallic provinces at least, the i

Another NotesPage=>074 1 Ad Att. 8, 11, 2; 9, 10, 3; 11, 6, 2. In 48 B.C. he was in negotiation with Burebistas, th

of the Gaetuli had forgotten Marius and the war against Jugurtha. 1 In the East kings, dynasts and cities stood loyal to

sons of freedmen. 2 These categories are neither alarming nor novel. In theory, every free-born citizen was eligible to s

a’s new senators were drawn, cf. H. Hill, CQ XXVI (1932), 170 ff. 2 In general, a ‘colluvies’ (Ad Att. 9, 10, 7), a vὲĸu

en or cognomen sometimes recalled their local and alien provenance. 4 In strife for power at Rome, the patricians were rea

ower and nobility at Rome much will remain obscure and controversial. In itself, the process is natural enough; and it is

orated in the Roman State, or at least subjected to Roman influences. In a wide region of Italy it was reinforced by hosti

ame praetors at Rome. 1 A certain Statius fought bravely for Samnium. In recognition of valour, wealth and family and perh

or whom he strove in defiance of the nobiles to secure the consulate. In their political careers he may have encouraged or

ank (Pro Murena 41), was the first consul from Lanuvium (ib. 86). 4 In each of the years 54–49 B.C. One of the two consu

ed the Senate to meet on the following day in the Temple of Tellus. In the meantime, the Liberators, descending for a br

t of peace and concord. Cicero made a speech, proposing an amnesty. In this simple fashion, through a coalition of Caesa

he Caesarian party; and the results may have outstripped his designs. In form, the speech was brief and moderate:1 the aud

ople of Rome, the crowd broke loose and burned the body in the Forum. In fear for their lives, the Liberators barricaded t

e nothing new or alarming in the holders of office and power at Rome. In the end it was not debauchery that ruined Antoniu

lem; yet Antonius was amicable, not exploiting his position unduly. In these April days fortune seemed to smile upon the

erity has been tempted to take of the ulterior ambitions of Antonius. In the light of his subsequent Caesarian policy and

consul, head of the government, and so unassailable by legal weapons. In the next year, with A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pans

if a faction seized power in Rome and sought to pay back old scores. In 42 B.C. D. Brutus would be consul along with the

Divi filius Augustus’. Posterity was to know him as ‘Divus Augustus’. In the early and revolutionary years the heir of Cae

nning, his sense for realities was unerring, his ambition implacable. In that the young man was a Roman and a Roman aristo

nciliation with Octavianus. The ceremony was staged on the Capitol. In revenge for the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as

ntonius, for his part, had been constrained to an unwelcome decision. In no mood to be thwarted in his ambitions, he still

on, the avenging of Caesar, and was ready to exploit every advantage. In the first place, the urban plebs, fanatically dev

ival the consul went farther with his Caesarian and popular policy. In the Senate on September 1st Antonius proposed tha

he other side, from the plebs, from the veterans and from Octavianus. In pursuance of his Caesarian policy, Antonius cause

nary, promising, in the event of success, no less than 5,000 denarii. In the colonies of Calatia and Casilinum Octavianus

for a meeting of the Senate and public support from senior statesmen. In vain his backers were timid or absent. He had to

could not afford a fresh conflict with the Senate and a fresh rebuff. In haste Antonius proposed a vote complimentary to h

onary venture has been narrated as the deed and policy of Octavianus. In himself that young man had not seemed a political

hilippus (cos. 91, censor 86), was an astute politician above, p. 19. In politics the son was able to enjoy support from P

ee of his earliest associates, the foundation-members of the faction. In his company at the camp of Apollonia were Q. Salv

were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius, alarmed at his power. In the first place, the consuls- designate, Hirtius

ed experience of affairs, vigour of personality and family influence. In public Cicero professed warm and eager admiration

.) lived in a ‘villula sordida et valde pusilla’ (Ad Att. 12, 27, 1). In contrast, the mansions of Cicero. 3 Though it d

oligarchy. Cicero had never been a revolutionary not even a reformer. In the years following his consulate he wavered betw

atur ac laudetur, servitutem, honorificam modo, non aspernatur. ’ 4 In the speech Pro Marcello (autumn, 46 B.C.). Page

new and precarious concord, Cicero was never even seen in the Senate. In spring and summer the cause of ordered government

ntonius had once said to him, the honest neutral does not run away. 2 In the autumn, too late: Cicero returning brought no

elations of friendship, to which they could each with justice appeal. In 49 B.C. Antonius, then in charge of Italy, treate

became a fact and a force in politics. Events were moving swiftly. In his account of the reasons that moved him to retu

would reveal the strength which the Commonwealth could still muster. In public pronouncements Cicero went sponsor for the

in theory: the ideal derived its shape from his own disappointments. In the Republic he set forth the lineaments and desi

uds, a theatre for oratory. The best of arguments was personal abuse. In the allegation of disgusting immorality, degradin

such had been his lusts that no modest person could mention them. 2 In the professed ideals of a landed aristocracy earn

verlaid with a double coating of deceit, democratic and aristocratic. In theory, the People was ultimately sovran, but the

vran, but the spirit of the constitution was held to be aristocratic. In fact, oligarchy ruled through consent and prescri

and always most strongly in evidence on the side of vested interests. In times of peace and prosperity it commands a wide

s or failure became the only criterion of wisdom and of patriotism. 4 In the service of faction the fairest of pleas and t

nslavement of others without invoking libertas and such fair names. 4 In the autumn of 44 B.C. Caesar’s heir set forth to

ecame a reproach to be ‘afraid of peace’, to be ‘enemies of peace’. 1 In detestation of civil war, Republicans might hones

is better to fight and to fall, as becomes a Roman and a Senator. 7 In open war the language of peace and goodwill might

t an opponent, to make him ‘see reason’ and join the ‘better side’. 6 In the heat of civil passion the task of the apostle

n had become the ally of a Catilina, NotesPage=>162 1 Phil. 3. In a speech to the People on the same day he states:

ius here stated is rather antiquarian in character, to say the least. In neither of these speeches does Cicero mention Ant

crushed, as once Senate, People and Cicero had dealt with Catilina. In brief, Cicero proposed to secure legitimation, pu

famous consulate, after twenty years of humiliation and frustration. In this December the total of consulars had fallen t

n of Antonius, to the revival of the Republican and Pompeian cause. In the provinces of the West stood Plancus, Lepidus

onius should be brought to trial, to answer for his alleged misdeeds. In the end the proposal of Q. Fufius Calenus, the fr

able and cautious jurist without strong political ties or sentiments. In the north winter still held up military operation

rmy of Pansa at Forum Gallorum some seven miles south-east of Mutina. In the battle Pansa himself was wounded, but Hirtius

ina. He was defeated but not routed; on the other side, Hirtius fell. In the field Antonius was rapid of decision. On the

measures passed in the Senate when the tidings of Mutina were known. In the victory-honours Octavianus was granted an ova

to be the worst of evils, worse even than submitting to tyranny. 3 In these wars between citizens, the generals and the

in this matter perhaps at variance with the more resolute Cassius. 2 In any event, principles and honour commanded a Repu

man observed. 1 But even now there were some who did not lose hope. In the evening came a rumour that the two legions wh

d the Apennines and entered Cisalpine Gaul again, with a brave front. In force of arms, Lepidus and Antonius could have ov

elmed the young consul. His name and fortune shielded him once again. In the negotiations he now took his stand as an equa

uch a lack of evidence for the significant category, that of knights. In all, nearly 100 names of the proscribed have been

erty, whatever their station, were the real enemies of the Triumvirs. In concord, senators and business men upheld the exi

). On the friends of Varro, wealthy landowners, cf. above, p. 31. 4 In 45 B.C. he was able to provide Caesar with six th

e than this, Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State. 1 In the Forum a temple was to be built to the new dei

e legend ‘Q. Sal. im(p.)’, CIL x, 8337, p. 1001. PageBook=>203 In the meantime, Brutus and Cassius had been gatheri

bella, defeated him in battle and besieged him at Laodicaea in Syria. In despair Dolabella took his own life: Trebonius wa

draining the wealth of Asia. Brutus and Cassius met again at Ephesus. In the late summer of 42 their armies passed the Hel

ned in manifestations against the unpopular tyranny of the Triumvirs. In the Senate Octavianus proposed measures of allevi

ans as he had stirred up against Antonius nearly three years earlier. In alarm he sent his confidential agent, Caecina of

nd crushed at last. That way all odds pointed and most men’s hopes. In his emergency Octavianus sought aid where he coul

by her consular husband; but Marcellus was born two years earlier. 6 In 40 B.C. Octavianus himself, it is true, had contr

record. Octavianus now learned of the danger that had menaced him. In a moment of confidence in their new alliance, Ant

efend Caesar the Dictator when he was assailed by the Liberators. 1 In the eyes of contemporaries, Antonius stood forth

rved under Caesar, and he moved with Caesarian decision and rapidity. In three great battles, at the Cilician Gates, at Mo

us pacified Armenia and embarked on campaigns towards the Caucasus. 4 In the disposal of the vassal kingdoms certain arran

bs might riot in his honour it was only from hatred of Caesar’s heir. In reality an adventurer, Pompeius could easily be r

his other fleet from the Bay of Naples. Pompeius won an easy victory. In the night a tempest arose and shattered the remna

al members of the Caesarian faction won glory and solid recompense. In public and official semblance, the campaigns in S

l but a foreign war, soon to become a glorious part of Roman history. In the Bellum Siculum no Metelli, Scipiones or Marce

ium (CIL X, 804118), which was presumably his home, cf. ILS 6463. 3 In whose company he is first mentioned, in 43, perha

as the peer of the great Antonius in courage, NotesPage=>239 1 In the years 36-32 Africa was governed by Taurus and

f Augustus. But Octavianus’ time was short, his aims were restricted. In the first campaign he conquered Pannonian tribes

, the Aqua Julia. 1 Meanwhile, the party grew steadily in strength. In 33 B.C. Octavianus became consul for the second t

lies from the families of the Claudii, the Aemilii and the Scipiones. In this year the admiral Q. Laronius became consul;

n no way disposed to share their new privileges or welcome intruders. In a Senate of a thousand members a preponderance of

y of sentiment. The Senate presented a strange and alarming aspect. In the forefront, in the post of traditional leaders

d Pollio made their way as commanders of armies and as diplomats. 4 In a free state the study of law and oratory might c

le could come scant consolation in evil days, NotesPage=>246 1 In the Dialogus of Tacitus (25, 3, cf. 17, 1), Calvu

hat should replace the narrow and corrupt oligarchy of the nobiles. 2 In his disillusionment, now that Rome had relapsed u

People with all the melancholy austerity of a moralist and a patriot. In assigning the origin of the decline to the destru

less effective, than the spoken or written word of Roman statesmen. In little more than twenty years a generation and a

the works or adapting the themes and forms of the Alexandrine poets. In politics, likewise, a common bond. Many of them h

nas. Virgil with short delay had introduced Horace to his new patron. In the company of statesmen, diplomatists and other

Roman People; and the dynasts were lavish in grants of the franchise. In times of peace and unshaken empire the Roman had

n seven years had passed. But he was not yet the leader of all Italy. In this NotesPage=>257 1 Nepos, Vita Attici 1

rsonnel most of the native dynasts proved incompetent or treacherous. In many of the kings, tetrarchs and petty tyrants ab

ghter. 3 But Deiotarus died in the year of the Parthian invasion. 4 In this emergency men of wealth and standing in Asia

e ancient Hasmonean house, now decadent, retained title and throne. 3 In the eastern lands many Julii reveal their patron

enia towards the Caucasus, and Canidius was waiting with his legions. In the neighbourhood of Erzerum the great army muste

-coast of Asia. 2 There the legions passed the winter of 33-32 B.C. In the year 33 B.C., with his frontiers in order and

Provinzialver- waltung der Triumvirn (Diss. Strassburg, 1892), 31 ff. In the years 40–32 B.C., Ganter gives, for Syria, Sa

er daughter of Antonius. Both parties had the habit of keeping faith. In birth and in repute Ahenobarbus stood next to Ant

en and only thus could the Empire be made solid, coherent and secure. In the West municipal self-government was already ad

mpress of the world at Rome and inaugurate a new universal kingdom. 4 In this deep design Antonius was but her dupe and he

d guilty of a grave misdemeanour in leaving Italy without sanction. 2 In place of Sosius and Ahenobarbus he appointed two

Messalla Corvinus, and L. Cornelius Cinna, grandson of Sulla’s enemy. In the next year he would be consul with Corvinus, i

ng the party leaders, sharpened by personal enmities and rivalries. In a civil war fleets and legions are not the most i

as alleged that he had been bribed. The compromising ally remained. In early summer Antonius passed from Ephesus to Samo

compelled to secure the loyalty of his legions by paying a donative. In desperate straits for money, he imposed new taxat

ween citizens was being forced by mad ambition upon the Roman People. In this atmosphere of terror and alarm Octavianus re

y the price in confiscation of their lands when the war was over. 2 In the constitutional crisis of the year 32, the con

laimed the consensus Italiae against Antonius in the War of Mutina. 3 In vain it did not exist. Private influence and priv

und Wesen des Prinzipats, 53. PageBook=>289 oath was imposed. In the military colonies and they were numerous ther

or despotic rule. But despotism was already there and war inevitable. In a restoration of liberty no man could believe any

men fought, not for a principle, but only for a choice of masters. In ships Antonius had the preponderance of strength;

that would surpass the greatest in all history, Roman or Hellenic. 4 In the official version of the victor, Actium took o

26 B.C.) were fairly earned. Then came the reckoning with Antonius. In the summer of the year 30 B.C. Octavianus approac

invidens privata deduci superbo non humilis mulier triumpho. 2 In satisfying the honour of Cleopatra, the bite of t

nt garrisons of legions, were in the hands of reliable partisans. 3 In the summer of 29 B.C. Octavianus returned to Ital

tavianus was consul for the sixth time with Agrippa as his colleague. In the previous year he had augmented the total of t

ced and the oath enlisted, not only all Italy, but the whole world. 3 In 28 B.C Caesar’s heir stood supreme—’potentiae sec

(July, 27 B.C.), after which he disappears completely from history. In robbing Crassus of the title of imperator Octavia

and perhaps with neutral politicians. They knew what they were about. In name, in semblance and in theory the sovranty of

consul, he was merely the equal in public law of any other proconsul. In fact, his province was large and formidable, comp

generation of the Republic, which in politics is the Age of Pompeius. In his youth Caesar’s heir, the revolutionary advent

(1932), 58 ff. PageBook=>319 the political doctrine of Cicero. In the years of failure and dejection he composed a

et about the rule of Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far as Cicero had a political programme, he ad

ne, non (modo) multum, quod putarem novandum in legibus ‘(ib. 3, 12). In fact, the changes he proposes are few and modest,

nd words were called up to comfort the living and confound posterity. In the New State of Augustus the stubborn class-cons

might have changed, pliable to a changed order. So Brutus thought. 1 In the New State, which was quite different from Dic

that he needed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina. In politics his mentors had been Philippus and Balbu

Civil Wars he has not deigned to allude to this transaction at all. 2 In truth, it may be regarded merely as the legalizat

arro Licinius Murena. PageBook=>326 So much for the consulate. In the manner of controlling the provinces the recen

estris); 1 their garrison was a great army of twenty legions or more. In recent years these provinces had been governed by

rovinces in 27 B.C. Which is not at all likely. Strabo is even worse. In his account of the original division (p. 840), Ga

lped to postpone the final conquest of the Balkan and Danubian lands. In time, however, the Princeps encroached in Illyric

was extended far into the interior up to the line of the Danube. 1 In the provincia of Augustus, the ordination of cons

inces, Africa and Asia, were governed by proconsuls of consular rank. In the early years it might be expected that from ti

cf. L. Ganter, Die Provinzial-verwaltung der Triumvirn, 69 ff.). 4 In 25 B.C. Varro Murena subdued the Salassi (Dio 53,

owers of Augustus as consul and proconsul, open, public and admitted. In the background, all the overwhelming prestige of

of the West, setting out from Rome towards the middle of the year 27. In absence, distinct political advantages. Caesar th

ed the way for Augustus: if so, scant acknowledgement in history. 3 In 26 B.C. Augustus took the field in person. 4 He m

his autobiography, a work suitably dedicated to Agrippa and Maecenas. In his absence, the two legates in Spain (C. Antisti

d his doctors and his enemies. On July 1st he resigned the consulate. In his place a certain L. Sestius took office anothe

resolved to refrain from holding the supreme magistracy year by year. In the place of the consulate, which gave him a gene

rious powers, above all proconsular imperium over the whole empire. 2 In fact, but not in name, this reduced all proconsul

iod of years. The assumption of a colleague confirmed this fair show. In the course of the year, proconsular imperium was

ious of the inherent difficulties or hampered by certain accidents. In the previous winter flood, famine and pestilence

e the family and most intimate friends of the real or nominal leader. In the critical year of Murena’s conspiracy and Augu

aecenas and Agrippa. Augustus could not afford to alienate all three. In alliance they had made him, in alliance they migh

s departure to the East provoked various and inconsistent conjecture. In one version, Agrippa retired in disgust and resen

of pure monarchy; and it might end in wrecking the Caesarian party. In the secret debate which the historian Cassius Dio

e very reverse of exclusive, recalling with pride their alien origin. In politics the Claudii, far from being narrowly tra

The Senate had swollen inordinately, to more than a thousand members. In order that the sovran assembly should recover dig

ification for advancement lay in service above all, military service. In this way a soldier’s family might rise through eq

been able to baffle politicians, disarm generals and avert bloodshed. In possession of their farms, the veterans were now

e provinces honoured Augustus as their patron and their defender. 2 In the year 29 B.C., about the time of his triumph,

tion better. Here again, no return to Republican prejudices of birth. In the Principate, sons of freedmen soon occupy mili

the whole social, military and political structure of the New State. In the last generation of the Republic the financier

in 2 B.C. (Dio 55, 10, 10), Q. Ostorius Scapula and P. Salvius Aper. In the time of Augustus the Guard was not so importa

lameless character and a healthy distaste for political ambition. 4 In itself, the promotion of knights to the Senate wa

ely bring the consulate and ennoblement of their families for ever. In brief, Augustus’ design was to make public life s

d gone farther, securing from Augustus ennoblement of their families. In the forefront the military men, carrying on the t

ssienus and a Caecina, unmistakable in their non-Latin termination. 5 In the last years, however (A.D. 4-14), a significan

tly, but none the less potently, representative of Rome and of Italy. In form, the constitution was less Republican and le

o not explain in root and origin, the acts of Caesar and of Augustus. In granting the Roman franchise and in spreading the

elcomed to its membership the descendants of kings and tetrarchs. 2 In the provinces of the West, from continuous immigr

the promotion of adherents obscure or even provincial in extraction. In purpose and in effect that measure was neither re

knights were among his most intimate friends and earliest partisans. In the first months of its existence the faction of

he plebs, the veterans and the knights who had won the War of Actium. In the crisis of 23 B.C. the Caesarian party thwarte

ous and superfluous. His will prevailed, in virtue of auctoritas. 3 In the first four years of the new dispensation Augu

nature of their revolutionary rule shows itself clearly on the Fasti. In the seven years 39-33 nineteen novi homines appea

e support of the nobiles. Hence a steady cheapening of the consulate. In effect, it went now by nomination. NotesPage=&g

Tarius Rufus (cos. suff. 16 B.C.). 2 Below, pp. 378 f.; 421 f. 3 In 12 B.C. M. Valerius Messalla Barbatus and C. Cani

and Pompeius’ consul Gabinius was a politician as well as a soldier. In fact, nobility of birth prevailed and designated

f Rome, cannot show consuls now or miss a generation, emerging later. In the Principate of Augustus a Sulla, a Metellus, a

o preserve the dignity of their station and propagate their families. In the year A.D. 4 he thus augmented the census of

y monarchic the garb and attire of the Princeps of the Roman State. 3 In portraiture and statuary, Augustus and the member

onverted into qualifying stages in the hierarchy of administration. In a sense, the consulars of the Republic might be d

ps in his absence by party- dynasts without title or official powers. In 26 B.C. Taurus was consul, it is true; but the au

, calling for a perambulatory Princeps or for consorts in his powers. In 27 B.C. Augustus had set out for the West without

,) in the East (22-19 B.C.) and again in Spain and Gaul (16-13 B.C.). In the East, prestige was his object, diplomacy his

ns as loyal and unequivocal as the Roman People was led to believe. In this year a public monument called the Ara Pacis

s of M. Licinius Crassus greatly augmented the province of Macedonia. In the first years of the Principate the imperial fr

out the same time. 5 Then came the turn of Illyricum and the Balkans. In 14 or 13 B.C. in Illyricum M. Vinicius began the

t Agrippa, who subdued the Pannonians and Dalmatians (12-9 B.C.). 4 In the same years Drusus with the legions of the R

Rhine and the levies of Gaul invaded Germany and reached the Elbe. 5 In 9 B.C. Drusus died, and two more campaigns agai

shed consulars was available for the needs of warfare and government. In the first and tentative years of the new dispensa

s under their own auspices. But the Senate lost the other two armies. In 12 B.C. Augustus took over Illyricum; 2 and, eith

ca) and the island of Cyprus. 1 This looked well and mattered little. In 27 B.C., the Senate provided proconsuls for eight

Senate provided proconsuls for eight provinces; in A.D. 14 for ten. In the appointment of governors, the Princeps encour

ows as a learned antiquary, was no doubt a competent administrator. In this matter the Principate introduced no startlin

ighting there and suppressing the mountaineers of Isauria (A.D. 6). 5 In that year the Pannonians and Dalmatians rose in r

enators as possible should take an active part in administration. 1 In the past the generals of the Republic had commonl

he offices of aedile and censor. Two incidents hardened his policy. In 22 B.C. he secured the appointment of a pair of c

step of appointing an equestrian official, the praefectus vigilum. 1 In the meantime a number of permanent boards of sena

ect. 6 Again, appeals from the provinces were delegated to consulars. In 4 B.C. a new procedure was devised to try certain

n anomalous dignity remains to be mentioned, that of praefectus urbi. In the nature of the matter, it is difficult to see

purnius Piso, with whom the office became a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his own efforts and by the creatio

he monarchic Princeps robbed the other principes of power and honour. In the interests of an ordered commonwealth, consula

ς ποιήσειν οί т ν Κρηтικ ν καì Κυρηναϊκ ν παρχήαν καθ- ξοντ∈ςκτλ. 5 In 19 B.C., but only for a few years, after which Au

handed to the consul in 23 B.C., Dio 53, 30, 2. PageBook=>411 In these matters Augustus required expert advisers.

rable to the government, Maecenas knew no peer and left no successor. In the same year as Maecenas, Horace died: Virgil ha

e year as Maecenas, Horace died: Virgil had gone eleven years before. In the last period of Augustus’ rule, literature not

ecenas: had they lived, certain things would never have happened. 2 In the elaborate fiction of Cassius Dio, the decisio

ed by an official poet like Horace. The precaution seems excessive. In a Republic like that of Pompeius, Livia would hav

mation, namely, a special mandate conferred for merit and by consent. In 23 B.C., after an open crisis and a secret strugg

e succession for heirs of his own blood. Julia was to provide them. In 21 B.C. the marriage of Agrippa and Julia was sol

them. In 21 B.C. the marriage of Agrippa and Julia was solemnized. In the next year a son was born, named Gaius. When a

us, followed in 17 B.C. the Princeps adopted the two boys as his own. In all, this fruitful union produced five children t

n his absence, at his expense and at the expense of the Roman People. In the last six years, Tiberius had hardly been seen

at was all in the situation already. Nobody could have been deceived. In 6 B.C. there was an agitation that Gaius should b

essed public disapproval and bided his time with secret exultation. 3 In the next year it came out. Gaius was to have the

wer and the profits. The most open political prize was the consulate. In 5 B.C. Augustus assumed that office, after a la

s of the Claudian party were probably the remnant of the Pompeians. In evil days Roman aristocratic loyalty acknowledged

e must be no open evidence of discord in the syndicate of government. In the end, everything played into her hands. In 2 B

yndicate of government. In the end, everything played into her hands. In 2 B.C. an opportune scandal burst into publicity

iberius had long been anomalous. It now became doubtful and perilous. In the next year his tribunicia potestas lapsed. Aug

ce Agrippa the vicegerent departed from the East twelve years before. In the meantime, able men had governed Syria the vet

5 Tacitus, Ann. 2, 42, cf. Suetonius, Tib. 8. PageBook=>429 In the meantime Gaius prosecuted his travels. In A.D

nterpretation. Lollius was favoured by Augustus, loathed by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when governor of Gaul, Lollius had suffe

, soon repaired but magnified beyond all measure by his detractors. 5 In the following year Augustus came to Gaul, Tiberiu

1 They were not lost upon Tiberius or upon the principes, his rivals. In this emergency Augustus remained true to himself.

nd People when the Claudian returned to power, no testimony exists. 2 In his own order and class, it will be presumed, no

nd considerate general. 5 After two campaigns he passed to Illyricum. In the interval of his absence, the power of Rome ha

party becomes discernible, dual in composition, as might be expected. In the six years following the return to power of Ti

:4 he was followed by Varus, with L. Nonius Asprenas as his legate. 5 In the East, L. Volusius Saturninus, a family friend

r of the province of Illyricum, ‘vir animo etiam quam gente nobilior1 In the Balkans the experienced soldier A. Caecina Se

C.) was in charge of Moesia (now that Macedonia had lost its army). 2 In the three years of the rebellion of Illyricum the

e are prominent yet not paradoxical, for this was a Claudian faction. In the background, however, stand certain noble hous

d the power they would not let him enjoy it in security and goodwill. In the critical session of the Senate certain of the

ns more intractable than the conqueror of all the East had ever seen. In a surge of patriotic exaltation, the writers of A

claimed both to revive the past and to set standards for the future. In this matter there stood a valid precedent: August

measure quite superfluous so long as Rome remained her ancient self. In the aristocracy of the last age of the Republic m

e. ’ 3 On this, cf. H. M. Last, CAH x, 461 ff. PageBook=>446 In the towns of Italy there was a counterpart the co

tnessed his zealous care for religion ’sacrati provida cura ducis’. 4 In the year 29 B.C. Janus was closed and an archai

meant enhanced dignity for the State and new resources of patronage. In 28 B.C. the Senate entrusted Augustus with the ta

itutorem. ’ PageBook=>448 Two deities deserved special honour. In 29 B.C. the Temple of Divus Julius vowed by the T

re virum’, a tribe small in numbers but renowned for all time in war. In the exaltation of ‘Itala virtus’ Rome magnified h

urnia tellus, magna virum ! 2 Where was that peasant now to be found? In the course of two centuries the profits of empi

and frontier policy of Rome, but to the patriotic pride of Augustus. In dejection he thought of making an end of his life

ty and virtue, a fervent sympathy with martial and imperial ideals. In his Odes may be discovered the noblest expression

ibus se legibus ambae invictae gentes aeterna in foedera mittant. 6 In the same years the historian Livy was already at

h, though alert and progressive, were far from being revolutionaries. In many respects, indeed, their outlook was notably

padani; 1 and Brutus’ father had been besieged at Mutina by Pompeius. In the time of Augustus, Mediolanium preserved with

ng fidelity the poets expressed the spirit of the national programme. In 13 B.C., when both Augustus and Agrippa had retur

hs or received the ornamenta triumphalia in lieu of that distinction. In the temple itself three deities were housed in co

anus’, his too the most intense exploitation and the solid advantage. In the feverish and credulous atmosphere of the Revo

the world habitable for mankind, and to Romulus, the Founder of Rome. In the meantime, his birthday and his health, his vi

hensive oath of loyalty to the ruler and to his house (3/2 B.C.). 6 In regions where submission to kings was an ingraine

zealous to propagate the new faith was Herod the king of Judaea. 6 In the East, Roman citizens joined with Greeks in th

e. The lower classes had no voice in government, no place in history. In town or country there was poverty and social unre

successful war for liberty against the legions and colonies of Rome. In origin, the Roman colony was a military station.

ed ex-Republican Valerius Messalla gave himself airs of independence. In 26 B.C. he had laid down the office of praefectus

n by flattery, Pollio had acquired for himself a privileged position. In the Senate he once launched a savage attack upon

ntastical conceits of Maecenas and the perverse archaism of Tiberius. In writing, his first care was to express his meanin

, his first care was to express his meaning as clearly as possible. 4 In these matters Pollio’s own taste and practice is

faction-wars of Marius and Sulla had been a punishment and a warning. In the brief respite between the Dictatorships the o

as families had done in happier days, upon a period or a government. In the background lurk their allies or their rivals,

Tiberius refused to help, and it lapsed into a shameful poverty. 1 In the record of disaster and degradation, ‘illustri

ned to consular rank:4 a direct descendant was consul under Trajan. 5 In the Flavian period two consuls recalled the merit

rained in the Principate from its military and revolutionary origins. In the first decade of his constitutional rule, Augu

s in that struggle ’solum id scires, deteriorem fore qui vicisset’. 3 In his old age Tacitus turned again to history and c

nd turned to what some have regarded as a narrow and outworn theme. In style, subject and treatment the Roman historians

(though this has been disputed): cf. PIR1, V 90. PageBook=>513 In his life and in his writings Pollio professed an

f his rule, firm and erect behind the flimsy and fraudulent Republic. In the employment of the tribunes’ powers and of imp

llow claims to be exhaustive, to give all collaterals or descendants. In each of them the most important persons and relat

C. Cichorius, Hermes xxxix (1904), 461 ff. (with a stemma, ib. 470). In the matter of his connexion with the Cornelii Len