t agents of arbitrary power. For that reason ‘Dux’ became ‘Princeps’. He did not cease to be Imperator Caesar. There is

consul or as one of the principes. Cicero lacked the full equipment. He imagined that oratory and intrigue would suffice.

us Drusus hoped to enlist them on the side of the dominant oligarchy. He failed, and they rose against Rome in the name of

s. 60) and Q. Metellus Nepos (cos. 57). 3 Cf. Varro, RR 3, 16, 1 f. He was married to a Servilia (Ad Alt. 12, 20, 2).

RR 3, 16, 1 f. He was married to a Servilia (Ad Alt. 12, 20, 2). 4 He served in the East on the staffs of Lucullus (Plu

cullus (Plutarch, Lucullus 34) and of Q. Marcius Rex (Dio 36, 17, 2). He hoped to inherit from Rex (Cicero, Ad Att. 1, 16,

as before with Sulla. The implacable Cato detested the financiers. He stood firm against Italians, hating them from his

as prosecuted, in war and in peace, through illegality and treachery. He held a command in Africa against Marian remnants

M) describes him as ‘humili loco Picens, loquax magis quam facundus’. He hoped to stand for the consulate in 67 (Val. Max.

ce his predominance by the peaceful means of a new dynastic alliance. He saw the way at once. Having divorced his wife, th

ate, all in one measure: Lucullus insisted on debate, point by point. He prevailed, supported by Crassus, by Cato and by t

significant evidence of Pompeius’ weakness was the conduct of Cicero. He leapt boldly into the fray, and slashed the bill

o carry by bribery the election of Bibulus, his daughter’s husband. 6 He should have made certain of both consuls. Caesa

sing honours for the absent general and trouble for the government. 2 He had also prosecuted an ex-consul hostile to Pompe

Caesar in return for alliance with the oligarchy. Cicero took heart. He proclaimed the ideal of a conservative union of a

d questionable amends. The dynast was not yet ready to drop his ally. He needed Caesar for counterbalance against the Cato

and impatient. Early in 51 the consul M. Marcellus opened the attack. He was rebuffed by Pompeius, and the great debate on

The Pact of Luca blocked him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had another grievance Caesar’s tenure of Gaul bey

for power, serried but insecure. Pompeius was playing a double game. He hoped to employ the leading nobiles to destroy Ca

as. ’ Cicero uses the words ‘Appietas’ and 'Lentulitas’, ib. 3, 7, 5. He had ample cause to complain of Appius. PageBook

ialisme romain (1934), 89 ff.; Histoire romaine 11: César (1936). 2 He offered to keep only the Cisalpina, or even Illyr

sserting the rights of the tribunes, the liberty of the Roman People. He was not mistaken. Yet he required special powers:

ted the cause of the oppressed, whether Roman, Italian or provincial. He had shown that he was not afraid of vested intere

s not afraid of vested interests. But Caesar was not a revolutionary. He soon disappointed the rapacity or the idealism of

mpotence and frustration he had been all things and it was no good. 3 He had surpassed the good fortune of Sulla Felix and

, p. 95. PageBook=>060 Without a party a statesman is nothing. He sometimes forgets that awkward fact. If the leade

d Calvus were dead: their friends and companions became Caesarians. 1 He won over many former opponents, sons of the nobil

sus was made governor of the Cisalpina in 49 (Appian, BC 2, 41, 165). He died soon after. PageBook=>065 Though astu

inas, p. 90. 3 For nobiles of the Marian faction, above, p. 19. 4 He was married to a Julia (Val. Max. 6, 7, 3). This

nce of an eloquent lawyer to whom he had lent a large sum of money. 2 He now stood with Caesar and commanded the right win

Caesar profited by the example and by the errors of his predecessor. He recruited his legates of the Gallic Wars (ten in

patrician stock. Caesar, like Sulla, was a patrician and proud of it. He boasted before the people that his house was desc

Labienus’ desertion, Dio 41, 4, 4; Cicero, Ad Att. 7, 12, 5, &c. He was solicited in 50 B.C., BG 8, 52, 3. 2 Sueton

class, by Caesar as by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to the core. ‘ He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also

the Balbi, the dynasts of Gades, from Pompeius’ following to his own. He may also have inherited the Spanish connexion of

ornatissimus’ (In Pisonem 64), was aedile in 45 (Ad Att. 13, 45, 1). He had business interests in Africa (Ad fam. 12, 29)

at influence in Etruria, cf. Münzer, RA, 55 f. 6 Münzer, RA, 56 ff. He argues that the Atilii came from Campania (58 f.)

the Marian cause, but to destroy the tyrant city. 4 Sulla saved Rome. He defeated the Samnite army at the Colline Gate and

nd capture for imported merit the highest dignity in the Roman State. He glorified the memory of Cato and of Marius but it

rius but it was for himself, as though they were his own ancestors. 3 He desired that the sentiment and voice of Italy sho

h the task of creating a NotesPage=>092 1 Ad fam. 10, 31, 2 f. He prosecuted C. Cato (Tacitus, Dial. 34, 7), not, h

istic and not the true motive of Caesar’s augmentation of the Senate. He brought in his own partisans, men of substance or

space of thirty years he was the first knight’s son to become consul. He was correct but other novi homines, socially more

ce; 1 Antonius, however, sided with the moderate and prudent Hirtius. He summoned the Senate to meet on the following day

avalry leader: yet at the same time a steady and resourceful general. He commanded the left wing NotesPage=>103 2 A

careless, disorderly, and even disgraceful, is evident and admitted. He belonged to a class of Roman nobles by no means u

Cassius (who were praetors) a dispensation to remain away from Rome. He spoke the language of conciliation,1 and it was l

s order and class, and bound to him by ties of personal friendship. 3 He had no quarrel with the Liberators providing they

y, taking counsel with senior statesmen and deferential to the State. He proposed and carried a specious measure the name

ur of Antonius went beyond the measure of the Roman party-politician. He was consul and chief man in the Caesarian faction

lf with the allotment of lands and the founding of military colonies. He was absent for a month. Various intrigues were de

ics. 1 Ambition broke out in the son, a model of all the virtues. 2 He married Atia, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus, a

implacable. In that the young man was a Roman and a Roman aristocrat. He was only eighteen years of age: but he resolved t

he was to accompany the Dictator on the Balkan and eastern campaigns. He was not slow in reaching a decision. Crossing the

his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Octavianus, according the

This manoeuvre might well alarm the moderates NotesPage=>115 1 He objected that a lex curiata ratifying the adoptio

vainly offered by Antonius at the classic scene of the Lupercalia. 3 He was promptly thwarted by a Republican or NotesP

with secret confidence in his destiny and with public exploitation. 2 He caused a star to be placed upon the head of statu

aly towards the end of the month, not before publishing a last edict. He affirmed the loyalty of the Liberators towards th

auctoritas of a senior statesman, all that was too long and too slow. He would have to wait until middle age: his laurels

es would have to be doubled and redoubled. Octavianus was resolute. He had a cause to champion, the avenging of Caesar,

. 2. 113; 10, 8. PageBook=>120 July has already been narrated. He might invoke the tribunate, emulating the Gracchi

n that had been alien to the splendid and patrician nature of Caesar. He soon took the measure of Antonius: the Caesarian

irst place, after that, Republican allies and constitutional backing. He would then have to postpone the avenging of Caesa

Brutus entered his province in April he found only two legions there. He proceeded to raise several more on his own initia

ickly some three thousand veterans. The new Pompeius now had an army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it.

out for Rome. With armed men he occupied the Forum on November 10th. He had hoped for a meeting of the Senate and public

port from senior statesmen. In vain his backers were timid or absent. He had to be content with the plebs and a tribune. B

nces in the colonies of Etruria and the region lying towards Ravenna. He now established a base at Arretium, the town of o

ered summary executions. Disturbing rumours brought him back to Rome. He summoned the Senate to meet on November 24th, int

rian officer (Bell. Al. 31, 3) promoted to senatorial rank by Caesar. He commanded the legio Martia for Octavianus at Muti

idered policy of a whole class. Octavianus needed the Senate as well. He hoped to win sympathy, if not support, from some

3 Plutarch, Cicero 44. 4 Ad Att. 16, 14, 2. 5 Ad fam. 12, 2, 2. He hoped to squeeze Brutus and Cassius out of the co

rned Asconius (14 = p. 16 Clark) provides the name of Philodemus. 2 He lived in a hovel (‘gurgustium’, In Pisonem 13), a

ctivity under the imminent threat of civil war or during the contest. He exerted himself for mediation or compromise then

vince of Cilicia, he made what efforts he could to avert hostilities. He showed both judgement and impartiality. 1 It was

lities. He showed both judgement and impartiality. 1 It was too late. He had few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy

elayed return to settled conditions threw him into a deep depression. He shunned the Senate, the theatre of his old triump

nd acquiesced in a large measure of authoritative government at Rome. He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutus later rema

duced Cicero to compose NotesPage=>138 1 Ad Att. 7, 15, 2. 2 He may, however, have been influenced by circumstant

At last, after long doubt and hesitation, Cicero set out for Greece. He sailed from Pompeii on July 17th. Contrary weat

ere rudely dispelled. Cicero’s changed decision had been all in vain. He persisted, however, and returned, though heavy of

past career (September 19th). Cicero thought it best not to turn up. He salved his dignity by the belief that he was in d

endus. ’ PageBook=>142 of three thousand veterans in Campania. He pestered Cicero for advice, sending to him his tr

mory of the glorious Nones of December. 2 Cicero was not to be had. He left Campania and retired to Arpinum, foreseeing

his refusal to be lured into a premature championing of the Republic. He resolved to wait until January 1st before appeari

ictatorship of Caesar and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieved for the Republic

l but liberal oligarchy in a state where men were free but not equal. He returned to it under the Dictatorship of Caesar,1

lic, liberty and the laws against the forces of anarchy or despotism. He would stand as firm as Cato had stood, he would b

ὰρ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἀδ∈λϕὸν ∈ὐσέβ∈ιαν καὶ ἐπωνυμίαν ἑαντῷ Πί∈ταν ἐπέθ∈το. He struck coins with his brother’s head on the obver

alutis atque incolumitatis causam suscipere, ut vere dicam, coegit. ’ He urged that ‘misericordia’ should not be regarded

g him to surrender the province. That point Cicero could not dispute. He therefore had resort to the most impudent sophist

histries, delivering a solemn and patriotic panegyric upon treason. 1 He demonstrated that if a private army was raised ag

Antonius: Antonius, he said, was an assassin, a brigand, a Spartacus. He must be crushed and would be crushed, as once Sen

ho did not? But Plancus, it is clear, was coolly waiting upon events. He already possessed the reputation of a time-server

or out of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all. The pessimistic and clear-si

politics lapsed for the rest of the month. But Cicero did not relent. He proclaimed the revival of the Senate’s authority,

ed up the Flaminia to Ariminum but not to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicero and Antonius. But he

be presumed that his agents were at work in Macedonia and elsewhere. He was aided by the retiring proconsul of Macedonia,

ity of Apollonia. Even more spectacular was the success of Cassius. He went to Syria, a province where he was known and

ith Dolabella. 3 Cicero could not resist the challenge to his talent. He quoted, mocked and refuted the Antonian manifesto

populo nec cuiquam bono probatur. ’ PageBook=>174 separately. He met and broke the army of Pansa at Forum Gallorum

1 Seven days later, Antonius was forced to risk a battle at Mutina. He was defeated but not routed; on the other side, H

t seem. Antonius broke away, moving along the Aemilia, on April 22nd. He secured a start of two days, for D. Brutus went t

mpeius had already promised his aid to the Republic against Antonius. He was rewarded by a vote of thanks on March 20th. T

Caesarians to repent and close their ranks. Octavianus made no move. He remained in the neighbourhood of Bononia and awai

westwards. Antonius was able to enter Gallia Narbonensis unmolested. He reached Forum Julii towards the middle of the mon

t the dangers of fraternization as had been the generals of Pompeius. He did not wish to be nor could he have subjugated t

nd harassed by petulant missives from Cicero, Brutus trudged onwards. He reached Plancus towards the end of June. Their co

t recruits were worth. 4 A lull followed. Antonius was in no hurry. He waited patiently for time, fear and propaganda to

make his way through the Alpine lands by a wide circuit to Macedonia. He was trapped and killed by a Gallic chieftain. It

iends laid upon his extreme youth was becoming more and more irksome. He would show them. Cicero entered into the origin

nus with clear perception of the dangers of their equivocal alliance. He had not been deluded then. 2 But during the month

ri volumus, fluxisse ex fonte consiliorum meorum. ’ 4 Ib. 1, 10, 3. He there describes Octavianus as ‘meis consiliis adh

vious autumn. Brutus was evidently afraid of some such manoeuvre. 4 He remained in Macedonia, though a vote of the Senat

the East, invading Italy and restoring the Republic through violence. He did not believe in violence. At Athens he looked

o much an instrument for war as security and a basis for negotiation. He was reluctant to force the pace and preclude comp

mit to Brutus the ruinous failure of the alliance with Caesar’s heir. He asseverated his responsibility for that policy. B

the second time in ten months Caesar’s heir set out to march on Rome. He crossed the Rubicon at the head of eight legions

patrimony for purposes of the State, and now the State made requital. He seized the treasury, which, though depleted, coul

he Senate against Antonius and refusing to recognize the Triumvirate. He then became involved in war with T. Sextius, the

d of Rome, compassion and even excuse was found in later generations. He composed his own autobiography; other apologists

try, was averse from any radical redistribution of property in Italy. He maintained the grants of Sulla. Further, many of

ar was by no means homogeneous, and the Dictator stood above parties. He did not champion one class against another. If he

henobarbus); Velleius 2, 71, 2 (Lucullus). 4 Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 3. He fell in battle, Plutarch, Brutus 51. 5 Ib. 1, 1

ius Flaccus. 7 Above, p. 171. 8 Ad M. Brutum 1, 12, 1, cf. 15, 1. He was the son of the consul of 61 B.C. His half- br

yrna towards the end of the year 43. Cassius had a success to report. He had encountered Dolabella, defeated him in battle

colleague, and from the consul P. Servilius, Octavianus got no help. He was actively hindered by the other consul, L. Ant

his dignitas. 2 The consul marched on Rome, easily routing Lepidus. He was welcomed by the populace and by the Senate wi

ination of a faction. But L. Antonius did not hold the city for long. He advanced northward in the hope of effecting a jun

mpany, had retired to southern Etruria. His situation was precarious. He had already recalled his marshal Salvidienus, who

in dealing with L. Antonius, that was the least of his difficulties. He might easily be overwhelmed by the Antonian gener

pitulation. 5 These were episodes: L. Antonius was the central theme. He sought to break away to the north. Agrippa and Sa

and a brief siege, expecting prompt relief from Pollio and Ventidius. He was quickly undeceived. Octavianus at once invest

begun. Yet Octavianus was in no way at the end of his difficulties. He was master of Italy, a land of famine, desolation

ught aid where he could, an accommodation with the master of the sea. He sent Maecenas on a diplomatic mission to Sicily a

lthy cities of Asia, the prey of both sides in Rome’s intestine wars. He exacted nine years’ tribute, to be paid in two. A

rlier stages of the dissensions in Italy, Antonius was well apprised. He could not intervene the confiscations and the all

funds in the East in which perhaps he had not been very successful. 2 He felt that he was well out of the tangle. Of subse

ed forces and sailed for Greece. At Athens he met Fulvia and Plancus. He heard the reproaches of the one and the excuses o

(Suetonius, Divus Aug. 15). 5 So E. Groag, Klio xiv (1914), 43 ff. He argues that Antonius committed a serious and irre

lancus was afraid. Ahenobarbus struck his flag and joined Antonius. 1 He had already been secured by Pollio. 2 Brundisiu

Pollio. 2 Brundisium, the gate of Italy, refused to admit Antonius. He laid siege to the city. Then Sex. Pompeius showed

onius. He laid siege to the city. Then Sex. Pompeius showed his hand. He had already expelled from Sardinia M. Lurius the

s seven legions. 2 The western frontier of his dominions was the sea. He maintained a large fleet here, protecting the coa

soon found it advisable or necessary to make war upon Sex. Pompeius. He invited Antonius to come to Italy for a conferenc

enty ships against the promise of twenty thousand legionary soldiers. He never received them. Antonius departed. Before

the conviction grew upon him that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may have hoped that his military genius as well a

Corcyra in the late summer of the year he sent Octavia back to Italy. He may already have tired of Octavia. Anything that

gave standing, security and the possession of the western provinces. He at once dispatched to Gaul and Spain the ablest a

orced Scribonia, his senior by many years and a tiresome character. 1 He then contracted with unseemly haste an alliance t

his life he surrendered to emotion: it was with political advantage. He fell in love with Livia Drusilla, a young matron

or cajoled, perhaps through Antonius. Octavianus now had the ships. He needed crews and a harbour. Twenty thousand freed

cquired and practised the arts of the military demagogue for nothing. He entered the camp of Lepidus, with the name of Cae

ir was granted sacrosanctity such as tribunes of the plebs enjoyed. 7 He had already usurped the practice of putting a mil

courage and a sense of destiny had triumphed over incalculable odds. He had loyal and unscrupulous friends like Agrippa a

plight at the time of the War of Perusia has already been described. He was saved in war and diplomacy by his daring and

imself, nothing is recorded between 40 and 19 B.C. 7 Dio 48, 30, 7. He was later an admiral at Actium (Velleius 2, 85, 2

issimus iuvenis’, fought for liberty at Philippi and was proud of it. He then followed Antonius for a time, it is uncertai

may have come with ships from Antonius as did Bibulus and Atratinus. He is not attested with Octavianus before 36 B.C. Th

e, was in a position of distinct advantage over the distant Antonius. He easily found in the years that followed the men t

peian. That was not the only advantage now resting with Octavianus. He had cleared the sea of pirates, eliminated Lepidu

young Caesar, winning him adherents from every class and every party. He redoubled his efforts, and Rome witnessed a conte

nius, the young Caesar built not only for splendour and for the gods. He invoked public utility. His minister NotesPage=

ted the ambition of Sallustius and his belief in reform and progress. He had once composed pamphlets, indicating a program

civil war, the sombre, intense and passionate chapters of Thucydides. He could not have chosen better, if choice there was

avity, concision and, above all, an immortal rapidity of narrative. 5 He had certainly forged a style all of his own, shun

aic in collocation of words, hard and archaic NotesPage=>248 1 He was proconsul of Africa Nova in 46‖45 B.C. 2 Di

tor in the Hellenistic vein, renowned as the inventor of Roman elegy. He first emerges into authentic history when Pollio

historical record to emerge after nine years in splendour and power. He had probably gone eastwards with Antonius soon af

nd varied, though not always creditable, was on the watch for talent. He gathered an assortment of poets, offering protect

pt from the lectures of philosophers into the army of the Liberators. He fought at Philippi, for the Republic but not from

, a distrust of sentiment and a realistic conception of human life. He insisted upon modernity, both in style and in sub

which lie this side of romantic eroticism or mythological erudition. He wished to transcend and supersede both the archai

48, 33, 5. 5 Strabo, p. 660. 6 Ib., p. 574. PageBook=>260 He had Caesar’s eye for talent. After the Pact of Br

favours fiscal and honorific to cities and to prominent individuals. He rewarded Theopompus and other Cnidians, Potamo th

Petraeus and Menedemus (ib.). 6 Cf. PIR1, P 835. (Strabo, p. 949.). He was worth twelve million denarii. His daughter wa

oman provinces, but by an extension of the sphere of vassal kingdoms. He adopted the plan of campaign attributed to Caesar

he marched without respite or delay to Syria, for Armenia was unsafe. He postponed the revenge upon Artavasdes. It was a

brother, whichever way the adversary moved. 3 Antonius was resentful. He accepted the troops. Octavia had come as far as A

her to go back to Rome, unchivalrous for the first time in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus: but he learned too l

arched into Armenia, captured and deposed the treacherous Artavasdes. He turned the land into a Roman province, leaving th

(IG II2, 4110: Athens). L. Cocceius Nerva did not become consul. 3 He had charge of the correspondence and seal-ring of

gin of Titius is unknown possibly Picene, cf. CIL IX, 4191 (Auximum). He was cos. suff. in 31 B.C. 5 P-W VII, 375 ff. He

IX, 4191 (Auximum). He was cos. suff. in 31 B.C. 5 P-W VII, 375 ff. He was governing Asia for Antonius in 35 (Dio 49, 17

Dellius’ changes of side, Seneca, Suasoriae 1, 7; Velleius, 2, 84, 2. He was employed by Antonius on confidential missions

487 f. (gold and silver, with two types of portrait). 2 lb. 510 ff. He took a fleet to Sicily in 36 B.C. to help Octavia

in Thessaly describes him as πρєσβєυτάν καὶ ἀντυστράτηγὸν (ILS 9461). He was a Calpurnius Bestia by birth. It is not quite

the ambition of Antonius might have moved farther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his alle

he acts of Antonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto. He took his stand upon legality and upon the plighte

nding before the law, for the triumviral powers had come to an end. 6 He was not dismayed: he took no NotesPage=>277

at least. PageBook=>278 steps to have his position legalized. He respected the constitution and dispensed with it.

nds. Returning to Rome, on his own initiative he summoned the Senate. He had discarded the name of Triumvir. But he posses

Triumvir. But he possessed auctoritas and the armed power to back it. He entered the Curia, surrounded by soldiers and adh

al of thirty legions1 and a vast fleet was disposed along the coasts. He was confident and ready for the struggle but migh

of nobiles, yet accused of monarchic designs, was the great exemplar. He was the champion, friend and patron of the leadin

al struggle. One man, however, stood firm, the uncompromising Pollio. He had been a loyal friend of old to Antonius, of wh

s of all Italy, usurped authority and the conduct of a patriotic war. He proceeded to declare Antonius stripped of his pow

ed to appeal to the legions to stand in battle against their kinsmen. He might be able to employ sea-power with a mastery

2 Dio 51, 4, 3. There is no indication of the date of his desertion. He had previously been with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Pluta

Antonius 63; Dio 50, 13, 6; Velleius 2, 84, 2; Suetonius, Nero 3, 2. He died shortly afterwards. 4 Plutarch, Antonius 6

to induce his soldiers to march away through Macedonia, but in vain. He had to escape to Antonius. After some days the le

on his hands, with many legions to be paid, demobilized or employed. He sent Agrippa at once to Italy. The work must begi

He sent Agrippa at once to Italy. The work must begin without delay. He had not gone farther east than Samos when he was

before death. After brief resistance Antonius was defeated in battle. He took his own life. The army of the Roman People e

and queens. The Roman imperator seized the heritage of the Ptolemies. He claimed, using official language, to have added t

none the less his command in Spain may have preceded that of Taurus. He is not mentioned at Actium. As for Gaul, Dio reco

partisans. 3 In the summer of 29 B.C. Octavianus returned to Italy. He entered Rome on August 13th. During three success

excluded. On his habits, Seneca, Suasoriae 7, 13; Pliny, NH 14, 147. He once threw a wine-cup in the face of M. Agrippa.

y larger total was costly to maintain and a menace to internal peace. He appears to have decided upon a permanent establis

and he was acclaimed in forms and language once used of Alexander. 2 He was now building for himself a royal mausoleum be

go, under what name were the Caesarian party and its leader to rule? He had resigned the title of Triumvir, but it might

of the Senate and the People. By what right had it been in his hand? He indicates that it was through general consent tha

his virtues inscribed thereon, clemency, valour, justice and piety. 2 He had founded—or was soon to found—the Roman State

nd piety. 2 He had founded—or was soon to found—the Roman State anew. He might therefore have been called Romulus, for the

, Divus Aug. 7, 2. 3 Dio’s account is anachronistic and misleading. He states that Augustus resigned to the Senate the p

ion provided by the contemporary Strabo (p. 840) free of anachronism. He says that Augustus took as his portion ὅση στρατɩ

ted, accepted no magistracy that ran contrary to the ‘mos maiorum’. 3 He did not need to. As it stood, the Roman constitut

g it as his dearest wish to be known as the ‘optimi status auctor’. 2 He called it the Optimus status’ himself: the writer

advice on weighty matters—and never tempted by ambition into danger. He could afford in the magnanimity of success to pas

tion in his turn. The plebs of Rome was Caesar’s inherited clientela. He fed them with doles, amused them with games and c

Caesar in his wisdom had chosen, with or without formal commendation. He controlled all the armies of the Roman People, in

of antiquities, was a scholar not wholly devoid of historical sense. He states that Augustus twice thought of restoring t

er years of his presidency. 5 Augustus’ purpose was just the reverse. He controlled government and patronage, especially t

(1931); M. Hammond, The Augustan Principate (1933). 6 Dio 52, ι, ι. He calls the preceding epoch the age of the δυναστεῖ

quivocal as official acts and official history sought to demonstrate. He feared the nobiles, his enemies. Consulars with a

IR2, A 961), was the son of Augustus’ half-sister Octavia (ILS 8963). He was legate of Illyricum in 8 B.C. (Cassiodorus, C

at would take time. Augustus’ provincia at once called for attention. He turned first to the provinces of the West, settin

ement in history. 3 In 26 B.C. Augustus took the field in person. 4 He marched northwards against the Cantabrians from a

d. The campaign was grim and arduous. Augustus fell grievously ill. He sought healing from Pyrenean springs and solace i

ly in 23 a proconsul of Macedonia, a certain M. Primus, gave trouble. He was arraigned in the courts for high treason on a

the government could have continued for a time. Augustus recovered. He was saved by cold baths, a prescription of the ph

civil war the Varro in charge of Syria was perhaps Murena’s brother. He fades from recorded history. When M. Agrippa went

popular clamour that Augustus should assume the office of Dictator. 6 He refused, but consented to take charge of the corn

a name more than mortal, Augustus stood aloof from ordinary mankind. He liked to fancy that there was something in his ga

om the social and moral programme which he was held to have inspired. He was no puppet: but the deeds for which he secured

ke of his counsel. Yet the position of Maecenas had been compromised. He could not withstand Agrippa. Maecenas made a fata

Maecenas might be dropped, but not Agrippa; and so Agrippa prevailed. He did not approve of the exorbitant honours accorde

nced rumour and baffled conspiracy by openly designating a successor. He might adopt his nephew. Such was perhaps his secr

. PageBook=>344 Agrippa’s nature was stubborn and domineering. He would yield to Augustus, but to no other man, and

lity was logical and intimidating. Agrippa did not stop at aqueducts. He composed and published a memorandum which advocat

a was not, Agrippa never could be, the brother and equal of Augustus. He was not Divi filius, not Augustus’, he lacked the

ustus remembered, rewarded and promoted the humblest of his soldiers. He defended in person the veteran Scutarius in a cou

(ILS 913) may illustrate the names ending in ‘-idius’. 3 ILS 5925. He has two gentilicia. Each of them is found at Canu

on. But P. Ovidius Naso was not disposed to serve the Roman People. He might have become a lawyer, a Roman senator, a pr

to the Senate of Rome το ς κορυϕαίους ξ ἁπάντων τ ν θν ν (52, 19, 3). He suitably designates them as τούς τ∈ γ∈νναιoτάτους

o forgive the man of the proscriptions. The Princeps had his revenge. He did not care to exclude any large body of nobiles

The Senate had been purged once. That was not enough for Augustus. He may have hoped to renew the work in 22 B.C.: he d

ods, he reduced the Senate from eight hundred to six hundred members. He professed half that size to be ideal and desirabl

the consulate, would do well to seek the approbation of the Princeps. He did not nominate candidates that would have been

orth having to the aristocracy. From one fraud Augustus was debarred. He had already restored the Republic once he could n

table individuals into a company for suppressing outbreaks of fire. 3 He won immense favour with the mob and was elected p

endour of that last effulgence before the war of Pompeius and Caesar. He persevered for a long time, hardly ever admitting

=>374 1 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 15. 2 Cicero, Pro Murena, passim. 3 He hoped to stand for the consulate in 67 B.C. (Val.

neca, Controv. 1, 2, 3; 7, 5, 10; 10, 4, 25. 5 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 75. He was the grandson of a Sullan centurion. 6 PIR1,

n the ramification of family alliances were formidable and fantastic. He neglected no relative, however obscure, however d

ts not yet consular, like the Aelii Lamiae. 9 NotesPage=>382 1 He was pontifex at least as early as 64 B.C., Macrob

n. Magius of Larinum (Pro Cluentio 21 and 33). 4 Velleius 2, 76, 1. He had been a praefectus fabrum of Pompeius, of M. B

vi f. Aug. | L. Tario Ruf. pro | pr. | leg. X Fret. | pontem fecit. ’ He is not described as ‘proconsul’. This may mean th

s patron continuously, in the Spanish wars and against Mithridates. 3 He was one of the three legates who governed Spain f

rs, the obscure Petreius was also in high repute as a military man. 4 He may have served in Spain before Varro certainly h

7 subsequently, it may be, legate of Syria. 8 NotesPage=>398 1 He is attested at some time between 13 and 8 B.C. (J

aquarum thus officially constituted the first president was Messalla. He held the post until his death. Ateius Capito foll

adornment of the city which was the capital of Italy and the Empire. He boasted that he found Rome a city of brick and le

power as the Princeps encroaches everywhere, grasping more and more. He retains his imperium in the city of Rome ; 2 he c

en and public debate: they were now decided in secret by a few men. 1 He is right. If Augustus wished his rule to retain t

liate any inconveniences that might arise from that alarming novelty. He instructed the Senate to appoint a committee to c

tructed, to honour Augustus, a Caesareum in the city of Beneventum. 2 He also formed the habit of feeding his lampreys wit

y not unfairly be attributed to the great road-builder and organizer. He did not live to see the consummation of the campa

or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two boys, the one i

nd the measure and proportions of a Roman politician or party leader. He had assumed the stature of a monarch and the sure

mand of the great northern armies, passing from Illyricum to Germany. He is described as cruel, arrogant and extravagant,

=>423 1 Messalla’s family-relations are exceedingly complicated. He was married at least twice (one of his wives was

Messalla Appianus, Quirinius was connected with Claudii and Valerii. He was also kin to the Libones (Tacitus, Ann. 2, 30)

d of immoral conduct by Augustus and summarily banished to an island. He provided the Senate with a document and full part

NotesPage=>426 1 Velleius alone (2, 100, 4 f.) gives the list. He says that there were others, both senators and kn

he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was unrelenting. He at once dispatched a missive to Julia, breaking o

prospects grew no brighter. His spirit appears to have been broken. He had already begged to be allowed to return, and h

of his mother. Until the fall of Lollius, Augustus remained obdurate. He now gave way what Livia had been unable to achiev

on the consent of Gaius; and Tiberius was debarred from public life. He dwelt in Rome as a private citizen. Even though t

gustus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of his own blood. He had surmounted scandal and conspiracy, merciless

e cheated, prevented from transmitting the power to the Claudii only. He was constrained to adopt a youth who perpetuated

lliance of his ill-starred brother, the husband of the younger Julia. He served with distinction under Tiberius in Illyric

of spirit, was devoured by a fatal impatience to play the politician. He was not given the command of an army. L. Arruntiu

o explain their prominence, cf. above, p. 425. 3 See above, p. 429. He was now married to an Aemilia Lepida. 4 Above,

rd drinker, the boon companion and intimate counsellor of Tiberius. 4 He was destined to hold a long tenure of the post of

t out for Illyricum, was recalled by urgent messages from his mother. He arrived in time to receive the last mandates from

r Games in 22 B.C., disappointed perhaps in the censors of that year. He departed to the eastern provinces. At once on his

f that honour, ostentatious in scruple when scruple cost him nothing. He could wait for Lepidus’ death. Better that he sho

was to honour the generals of ancient days, the builders of empire. 1 He caused their statues, with inscribed record of th

r one iugerum of land and the ‘parvum tugurium’ in which he was born. He produced eight children. 5 Ib. 3, 6, 37 f. 6

the peasant, if his life was stern and laborious, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for t

ements of the capital, by Hellenic literature, science or scepticism. He was capable of dissimulation and hypocrisy, if ev

he ancient worship of the gods appears to be deep-rooted and genuine. He admired the aristocracy, for he was not one of th

self listened to recitations with patience and even with benevolence. He insisted, however, that his praises should be sun

g of the fire and passion of the Transpadane Catullus was born again. He came from Asisium, neighbour city to unhappy Peru

the War of Perusia. 3 Propertius’ distaste for war was well- founded. He claimed to be the poet of love and of peace: pa

ertius might have been a highly remunerative investment for Maecenas. He died young or abandoned the art altogether. Ovid,

uld be useful. Ovid accepted that principle and turned it inside out. He might have instructed the youth of Rome to honour

e taken seriously in his role of a libertine or a corrupter of youth. He made the conventional excuse of the erotic poet h

us and excellent woman. 1 That did not matter. Ovid was a disgrace. He had refused to serve the State. Sulmo and the Pae

et refers was probably trivial enough. 2 But Augustus was vindictive. He wished to make a demonstration perhaps to find a

ctions to depart to Tomi, a Greek city on the coast of the Black Sea. He could hardly have been sent farther. Poetry and

the aqueducts which his son-in-law had constructed for the people. 1 He could have added that there were now public baths

as remiss, willing even to admit an accommodation with the assassins. He was only incited to pay some honour to his dead b

C. reflects his overt designs for the succession of Gaius and Lucius. He did not need it so much for himself. At the colon

s of the legate Carisius are said to have caused a rising in Spain. 2 He was dealing with Asturians, a sufficient excuse.

es. Augustus intended to keep firm control over provincial governors. He tightened the legal procedure for dealing with ca

r of his partisans. M. Titius owed benefits to the house of Pompeius. He had made an ill requital. The Pompeii were dead,

onal intervention of Augustus, who came to the court and sat there. 2 He did not need to make a speech. Such was auctorita

to draw the moral of the times, intelligent to anticipate the future. He did not intend that his retirement from politics

te of Maecenas, was an easy target. The more eminent were not immune. He even criticized Pollio. 3 Labienus also wrote his

10, praef. 4ff.: ‘summa egestas erat, summa infamia, summum odium. ’ He was called ‘Rabienus’. 3 Seneca, Controv. 4, pr

e authors of the proscriptions,5 survived the Principate of Augustus. He was prosecuted under Tiberius by a client of Seia

laimed that this form of composition was peculiarly and wholly Roman. He did not live to see his verdict confirmed by Juve

deride the new nobility, the oligarchy of government in his own day. He makes mock of the needy Greek of low degree, clev

(Ann. 16, 7 ff.). 4 Seneca, Epp. 55, 2 ff., cf. Münzer, RA, 374 f. He is described as ‘ille praetorius dives, nulla ali

not escape allegations of conspiracy against both Nerva and Trajan. 8 He was duly relegated, but not executed until the be

elderly and peaceful M. Cocceius Nerva was elevated to the purple. He had no children one of the reasons, no doubt, for

mattered much. PageBook=>501 Even Nerva seems an anachronism. He was succeeded by a man from Spain, M. Ulpius Trai

full name, C. Sallustius Crispus Passienus, cf. L’ann. ép., 1924, 72. He was married first to Nero’s aunt, Domitia, then t

only one man of this class commands an army, and a small one at that. He was Ti. Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, an old man an

ance from a lower and commercial order of society, the Roman knights. He might have to sink further yet, to make his peace

te a history of the civil wars that his own generation had witnessed. He had no illusions about the contestants or the vic

is daughter the son of a nobleman, almost the last of the Marcelli. 6 He should have had nothing to complain of under the

and and untrammelled eloquence of the closing days of the Republic. 4 He might pause when he reflected that great oratory

freedom of speech, the Principate of Nerva and the rule of Trajan. 2 He turned instead to the sombre theme of the Annals.

them. They had been selfish dynasts, but he was ‘salubris princeps’. He might easily have adopted the title of ‘Optimus p

ave parallels in the language of the Stoics, is Roman and military. 2 He would not desert his post until a higher command

that he might lay the foundations of the new order deep and secure. 2 He had done more than that. The Roman State, based f

was not plagued by remorse for his sins or by anxiety for the Empire. He quietly asked his friends whether he had played w

n the Campus Martius a huge and dynastic monument, his own Mausoleum. He may already, in the ambition to perpetuate his gl

dition and armed violence, the heir of Caesar had endured to the end. He died on the anniversary of the day when he assume