ecial mention must also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra (from which I have learned so much, though compel

iting to exploit a change. In Egypt Caesar could support a candidate, Cleopatra , against her sister and the ministers of the Ptol

tant vassal, the Queen of Egypt, to render account of her policy. 2 Cleopatra was alert and seductive. 3 Antonius, fresh from t

early spring of 40 B.C. That he had contracted ties that bound him to Cleopatra more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is,

nge of allegiance was naturally disapproval of Antonius’ conduct with Cleopatra (Appian, BC 4, 38, 161; Pliny, NH 33, 50). The wi

spera. The donation was not magnificent in extent of territories, for Cleopatra received no greater accession than did other dyna

ly later did they become a sore point and pretext for defamation. For Cleopatra the donations of Antonius marked the resurgence o

as the beginning of a new era. 1 But the relations of Antonius and Cleopatra were not merely those of proconsul and vassal-rul

uler. After Antonius’ departure from Egypt nearly four years earlier, Cleopatra had given birth to twin children, not a matter of

d that precisely on this occasion Antonius contracted a marriage with Cleopatra , reconstituting the Ptolemaic kingdom as a weddin

84, 2. He was employed by Antonius on confidential missions, to bring Cleopatra to Tarsus (Plutarch, Antonius 25), in Judaea in 4

es, the dethroned Armenian, was led in golden chains to pay homage to Cleopatra . That was not all. Another ceremony was staged in

Ptolemy Caesar true son of the Dictator and ruler in conjunction with Cleopatra , who was to be ‘Queen of Kings’ over the eastern

or gift of Antonius, were also bestowed upon the three children whom Cleopatra had borne him. Hostile propaganda has so far magn

late upon the policy and intentions of Antonius, the domination which Cleopatra had achieved over him and the nature of her own a

as the man; and the small coastal tract of Cilicia Aspera conceded to Cleopatra did not come under direct Roman government until

e substantial identity of his policy with that of Antonius. There was Cleopatra . Antonius was not the King of Egypt,1 but when he

NotesPage=>273 1 W. W. Tarn, CAH x, 81. The rulers of Egypt were Cleopatra and her eldest son Ptolemy Caesar (alleged son of

is matter exaggeration and credulity have run riot. When Antonius met Cleopatra at Tarsus, it was Aphrodite meeting Dionysus, for

his allegiance and his ideas swerved from Rome under the influence of Cleopatra ? If Antonius be denied a complete monarchic polic

his own, it does not follow that he was merely a tool in the hands of Cleopatra , beguiled by her beauty or dominated by her intel

s the enslaved sensualist belongs to popular and edifying literature. Cleopatra was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are

rstanding. Yet that is not proved. Antonius was compelled to stand by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principle as well as

s, not the basest, were his ruin. Rome, it has been claimed, feared Cleopatra but did not fear Antonius: she was planning a war

p design Antonius was but her dupe and her agent. Of the ability of Cleopatra there is no doubt: her importance in history, apa

s himself assuredly did not. 1 The propaganda of Octavianus magnified Cleopatra beyond all measure and decency. To ruin Antonius

e, Roman sentiment most easily to be worked and swayed. Years before, Cleopatra was of no moment whatsoever in the policy of Caes

rned the scale of history. The policy and ambitions of Antonius or of Cleopatra were not the true cause of the War of Actium ; 4

form of a war of ideas and a war between East and West. Antonius and Cleopatra seem merely pawns in the game of destiny. 5 The w

a danger to Rome. 2 Horace, Odes 1, 37, 21. 3 The unimportance of Cleopatra in relation to Caesar has been firmly argued by C

e. 1 Above all Octavianus attacked Antonius’ devotion to drink and to Cleopatra . Antonius retorted it was nothing new, but had be

. Antonius retorted it was nothing new, but had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As for Octavianus, what about Salvi

is favour. But Armenia was outweighed by the donations of Antonius to Cleopatra and her children, a vulnerable point for hostile

of Octavianus, or for Egypt and Egypt’s Queen? Ahenobarbus urged that Cleopatra be sent back to Egypt. Canidius the marshal disse

marshal dissented, pointing to the men, the money and the ships that Cleopatra provided for the war. 2 Canidius prevailed: it wa

rom Ephesus to Samos and from Samos to Athens. Now it might seem that Cleopatra had finally triumphed. Antonius formally divorced

as the equivalent of a declaration of war; and war would have ensued, Cleopatra or no Cleopatra. But the Queen was there: Antoniu

t of a declaration of war; and war would have ensued, Cleopatra or no Cleopatra . But the Queen was there: Antonius stood as her a

oms were soon apparent, heralding the break-up of the Antonian party. Cleopatra , however, was not the prime cause of the trouble.

1 Ahenobarbus was steadfast all through against the blandishments of Cleopatra , refusing even to salute her with the title of ‘Q

regal. Not so Munatius Plancus, who set himself to win the favour of Cleopatra , pronounced her the winner in a famed if not fabu

nts prominently at court masques in Alexandria. 3 Antonius stood by Cleopatra . Ahenobarbus hated the Queen and was averse from

pretext for desertion, it lay to hand in Antonius’ refusal to dismiss Cleopatra . But the Antonian party was already disintegratin

e parentage of Ptolemy Caesar, bequeathed legacies to the children of Cleopatra and directed that, when he died, he should be bur

ddle of a speech by Furnius, the most eloquent of the Romans, because Cleopatra was passing by in her litter, that he had bestowe

y. Wild rumours pervaded Rome and Italy. Not merely that Antonius and Cleopatra designed to conquer the West Antonius would surre

merely because Octavianus had picked the quarrel to invade Italy with Cleopatra in his company would alienate sympathy and confir

or the third time. Antonius was not outlawed that was superfluous. On Cleopatra , the Queen of Egypt, the foreign enemy, the Roman

haps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cleopatra —there could be no turning back. Patrae at the mou

Antonius himself with forty ships managed to break through and follow Cleopatra in flight to Egypt. Treachery was at work in the

a shabby affair, the worthy climax to the ignoble propaganda against Cleopatra , to the sworn and sacred union of all Italy. But

day of August. Such was the episode called the Bellum Alexandrinum. Cleopatra survived Antonius by a few days which at once pas

erviewed the Queen. 1 Diplomacy, veiled intimidation and the pride of Cleopatra found a way out. The last of the Ptolemies scorne

hy of a Roman noble in ferocia, set final consecration on the myth of Cleopatra : deliberata morte ferocior saevis Liburnis scil

uperbo non humilis mulier triumpho. 2 In satisfying the honour of Cleopatra , the bite of the asp served in double measure the

fortitude. 2 Antonius’ eldest son was also killed. The children of Cleopatra presented a more delicate problem. ‘A multitude o

rangements, cf. Tarn, CAH X, 113 ff. PageBook=>301 children of Cleopatra , whatever they might be and whatever they were wo

e of Antonius, 221 f.; actions in 39–37 B.C., 221 ff.; relations with Cleopatra , 214 f., 260 f., 273 ff., 281; organization of th

aign towards the Caucasus, 224, 264; in 35–33 B.C., 265, 266; against Cleopatra , 280; in the War of Actium, 294, 296 f.; death, 3

Cilicia, no longer a province, 260, 271 f. Cilicia Aspera, given to Cleopatra , 260, 271; cities founded there, 281. Cilicia Cam

lementia, 51, 65, 159 f., 299, 442, 480. Cleon, the brigand, 259. Cleopatra , Queen of Egypt, 6, 214, 259; relations with Caes

itions, 274; alleged designs, 283; relative unimportance, 274; end of Cleopatra , 298 f.; the legend, 299; her children, 261, 270,

ican party leader, 268, 281, 495; in 32 B.C., 276, 278, 281; dislikes Cleopatra , 281; loyalty of, 281, 282; desertion and death o

254; style and character, 255, 461; on Marsians and Apulians, 287; on Cleopatra , 299; on Caesar, 318; on Varro Murena, 334; his O

onsul of Asia, 223; of Syria, 232; as an Antonian, 264, 267; flatters Cleopatra , 281; deserts, 280 f.; proposes the name ‘Augustu

ff., 208, 218, 256; poetry as, 251 ff., 460 ff.; against Antonius and Cleopatra , 270 f., 273, 275, 289, 305; in the Principate, 4