isan of Caesar and of Antonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about Livy. Yet, in the end, the Principate h

Philippi; and the memory of Antonius is overwhelmed by the oratory of Cicero , by fraud and fiction, and by the catastrophe at

ssful champions of political liberty sympathy has seldom been denied. Cicero was a humane and cultivated man, an enduring infl

he perished a victim of violence and despotism. The fame and fate of Cicero , however, are one thing: quite different is the e

of literature when studied in isolation from history. The writings of Cicero survive in bulk, and Augustus is glorified in the

πἀντα πϵριϵλθϵȋν. PageBook=>005 without being an apologia for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A section

ome unconventional, NotesPage=>006 1 Pollio’s three letters to Cicero are valuable documents (Ad fam. 10, 31–3), especi

echnical term, but its connotation is pretty clear. (As Gelzer shows, Cicero , with all the goodwill in the world, cannot attri

breach in the walls a faction among the nobiles had opened the gates. Cicero would have preserved both dignity and peace of mi

is Romae’ (ib. 31, 7). 3 Cf. H. Strasburger, P-W XVII, 1223 ff. 4 Cicero , De lege agraria II, 3 ff. 5 The manual on elec

ical life, Römische Adelsparteien u. Adelsfamilien (1920), 427 f. 2 Cicero , De off. 1, 25; in a milder form, Pliny, NH 33, 1

burdens, the dangers and the extravagant display of a senator’s life. Cicero , a knight’s son from a small town, succumbed to h

ss. Breslau, 1932): in the sense of ‘personal honour’, ib. 36 ff. 3 Cicero , Pro Sestio 137. Office was accessible to the ‘in

the equestrian order, the ornament and bulwark of the Roman State. 2 Cicero never spoke against these ‘homines honestissimi’

tate quae multi probi potius quam laborem cum honoribus capessebant’; Cicero , Pro Cluentio 153; Pro Rabirio Postumo 13. 2 Ci

s capessebant’; Cicero, Pro Cluentio 153; Pro Rabirio Postumo 13. 2 Cicero , Pro Piando 23: ‘flos enim equitum Romanorum, orn

For example, Fufidius, an ‘eques Romanus ornatissimus’, left money to Cicero (Ad Att. 11, 14, 3). On the activities of this man

ulum, pointed out that he had a knight and a freedman for neighbours ( Cicero , De legibus 3, 30). PageBook=>015 of their

policy of the imperial Republic as consul or as one of the principes. Cicero lacked the full equipment. He imagined that orato

ronian party. The Roman politician had to be the leader of a faction. Cicero fell short of that eminence both when a consul an

ompeius the command in Spain, not ‘pro consule’ but ‘pro consulibus’ ( Cicero , Phil. II, 18). On his high repute as a wit, cf.

consulibus’ (Cicero, Phil. II, 18). On his high repute as a wit, cf. Cicero , Brutus 173; as a gourmet, Varro, RR 3, 3, 9. For

ne of them, ‘si quintum pareret mater eius, asinum fuisse parituram’ ( Cicero , De oratore 2, 267). 2 BMC, R. Rep. I, 155. 3

who divorced her, making shocking allegations (Plutarch, Lucullus 34; Cicero , Pro Milone 73, &c.). PageBook=>021 Se

µȃλλoν ἳσχυϵν ὁ Kρἀσσoς, ἐν δὲ τ δήµῳ µέγα τò Πoµπƞΐoυ ĸρἀτoς ν. 2 Cicero , De re publica 3, 23: ‘cum autem certi propter di

ealth and tastes of Lucullus, P-W XIII, 411 f. Frequent complaints of Cicero about the ‘piscinarii’ in 60 B.C., e.g. Ad Att. 1

and of Q. Marcius Rex (Dio 36, 17, 2). He hoped to inherit from Rex ( Cicero , Ad Att. 1, 16, 10). 5 Asconius 17 = p. 19 Clar

ela carried many votes. 5 The oligarchy knew their man. They admitted Cicero to shut out Catilina. The consulate, gained by

n his ‘iracundia’, Caesar, BC 3, 16, 3. 4 P. Clodius was an ally of Cicero against Catilina. The Claudii were presumably try

t he should divorce her and marry Clodia, provoked a breach by making Cicero give testimony at the trial of Clodius for impiet

Cicero give testimony at the trial of Clodius for impiety (Plutarch, Cicero 29). 5 Comm. pet. 6: ‘praeterea adulescentis no

nus, Cato and his kinsmen NotesPage=>026 1 This was notorious. Cicero could not deny it, cf. Ad Att. 12, 21, 1. 2 Sal

os. 88 B.C., cf. Appian, BC 1, 63, 284. 3 Plutarch, Pompeius 1. 4 Cicero , quoted by Asconius 70 (= p. 79 Clark): ‘hominem

ved by Philippus, Hortensius and by the Marian leader Papirius Carbo ( Cicero , Brutus 230; Val. Max. 5, 3, 5; 6, 2, 8). 6 Plu

mbitious politicians who had publicly spoken for the Lex Manilia were Cicero and Caesar, not ceasing to solicit and claim the

Italy as he had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius never forgave Cicero . But Cicero was not the real enemy. It was the

had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius never forgave Cicero. But Cicero was not the real enemy. It was the habit of Pom

on land, cf. C. Cichorius, R. Studien, 189 ff. 4 Pseudo-Asconius on Cicero , Div. in Caec, p. 189 St. Sallust (Hist. 4, 43 M)

. Cupra Maritima (ILS 878). 6 Labienus certainly came from Picenum ( Cicero , Pro Rabirio perduellionis reo 22), presumably fr

to Italy to establish public order. 6 Nepos also silenced the consul Cicero and forbade by veto a great speech from the savio

(Dio 37, 27, 3). 5 Velleius 2, 40, 40; Dio 37, 21, 4. 6 Plutarch, Cicero 23; Cato minor 26; Dio 37, 43, 1. 7 Plutarch, C

6 Plutarch, Cicero 23; Cato minor 26; Dio 37, 43, 1. 7 Plutarch, Cicero 23; Dio 37, 38, 2. 8 Plutarch, Cato minor 29; D

t. More significant evidence of Pompeius’ weakness was the conduct of Cicero . He leapt boldly into the fray, and slashed the b

imed at the same time that he was doing a good service to Pompeius. 1 Cicero was in high spirits and fatal confidence. At vari

nephew. 7 But NotesPage=>034 1 Ad Att. 1, 19, 4. 2 Plutarch, Cicero 29. 3 Ad Att. 1, 16, 8. 4 Ib. 1, 18, 6: ‘Pomp

ed in 67 B.C.) and bearing, as his official name, ‘Q. Caepio Brutus’ ( Cicero , Phil. 10, 25, &c). For a discussion of other

cy of Pompeius was highly unstable. As a demonstration and a warning, Cicero was sacrificed to Clodius. Not content thus to sa

PageBook=>037 Pompeius in reply worked for the restitution of Cicero , and at length achieved it. For himself, after a

aking him sacrifice Caesar in return for alliance with the oligarchy. Cicero took heart. He proclaimed the ideal of a conserva

ce or their illusions. Ahenobarbus was robbed of his consulate, and Cicero was compelled to give private guarantees of good

am. 1, 9, 8 f. Pompeius had probably lent perfidious encouragement to Cicero . Cicero, of course, complains of having been let

, 8 f. Pompeius had probably lent perfidious encouragement to Cicero. Cicero , of course, complains of having been let down by

, other consuls timid or NotesPage=>040 1 On his ancestry, cf. Cicero , Brutus 212 f.; his ignorance about a detail of f

1 Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus (cos. 72) was a plebeian by birth ( Cicero , De imp. Cn. Pompei 58), hence probably a Claudiu

ote also the championing of a wronged Gaul by Cn. Domitius (cos. 96), Cicero , In Verrem 11, 1, 118. PageBook=>045 consu

s, and two novi homines, the Pompeian general Afranius and the orator Cicero , pathetically loyal to a leader of whose insincer

pride, Ap. Claudius took a peculiar delight in rebuffing or harrying Cicero , and the Metelli had given him a pointed reminder

guidance or to be discarded if recalcitrant. NotesPage=>044 1 Cicero , Phil. 13, 28 f.: not veracious, however, for two

oin Caesar, Ad Att. 9, 18, 2. The laudatory epithets here attached by Cicero to the other consulars will not mislead: too much

228. On the character of Ap. Pulcher, P-W III, 2849 ff. 4 Celer to Cicero (Adfam. 5, i, i); Tamiliae nostrae dignitas. ’ Ci

f. 4 Celer to Cicero (Adfam. 5, i, i); Tamiliae nostrae dignitas. ’ Cicero uses the words ‘Appietas’ and 'Lentulitas’, ib. 3

1, 7, 7; 8, 3; 3, 91, 2; BG 8, 52, 4; Suetonius, Divus Iulius 33; 72; Cicero , Ad Att. 7, 11, 1: ‘atque haec ait omnia facere s

vult. ’ 2 Below, c. V and c. VI. 3 For example, Ahenobarbus’ son ( Cicero , Phil. 2, 27). PageBook=>052 To rule, he n

lius, who passed from words to deeds and perished in an armed rising. Cicero , when lauding the clemency and magnanimity of the

T. Ampius Balbus. But cf. Caesar’s favourite quotation about tyranny ( Cicero , De off, 3, 82). PageBook=>054 State in hi

n the best of contemporary evidence, the voluminous correspondence of Cicero . 4 Moreover, the whole theme of divine honours is

alike to the domination of Sulla and the arbitrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from Arpinum

D. Nock, CAH X, 489 (with reference to honours paid to Augustus). 2 Cicero , Pro Sulla 22. 3 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 79, 2.

f an Emperor (SHA Severus 18, 11): ‘omnia fui et nihil expedit. ’ 4 Cicero , De off. 1, 26: ‘declaravit id modo temeritas C.

rumque exsistunt honoris imperii potentiae gloriae cupiditates. ’ 5 Cicero , Phil. 1, 38 and Ad fam. 10, 1, 1, adapting to hi

hy were already an object of misrepresentation to his contemporaries ( Cicero , Pro Murena 61 ff.; cf. Ad Att. 2, 1, 8: ‘dicit e

the two brothers P. Mucius Scaevola and P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus ( Cicero , De re puhlica i, 31). Pulcher and Crassus were t

i, Metellus (Creticus) and Hortensius. On Hortensius’ death, cf. esp. Cicero , Brutus 6 f. The venerable M. Perperna (cos. 92,

ditam causam imposuit’ (Ad fam. 8, 17, 1). 5 On Curio as an orator, Cicero , Brutus 280 f.; on Caelius, Tacitus, Dial. 25, 3,

much-maligned character P. Vatinius see L. G. Pocock, A Commentary on Cicero in Vatinium (1926), 29 ff. Of former Pompeian tri

cenum might be captured by the arts, the gold NotesPage=>067 1 Cicero , De prov. cons. 10: ‘iam vero publicanos miseros

s servituti. ’ A sad decline from those earlier merits once lauded by Cicero (Asconius 63 = p. 72 Clark). 2 Pompeius spoke p

). 2 Pompeius spoke publicly in favour of his agent and constrained Cicero to undertake his defence: with how much sincerity

, and NotesPage=>068 1 On Labienus’ desertion, Dio 41, 4, 4; Cicero , Ad Att. 7, 12, 5, &c. He was solicited in 50

r claimed, among other patricians, the worthy Ti. Claudius Nero, whom Cicero desired for son-in-law, and the debauched P. Corn

t;069 1 Q. Fabius Maximus, who died in his consulate (45 B.C.). 2 Cicero would have preferred Nero (Ad Att. 6, 6, 1). On h

uere possent? ’ 5 BC 3, 91, 2. 6 For example, BC 3, 53, 4 f., cf. Cicero , Ad Att. 14, 10, 2 (Scaeva as a type). PageBook

2; 4, 21, 1 and 23, 5; 6, 41, 2; 8, 23, 4 and 48, 1; BC 3, 60, 4. 2 Cicero , Ad Att. 7, 7, 6; Catullus 29, 1 ff., &c, cf.

assaults were delivered upon the wavering and despondent loyalties of Cicero . 1 C. Oppius probably belonged to a substantial

me up for trial, both Pompeius and Crassus defended the man of Gades. Cicero also spoke. Envious detractors there might be but

re of certain political intrigues, the fate of Balbus and the role of Cicero would have been very different. Balbus ruled hi

nd in the pact of 60 B.C. In December of that year he sought to bring Cicero into it, Ad Att. 2, 3, 3. 4 Cicero, Pro Balbo 5

of that year he sought to bring Cicero into it, Ad Att. 2, 3, 3. 4 Cicero , Pro Balbo 58: ‘nam huic quidem ipsi quis est umq

d slayer of Saturninus, and a man of substance (Ad Att. 1, 6, 1). 5 Cicero , Pro C. Rabirio Postumo 3: ‘fuit enim pueris nobi

alpurnius Piso was a business man called Calventius from that colony, Cicero , In Pisonem fr. II = Asconius 4 (p. 5, Clark), &a

ds to Pompeius’ son, ib. 22, 4 f. 2 SIG3 751 ff. As for Theophanes, Cicero speaks of his auctoritas with Pompeius (Ad Att. 5

. P-W V A, 2090 ff. 3 For example, in Thessaly (BC 3, 34, 4; 35, 2; Cicero , Phil. 13, 33). Note also men of Cnidus (SIG3 761

2; 27, 1; 47, 3; 48, 22, 3; Suetonius, Divus Iulius 76, 3 and 80, 2; Cicero , Ad Jam. 6, 18, 1; De div. 2, 23; De off. 2, 29;

grant Roman NotesPage=>079 1 C. Fuficius Fango (Dio 48, 22, 3; Cicero , Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). A man of this name was a mun

m in curiam. Galli bracas deposuerunt, latum clavum sumpserunt. 3 Cicero , Phil. 3, 13: ‘est enim ille flos Italiae, illud

before his Dictatorship NotesPage=>080 1 Caesar, BC 1, 66, 3; Cicero , Phil. 11, 12; 13, 27, &c, discussed in JRS X

ns a new government of national concentration had been established. Cicero shuddered to think that he would have to sit in t

tated Gabinius. 2 That assembly now harboured many other clients whom Cicero had once defended, not, as Gabinius, under pressu

ter and principle who had been condemned on a charge of corruption. 3 Cicero should have sought consolation: he could now see

a knight of paramount station and dignity, once a devoted adherent of Cicero , for activities in whose cause he had been Note

a’ (‘Sallust’, Ad Caesarem 2, 11, 3) or ‘iam ex tota Italia delecti’ ( Cicero , Pro Sulla 24). There are plenty of odd but signi

‘ignoti homines et repentini small-town orators who became quaestors ( Cicero , Brutus 242), C. Billienus, ‘homo per se magnus’,

e a publicanus, but rising to be governor of Asia (Val. Max. 6, 9, 7; Cicero , Pro Flacco 45). 2 Ad Att. 10, 8, 3 3 M. Cisp

ions. Rabirius did not merely declaim about fleets and armies, vexing Cicero : he commanded them. 2 Above all, Caesar recruit

Pro Cluentio 23; 109; 196; Sallust, BC 17, 4. 4 e.g., L. Visidius ( Cicero , Phil. 7, 24) or, earlier, Minatus Magius of Aecl

etusto nobilis ab Lamo. ’ 2 Suetonius, Vitellius 1 f. 3 Plutarch, Cicero 1 4 L. Visidius (Phil. 7, 24), cf. the ‘deus Vi

atis lupos nisi silva, in quam refugere solerent, esset excisa. ’ 5 Cicero , Pro Caecina 102; Ad Att. 1, 19, 4, &c. Volat

nius and Labienus. 4 The defeated still had to wait for a champion. Cicero was lavish with appeals to the sentiments and loy

and L. Visidius was one of the partisans who watched over the life of Cicero when Catilina, threatening revolution, provoked a

from Reate is recorded, in fact the grandfather of Caesar’s adherent ( Cicero , De nat. deorum 2, 6; Val. Max. 1, 8, 1). On the

cero, De nat. deorum 2, 6; Val. Max. 1, 8, 1). On the Sabine country, Cicero , Pro Ligarlo 32: ‘possum fortissimos viros, Sabin

965: for another member of the family, PIR2, C 1628. 4 ILS 932. 5 Cicero , De domo sua 116: ‘Scatonem ilium, hominem sua vi

P-W II A, 190), and is described as ‘patronus agri Piceni et Sabini’ ( Cicero , De off. 3, 74). 6 On which cf. H. Rudolph, Sta

in 40). C. Billienus had been a potential consul c. 105–100 B.C., cf. Cicero , Brutus 175. 5 Viz., ‘-idius’, ‘-edius’, ‘-iedi

ilitary leader, reviving the party of Marius, might promise change. 2 Cicero claimed that in the space of thirty years he was

nes, socially more eminent, had not been debarred in that period; and Cicero was soon to witness the consulates of Murena and

to the Capitol but did not stay long, among them the senior statesman Cicero and the young P. Cornelius Dolabella arrayed in t

nd austere oratory of Brutus. How different, how fiery a speech would Cicero have composed; 2 but Cicero was not present. The

. How different, how fiery a speech would Cicero have composed; 2 but Cicero was not present. The Liberators remained ensconce

s prevailed and imposed the respectable pretext of peace and concord. Cicero made a speech, proposing an amnesty. In this si

rili. ’ 3 Ib. 14, 10, 1; 15, 11, 2. 4 Cf. esp. Ad Att. 15, 11, 2. Cicero , speaking in the presence of Brutus, studiously s

yond remedy: for the rest, the aged, the timid and the untrustworthy. Cicero , who had lent his eloquence to all political caus

ators had not initiated him into their designs. The public support of Cicero would be of inestimable value after a revolution

. Thus did Brutus lift up his bloodstained dagger, crying the name of Cicero with a loud voice. 2 The appeal was premature.

opulace of Rome NotesPage=>100 1 See further below, p. 164 2 Cicero , Phil. 2, 28 3 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 19, 1.

nt of the praising of Dolabella, Ad Att. 14, 19, 5. 2 Cassius urged Cicero to get at Hirtius, Ad Att. 15, 5, 1. 3 Ad Att.

timere quam Antoni. ’ A little later Hirtius sent a warning letter to Cicero , Ad Att. 15, 6, 2 f. 4 Ad fam. 11, 2 (an open l

rival. Most of that will be coolly discounted. From the influence of Cicero it is less easy to escape. The Philippics, the se

ge=>104 1 Apart from Plutarch, Antonius 10, the only evidence is Cicero , Phil. 2, 71 ff, which betrays its own inadequacy

ius restored an exile but only NotesPage=>107 1 Phil, 1, 2 ff. Cicero does not mention here, among the ‘Republican’ mea

icily. 3 Bribery and forged decrees, of course, it was whispered. But Cicero himself hoped to profit, tirelessly urging the in

surviving consulars kept quiet. The fate NotesPage=>109 1 Cf. Cicero , Phil. 13, 15 2 Below, p. 136. PageBook=>1

this time, cf. W. Sternkopf, Hermes XLVII(1912), 321 ff.; W. W. How, Cicero , Select Letters 11 (1926), App. IX, 546ff. 3 Ca

de, was a near relative of Pompeius (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4, 1). 4 Cicero , Phil. 3, 15. 5 The young Octavius, in Spain fo

B.C., BMC, R. Rep. 11, 411 ff. 2 Antonius’ own words are quoted by Cicero , Phil. 13, 24: ‘et te, o puer, qui omnia nomini d

But the youth was too astute to confine his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard ru

however, he must have rejoiced in secret. 5 Then Octavianus called on Cicero . The illustrious orator was flattered: ‘he is qui

ives of Brutus and Cassius were there, also the faithful Favonius and Cicero , who was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he

to omit the word ‘Sextilibus’ wrongly. But even so, the date meant by Cicero is quite certain. PageBook=>118 These hope

;119 1 Ad fam. 11, 3 (August 4th). 2 Velleius 2, 62, 3; echoes in Cicero , Phil. 2. 113; 10, 8. PageBook=>120 July h

e, p. 6. C. Matius made a firm and noble reply to a peevish letter of Cicero , ib. 11, 28, 2: ‘vitio mihi dant quod mortem homi

Roman could furnish a text in the school of politics. The failure of Cicero as a statesman showed the need for courage and co

was criticism and opposition in the Senate on the following day both Cicero and P. Servilius Isauricus spoke. 1 Antonius afte

after delay retorted with a bitter personal attack (September 19th). Cicero was absent. Such was the outcome of Cicero’s fi

. This was on October 2nd. Three or four days NotesPage=>123 1 Cicero , Phil, 1; Ad Jam. 12, 2, 1. 2 Ad fam. 12, 3, 1.

had arrived at Rome. Servilia promised to pass on her information to Cicero , who was jubilant ‘videtur enim res publica ius s

ive reference to him (Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 4). No mention of either by Cicero their mere names would have been a damaging revel

nce of affairs, vigour of personality and family influence. In public Cicero professed warm and eager admiration for their loy

ontext certain other names are mentioned, P. Servilius, L. Piso and Cicero : they are described as neutrals, their policy dis

ise not of the best, alleges that the pair made a secret compact with Cicero , Cicero to provide political support for Octavian

of the best, alleges that the pair made a secret compact with Cicero, Cicero to provide political support for Octavianus while

ι Πόπλιος, Oύίβιος, Λ∈ύκιος, πάντων δὲ μάλιστα Kικἐρων. 3 Plutarch, Cicero 44. 4 Ad Att. 16, 14, 2. 5 Ad fam. 12, 2, 2.

ar rank had spoken against Antonius, namely L. Piso, P. Servilius and Cicero , and therefore might be said to have encouraged t

Pompeius and Caesar to the consulate, Piso saw no occasion to protect Cicero from the threat, sentence and consequences of exi

o protect Cicero from the threat, sentence and consequences of exile. Cicero remembered and attacked Piso for his conduct of t

e pursuit of selfish pleasure, might still be NotesPage=>135 1 Cicero , In Pisonem 68 ff. The learned Asconius (14 = p.

a et valde pusilla’ (Ad Att. 12, 27, 1). In contrast, the mansions of Cicero . 3 Though it demands faith to believe that ‘Sal

ad a change of side to their credit. No politician could compete with Cicero for versatility, as the attacks of his enemies an

sar, BC 1, 3, 6; Plutarch, Pompeius 58, and Caesar 37; Dio 41, 16, 4; Cicero , Ad Att. 7, 13, 1; Ad fam. 14, 14, 2. 2 Münzer,

man People. Servilius, however, was not altogether blameless, while Cicero stood out as the head and front of the group of p

to employ the Caesarian adventurer to destroy the Caesarian party. Cicero claimed that he had always been consistent in his

ained the consulate and entered the ranks of the governing oligarchy. Cicero had never been a revolutionary not even a reforme

B.C. and in 56): each time he reasserted it in a convincing fashion. Cicero surrendered to the obsession. Otherwise there wer

e obsession. Otherwise there were many things that might have brought Cicero and Caesar together a common taste for literature

e and a gracious disposition to please and to flatter on the other. Cicero came close to being a neutral in the Civil War. R

16, 12, 2; Velleius 2, 48, 5. PageBook=>138 stronger. Not that Cicero expected war and when war came, even Cato seemed

ng to go back upon his principles and make concessions to Caesar. 1 Cicero was induced to accept a military command under Po

e familiar offices of Balbus and Oppius and by personal approach. But Cicero stood firm: he refused to come to Rome and condon

ction, but impatience and despair. Pharsalus dissolved their embrace. Cicero was persuaded to avail himself of the clemency an

He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutus later remarked ‘as long as Cicero can get people to give him what he wants, to flat

, to flatter and to praise him, he will put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was able to hold out against Caesar. Though in th

y of the Republican martyr. Through emissaries and friends he induced Cicero to compose NotesPage=>138 1 Ad Att. 7, 15,

lbus found the result not altogether satisfactory. Rather than emend, Cicero gave it up, gladly. Caesar did not insist. Time w

o days later, the meeting of the Senate in the Temple of Tellus, when Cicero , like other statesmen, spoke for security and con

, spoke for security and concord. Peace calls for constant vigilance. Cicero later claimed that from that day forward he never

rly six months, the most critical for the new and precarious concord, Cicero was never even seen in the Senate. In spring and

him, the honest neutral does not run away. 2 In the autumn, too late: Cicero returning brought not peace but aggravation of di

from Spain that Sex. Pompeius had come to terms with the government. Cicero was sorry. 4 The domination of the Caesarian fact

tonius appeared unshakable. At last, after long doubt and hesitation, Cicero set out for Greece. He sailed from Pompeii on Jul

prospect that Brutus and Cassius might return to political life. 1 Cicero turned back. Near Velia on August 17th he met Bru

nth of September brought no real comfort or confidence. Back in Rome, Cicero refrained from attending the Senate on the first

g the Senate on the first day of September. Antonius uttered threats. Cicero appeared on September 2nd and protested against t

dship and a damaging review of Cicero’s past career (September 19th). Cicero thought it best not to turn up. He salved his dig

tined never to meet. By venturing to attack the policy of Antonius, Cicero , it might be argued, came out into the open at la

at last, and made history by a resolute defence of the Republic. But Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparab

n he contended with L. Piso ten years earlier. Between Antonius and Cicero there lay no ancient grudge, no deep-seated cause

justice appeal. In 49 B.C. Antonius, then in charge of Italy, treated Cicero with tact and with respect, advising him not to j

broke. It came from another quarter. The collected correspondence of Cicero preserved none of the letters he received from Oc

nary adventurer. There is a danger, it is true, that the relations of Cicero and Octavianus may be dated too far back, interpr

ficance foreign even to the secret thoughts of the agents themselves. Cicero had first made the acquaintance of Caesar’s heir

ving swiftly. In his account of the reasons that moved him to return, Cicero makes no mention of the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris a

the public policy of Antonius. When he made his decision to return, Cicero did not know that unity had been restored in the

e of Antonius’ rival must have been reckoned as a political factor by Cicero and P. Servilius when they attacked the consul.

phenomenon. But even now, during the months of October and November, Cicero was full of distrust, suspecting the real designs

s. Octavianus for his part exerted every art to win the confidence of Cicero , or at least to commit him openly to the revoluti

ageBook=>142 of three thousand veterans in Campania. He pestered Cicero for advice, sending to him his trusty agent Caeci

trusty agent Caecina of Volaterrae with demands for an interview, for Cicero was close at hand. 1 Cicero refused to be comprom

terrae with demands for an interview, for Cicero was close at hand. 1 Cicero refused to be compromised in public. Then Octavia

. 1 Cicero refused to be compromised in public. Then Octavianus urged Cicero to come to Rome, to save the State once again, an

ce again, and renew the memory of the glorious Nones of December. 2 Cicero was not to be had. He left Campania and retired t

ble, the secret agent Balbus might be detected in the background. For Cicero , in fear at the prospect of Antonius’ return with

young revolutionary marched on Rome without him. About Octavianus, Cicero was indeed most dubious. The veterans arose at th

n oath with hand outstretched to the statue of Caesar the Dictator. 8 Cicero in alarm confessed the ruinous alternatives: ‘if

were on March 17th; if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicero was all too often deluded in his political judgem

Ib. 16, 14, 1. PageBook=>143 professed the utmost devotion for Cicero and called him ‘father’ an appellation which the

anus, but of the truth. The political alliance between Octavianus and Cicero was not merely the plot of a crafty and unscrupul

Cicero was not merely the plot of a crafty and unscrupulous youth. Cicero was possessed by an overweening opinion of his ow

f Rome, he received an alarming proposal of this kind: to his Scipio, Cicero was to play the Laelius. Again, on his return fro

pio, Cicero was to play the Laelius. Again, on his return from exile, Cicero hoped that Pompeius could be induced to go back o

ization of the Roman Commonwealth. Nor was Antonius more susceptible. Cicero was constrained to lavish his treasures upon an u

the alliance of a senior statesman. 2 Of that persistent delusion, Cicero cannot be acquitted. Aware of the risks, he hoped

h which the Commonwealth could still muster. In public pronouncements Cicero went sponsor for the good conduct and loyalty of

er was the dupe. When he heard of the failure of the march on Rome, Cicero NotesPage=>143 1 Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 5: ‘l

at, tamen illud apparebit verba rebus esse contraria. ’ Cf. Plutarch, Cicero 45. 2 Ad fam, 9, 14. 3 Phil. 5, 50: ‘Omnis ha

came the last and heroic hour, in the long and varied public life of Cicero . Summoning all his oratory and all his energies f

nd a proconsul. Fanatic intensity seems foreign to the character of Cicero , absent from his earlier career: there precisely

absent from his earlier career: there precisely lies the explanation. Cicero was spurred to desperate action by the memory of

ribunes. This treatise was published in 51 B.C. About the same time Cicero had also been at work upon the Laws, which descri

De gloria was written in the same year as a pendant to De officiis. 4 Cicero defined the nature of glory, no doubt showing how

In November he urged his friend to turn to the writing of history. 6 Cicero was obdurate: he hoped NotesPage=>145 1 Ad

uld be the leader of the Optimates. It might fairly be claimed that Cicero made ample atonement for earlier failures and ear

ion at issue. It is not: a natural and indeed laudable partiality for Cicero , and for the ‘better cause’, may cover the intrus

intrusion of special and irrelevant pleading. The private virtues of Cicero , his rank in the literature of Rome, and his plac

and station. Yet it was precisely in the eyes of contemporaries that Cicero was found wanting, incompetent to emulate the con

aesar and of Cato, whom Sallustius, an honest man and no detractor of Cicero , reckoned as the greatest Romans of his time. 1 E

ignitas as a consular, to pursue gloria as an orator and a statesman, Cicero did not exhibit the measure of loyalty and consta

audience. There was another side not Antonius only, but the neutrals. Cicero was not the only consular who professed to be def

d, factions and personalities at variance. The imperious eloquence of Cicero could not prevail over the doubts and misgivings

irited at the outset, had not always been sustained with constancy. 1 Cicero might rail at the consulars: but the advocates of

sed upon compromise were neither fools nor traitors. If they followed Cicero there was no telling where they would end. When R

e ambition, family politics and high finance were at their old games. Cicero and the ambiguous contest of the Republic against

tam ∈ὐκαιρίαν amittis! ’ 4 For his views about the alliance between Cicero and Octavianus, cf. esp. Ad M. Brutum 1, 16 and 1

ded the lawful occupations of important Roman NotesPage=>149 1 Cicero , In Vatinium 14; 30. 2 ‘Vulturii paludati’ (Pro

for a time had deceived excellent and unsuspecting persons, including Cicero himself. 7 So the orator, when defending Caelius

12 ff. 8 According to the Schol. Bob. on In Vat. 14 (p. 146, St.), Cicero made handsome amends in the Pro Vatinio. 9 Asco

Vatinio. 9 Asconius, 63 (p. 72, Clark). 10 Ib. 14 (p. 16, Clark). Cicero himself describes the Epicureans, Siro and Philod

. 7 Pro Balbo 51. 8 Ad fam. 10, 18, 3 (Plancus); Pliny, NH7, 135 ( Cicero ). 9 Gellius (15, 4, 3) quotes the popular verse

. PageBook=>152 humour and a strong sense of the dramatic; and Cicero enjoyed among contemporaries an immense reputatio

litician Vatinius could give as good as he got he seems to have borne Cicero no malice for the speech In Vatinium. 2 It was a

lary of Roman political life derives in the main from the speeches of Cicero . On the surface, what could be more clear than hi

concordia ordinum and consensus Italiae were no peculiar monopoly of Cicero , no unique revelation of patriotism and political

t. 15, 7 (used of Ser. Sulpicius Rufus). Cf. also ‘ista pacificatio’ ( Cicero to Lepidus, Ad fam. 10, 27, 2, below, p. 173).

ould be composed, private loyalties surrendered, for the public good. Cicero had descended to that language years before when

prayer that private feuds should be abandoned. 4 Plancus had assured Cicero that no personal grounds of enmity would ever pre

icitias depono rei publicae causa, quis me tandem iure reprehendet? ’ Cicero explains that he was not really, despite appearan

Gaul. Though nothing could be done while Antonius was still consul, Cicero seized the chance to develop a programme for futu

in the right when summoning him to surrender the province. That point Cicero could not dispute. He therefore had resort to the

nt esse provinciae’ (ib. 4, 9). But was that the point? The fact that Cicero uses this argument to demonstrate that Antonius i

ian in character, to say the least. In neither of these speeches does Cicero mention Antonius’ legal title to Gallia Cisalpina

insurgents the authority of the Senate and the liberty of the People. Cicero spoke before the People as well as in the Curia.

. He must be crushed and would be crushed, as once Senate, People and Cicero had dealt with Catilina. In brief, Cicero propo

s once Senate, People and Cicero had dealt with Catilina. In brief, Cicero proposed to secure legitimation, punlica auctorit

t but over- lauded group,2 only two were alive at the end of 44 B.C., Cicero and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus. Nor had the years of Ca

explains the prominence, if not the primacy, that now at last fell to Cicero in his old age, after twenty years from his famou

down by the principes’; such was the constant and bitter complaint of Cicero through the months when he clamoured for war. 4 ‘

d, for good or evil, in the last effort of the Senate. Only three, so Cicero , writing to Cassius, asserted, could be called st

L. Piso and P. Servilius. 8 From the rest nothing was to be expected. Cicero distrusted for different reasons both Paullus, th

176 ff. PageBook=>165 be seen in the Curia. The remaining five Cicero did not count as consulars at all: that is to say

ct is borne out by the facts. Only one of the five was an obstacle to Cicero , or of service to Antonius, namely an old enemy,

est for the Cisalpina. Despite the assertions and the exhortations of Cicero , despite their own exemplary professions of loyal

for 42 B.C., the most polished and graceful of the correspondents of Cicero perhaps he indulged in mild parody of that smooth

of Antonius soon entered the competition. One of the earliest acts of Cicero in January was to propose that, in grateful memor

clear-sighted Republican felt no confidence in a cause championed by Cicero , the pomp and insincerity of whose oratory he fou

onesty was welcome in political negotiations where the diplomacy of a Cicero or a Plancus would have excited rational distrust

166 1 D. Brutus called him ‘homo ventosissimus’ (Ad fam. 11, 9, 1); Cicero years before ‘iste omnium turpissimus et sordidis

me on the contrary, discordance of policy and aim. The programme of Cicero had already been established and made public on D

ened the debate. It lasted for four days. Calenus spoke for Antonius, Cicero for war; 1 and L. Piso twice intervened on the

with arguments for compromise. The result was hardly a triumph for Cicero . One point, indeed, he carried the troops of D. B

the Senate. This covered Brutus in the Cisalpina. As for Octavianus, Cicero , bringing abundant historical parallels for the h

. That was not done until early in February. The arguments invoked by Cicero on January 1st for coolly disregarding the law we

a compromise might save appearances: which did not meet the ideas of Cicero . That the embassy would fail he proclaimed in pub

ry operations. At Rome politics lapsed for the rest of the month. But Cicero did not relent. He proclaimed the revival of the

tonius, for Antonius was in effect a public enemy and beyond the law. Cicero himself had always been an advocate of peace. But

minum but not to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicero and Antonius. But he could not arrest the mobiliz

ad perished on the arduous journey, and announcing terms that aroused Cicero to anger. ‘Nothing could be more scandalous, more

s. Pansa supported him. Antonius was not declared a public enemy. But Cicero did not abate his efforts. As a patriotic demonst

Senate was summoned. Quelling the objections of the Antonian Calenus, Cicero spoke for Brutus and secured the legalization of

:1 Brutus was appointed proconsul of Macedonia, Illyricum and Achaia. Cicero had acquired no little facility in situations of

able than that which was being so gently prosecuted in the Cisalpina. Cicero pressed his advantage. Early in March came the

sulars were appointed to a representative commission, namely Calenus, Cicero , Piso, P. Servilius, and L. Caesar. Cicero, howev

ommission, namely Calenus, Cicero, Piso, P. Servilius, and L. Caesar. Cicero , however, changed his mind and backed out. The em

To that end they urged an accommodation. Servilius spoke against it. Cicero supported him, with lavish praises for the good o

g all thought of negotiation so long as Antonius retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an open letter sent by Antonius

esolve to keep faith with Lepidus, with Plancus and with Dolabella. 3 Cicero could not resist the challenge to his talent. He

of Italy and all the fine soldiers slain’, wrote Pollio from Spain. 3 Cicero had boasted in the Senate that the Caesarian vete

ither to the generals of the western provinces nor to the Liberators; Cicero and his friends had reckoned without the military

sius came to Italy with their host of seventeen legions, his ‘father’ Cicero would have no compunction about declaring the you

eret unius corporis duas acies lanista Cicerone dimicantis. ’ To call Cicero a ‘lanista’ was a fair and pointed retort to his

of new levies, short of money and harassed by petulant missives from Cicero , Brutus trudged onwards. He reached Plancus towar

saepe expertum habernus. ’ PageBook=>166 surviving epistle to Cicero . His style had lost none of its elegance: he prot

Liberators had intercepted the revenues of the eastern provinces. As Cicero wrote late in May, the Senate was a weapon that h

ew daily more menacing. That young man had got wind of a witticism of Cicero he was to be praised and NotesPage=>167 1

em deus? ’ PageBook=>168 honoured, lifted up and lifted off. 1 Cicero may never have said it. That did not matter. The

treme youth was becoming more and more irksome. He would show them. Cicero entered into the original compact with Octavianus

r there is scant but significant evidence. In June (so it would seem) Cicero denounced certain ‘treasonable machinations’, rev

itical fact, the betrothal of his daughter to the young adventurer. 5 Cicero had already crossed swords with Servilius more th

us’. 6 If a consul was required, what more deserving candidate than Cicero himself? About the time of the Battle of Forum

1 Ad fam. 11, 20, 1: ‘laudandum adulescentem, ornandum, tollendum. ’ Cicero (ib. 11, 21, 1) does not expressly deny that he s

eum in perpetuum modestiorem sperem fore. ’ PageBook=>169 that Cicero would usurp the vacant place. 1 Later, after both

fter both consuls had fallen, Brutus in Macedonia heard a report that Cicero had actually been elected. 2 Of a later proposal

Of a later proposal there is evidence not lightly to be discarded. 3 Cicero and Octavianus were to be joint consuls. It might

e had summoned him to Italy after the Battle of Mutina. Now, in June, Cicero wrote to him in urgent tones. Brutus refused. The

sharp words over C. Antonius, whom Brutus had captured in Macedonia. Cicero insisted that the criminal should be put to death

4 (May 15th). 3 Appian, BC 3, 82, 337 ft.; Dio 46, 42, 2; Plutarch, Cicero 45 f. If Plutarch is to be believed, Augustus adm

30th. Before the news reached him, Brutus, in anticipation, wrote to Cicero , interceding for his relatives. Cicero answered w

tus, in anticipation, wrote to Cicero, interceding for his relatives. Cicero answered with a rebuke. 4 Octavianus was a grea

int of overthrowing Antonius to install the domination of Octavianus? Cicero is as bad as Salvidienus. Men fear death, exile a

is as bad as Salvidienus. Men fear death, exile and poverty too much. Cicero , for all his principles, accommodates himself to

above the law. ’6 On receipt of an extract from a letter written by Cicero to Octavianus, the Roman and the Republican lost

s and deny that they are the supplications of a slave to a despot. ’1 Cicero had suggested that Octavianus might be induced to

n the assassins of Caesar. ‘Better dead than alive by his leave:2 let Cicero live on in ignominy. ’3 Even in mid-July, when

ro live on in ignominy. ’3 Even in mid-July, when the end was near, Cicero would not admit to Brutus the ruinous failure of

kind. 5 The argument of youth and merit had already been exploited by Cicero . 6 The Senate refused. The sword decided. 7 For

se preces. ’ 2 Ib.: ‘atqui non esse quam esse per ilium praestat. ’ Cicero himself in the previous November had written μηδ

esture in the Senate). 8 Dio 46, 44, 2. PageBook=>172 due to Cicero , still trusting that the adventurer could be won

heir peace with Octavianus; among them, but not in the forefront, was Cicero . ‘Ah, the last of my friends’, the young man obse

November preceding, the Fourth and the Martia, ‘heavenly legions’ as Cicero described them, had declared for the Republic. Th

ared for the Republic. The Senate met in haste. A tribune friendly to Cicero announced the glad tidings to the people in the F

. 7, 28) and 2,000 knights. Plutarch’s figures range from 200 to 300 ( Cicero 46; Brutus 27; Antonius 20) presumably senators.

insurrection in Italy when they settled accounts with the Liberators. Cicero could have escaped through indecision he lingered

nts of his end in Livy (quoted by Seneca, Suasoriae 6, 17); Plutarch, Cicero 47 f.; Appian, BC 4, 19, 73 ff. The best obituary

es, an affluent exile. 6 The knight Calidus had property in Africa. 7 Cicero , though chronically in straits for ready money, w

rval of a year carried off three, Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, Trebonius and Cicero , without notable accessions Hirtius, Pansa and Do

us and Canidius, all famed NotesPage=>200 1 Dio 47, 30, 5. Cf. Cicero , Phil. 11, 4. 2 Dio 48, 41, 1 ff. 3 C. Norban

Picenum, Q. Sosius, who attempted to set fire to the public archives ( Cicero , De natura deorum 3, 74). 4 C. Cocceius Balbus

f death upon the brother of Antonius. When Brutus heard of the end of Cicero , it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt

a modest and reputable senatorial family, on terms of friendship with Cicero , Atticus and Balbus. 2 One of them, C. Peducaeus,

the primacy to the more restrained but ample and harmonious style of Cicero , recognized as ultimate and classical even in his

and refined harmonies of rhythm, in reaction from Hortensius and from Cicero alike. The young men of promise, C. Licinius Calv

onest expression of his sentiments. 2 Neither Brutus nor Calvus found Cicero firm and masculine enough for their taste. 3 Of

the rank of ‘classical’ orators next to and below, but comparable to Cicero . 2 Tacitus, Dial. 25, 6 3 Ib, 18, 5 4 Quint

y. He first emerges into authentic history when Pollio in a letter to Cicero mentions ‘my friend, Cornelius Gallus’. 3 The poe

mine whether they got the franchise from Caesar or from Augustus. 5 Cicero , Phil. 13, 33: ‘magnum crimen senatus, de Theopom

Antonius was the eloquent Furnius, in the past an ally and protégé of Cicero , a partisan of Caesar and a legate of Plancus in

lowing winter (Plutarch, Antonius 36). 7 M. Insteius from Pisaurum ( Cicero , Phil. 13, 26) fought at Actium (Plutarch, Antoni

one of the proscribed (P-W iv, 1215), of a reputable family of Tibur ( Cicero , Pro Balbo 53; ILS 3700) and hostile to Plancus.

ate if it was the instrument of Rome’s enemy. And so Octavianus, like Cicero twelve years earlier when he so eloquently justif

ees, creating a false and fatal opinion of the dynast’s popularity. 2 Cicero , again, proclaimed the consensus Italiae against

in Parthia: milesne Crassi coniuge barbara? NotesPage=>286 1 Cicero , Post red. in sen. 39: cum me … Italia cuneta pae

l estimate, the situation was ominous enough. NotesPage=>289 1 Cicero , Phil. 7, 23 f. 2 M. Nonius Gallus, active for

reslau, 1933; Wagenvoort, Philologus XCI (1936), 206 ff.; 323 ff. 2 Cicero , De re publica 1, 68: ‘ex nimia potentia principu

2 Cicero, De re publica 1, 68: ‘ex nimia potentia principum. ’ 3 Cicero , Phil. 11, 36: ‘dominatum et principatum. ` 4 O

eatness was due not to one man’s genius or to NotesPage=>315 1 Cicero , Phil, 11, 17, cf. 28. 2 Augustus claimed to ha

hird consulate and the power he held by force NotesPage=>316 1 Cicero , De re publica 2, 2: ‘nostra autem res publica no

uld be called up and enlisted in the service of the revived Republic. Cicero might be more remunerative for every purpose; and

bly laid upon Antonius, dead and disgraced. Augustus bore testimony: ‘ Cicero was a great orator—and a great patriot. ’2 But an

o was a great orator—and a great patriot. ’2 But any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men who recalled in their own exp

in their own experience—it was not long ago—the political activity of Cicero in the last year of his life. The smooth Plancus

detested Plancus. That much more than the memory and the oratory of Cicero was revived some fifteen years after his death ha

ns to elucidate NotesPage=>318 1 Odes I, 12, 47. 2 Plutarch, Cicero 49. 3 For example, and above all, E. Meyer, Cae

. lat. X(1932), 58 ff. PageBook=>319 the political doctrine of Cicero . In the years of failure and dejection he compose

ias in the past, not in the future. It is a more convincing view that Cicero , in despair and longing, wrote of an ideal common

he rest, it might pertinently be urged that the political doctrine of Cicero was couched in phrases so vague and so innocuous

Roman political literature, much of it, indeed, in no way peculiar to Cicero : the speeches of his peers and rivals have all pe

rule of Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far as Cicero had a political programme, he advocated the exist

sy, A. v. Premerstein, Vom Werden und Wesen des Prinzipats, 3-12. 3 Cicero professes in De legibus (3, 4, cf. 12) to be legi

s, for the sake of empire it was not worth submitting to tyranny. 5 Cicero refused to admit that freedom could exist even un

est ut iusto utamur domino, sed ut nullo. ` PageBook=>321 But Cicero might have changed, pliable to a changed order. S

ght. 1 In the New State, which was quite different from Dictatorship, Cicero would be honoured by Princeps and Senate for his

e were none of them left—they had all joined the national government. Cicero would easily have proved to himself and to others

ds and theories. Only a robust faith can discover authentic relics of Cicero in the Republic of Augustus:2 very little attenti

ed the idea of the rule of the ‘optimus civis’ from Panaetius through Cicero . PageBook=>322 would pretend that internec

ader who won supreme power through civil war. All that he needed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina. In pol

cure. A conservative party may be very large and quite heterogeneous. Cicero , when defining the Optimates (or champions of pro

ed for the purpose (the aerarium militare). 6 NotesPage=>352 1 Cicero , De re publica 1, 43: ‘tamen ipsa aequabilitas es

e first praefectus annonae was C. Turranius (Tacitus, Ann. 1, 7). 4 Cicero , In Pisonem, fr. 9 = Asconius 2 (p. 2 f., Clark).

s of Italy that had only been incorporated after the Bellum Italicum? Cicero had spoken of Italy with moving tones and with ge

had spoken of Italy with moving tones and with genuine sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will

came from Larinum (CIL IX, 730): for earlier members of this family, Cicero , Pro Cluentio 25 and 165. PageBook=>363 An

natus populique est putandi quod optimum sit esse nobilissimum. ’ Cf. Cicero , Pro Balbo, passim. 4 Livy 4, 3, 10 ff. (speech

nobled their adepts. NotesPage=>374 1 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 15. 2 Cicero , Pro Murena, passim. 3 He hoped to stand for th

Tacitus, Ann. 3, 66; 6, 29). PageBook=>375 Under the new order Cicero would have won the consulate without competition,

iage or of friendship retained after divorce. NotesPage=>378 1 Cicero , Cato maior 37: ‘quattuor robustos filios, quinqu

2 As proconsul of Gaul or as Dictator, Caesar had spent generously. Cicero was moved to indignation by the riches of Labienu

nation by the riches of Labienus and Mamurra, the gardens of Balbus:3 Cicero himself was still owing money to Caesar for a tim

us:5 this was the centre, but only a part, of an ever-growing palace. Cicero had acquired an imposing mansion from his profits

ntifex at the age of twenty-five:1 he was a patrician. The novus homo Cicero had to wait until he became a senior consular bef

e was pontifex at least as early as 64 B.C., Macrobius 3, 13, II. 2 Cicero , Ad fam. 8, 14, 1. 3 Augustus records that abou

ot himself a soldier, but he took to Macedonia competent legates; and Cicero in Cilicia was well served. 1 When Pompeius got f

ates were Q. Marcius Crispus and L. Valerius Flaccus (In Pisonem 54). Cicero had C. Pomptinus (Ad Jam. 15, 4, 8). Flaccus and

eers demonstrate. On Q. Marcius Crispus, cf. above, pp. 64; 111; 199. Cicero calls him ‘virum fortem in primis, belli ac rei m

to Spain), Macedonia(the Egnatia) and the dimensions of Cilicia when Cicero was its governor. 2 Seneca, De ben. 6, 32, 2: ‘

n Table VII at end. 4 Q. Volusius was the son-in-law of a Tiberius ( Cicero , Ad Att. 5, 21, 6), i.e., probably of Tiberius’ f

r-widening claims of military security and the ambition of a few men. Cicero and his contemporaries might boast of the liberta

on in Georgics 2, 169. 2 Seneca, Epp. 83, 25. 3 Ennius, quoted by Cicero in his De república (St. Augustine, De civ. Dei 2

CAH x, 441 ff. 2 Carmen saeculare 57 ff. 3 Dio 54, 15, 1 ff. 4 Cicero desired that censors should forbid celibacy (De l

quam irritent ingenia puerorum, quo facilius possint maiora discere’ ( Cicero , De república 1, 30). No moral or political value

the golden age of the Scipiones was always the paragon of virtue that Cicero and his contemporaries affected to admire. There

the paid and compliant apologists of despotism. PageNotes. 459 1 Cicero , Ad Att. 2, 19, 3. PageBook=>460 The Repub

h pamphlets, his own and from his faithful Hirtius; and the reluctant Cicero was coerced into writing a letter that expressed

and the omen of Romulus greeted his capture of Rome in the next year. Cicero in a political speech described his young ally as

receiving an emblem of sovranty from Jupiter, and recognized again by Cicero on the next day when he had the first sight of Ca

tius Ahenobarbus. Nor, on the other hand, had he refused to proscribe Cicero , an ally and benefactor. The plea and battle-cry

mediocre poet from Corduba delivered in his house a lame panegyric of Cicero , deflendus Cicero est Latiaeque silentia lingua

orduba delivered in his house a lame panegyric of Cicero, deflendus Cicero est Latiaeque silentia linguae, the resentful Pol

ere crisp, hard, unsentimental men. Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purposes. Yet it may be that his real

it may be that his real opinion of the character, policy and style of Cicero was not so far from that of Pollio. Pollio’s nati

scendants, any more than had Pompeius’ consuls Afranius and Gabinius. Cicero had been the great novus homo of that age: the fa

hardly worth resuscitating; and the Republicans never quite reckoned Cicero among the martyrs in the cause of Libertas. Of th

e wrong path, produced vigorous oratory. 7 There were the Gracchi and Cicero but was it worth it? 8 NotesPage=>515 1 Sa

um eloquentia fuit, ut paterctur et leges, nec bene famam eloquentiae Cicero tali exitu pensavit. ’ PageBook=>516 The a

and Guardian. Sulla had striven to repair the shattered Republic; and Cicero , for saving Rome in his consulate, had been haile

Sulla, with well-grounded hate, was styled ‘the sinister Romulus’; 4 Cicero , in derision of his pretensions, the ‘Romulus fro

caevos iste Romulus. ’ 5‘Sallust’, In Ciceronem 4, 7. 6 Quoted by Cicero , De re publica 1, 64. 7 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 2: ‘mu

. Julius L. f. Caesar: C. Marcius C. f. Figulus 63 M. Tullius M. f. Cicero : C. Antonius M. f. 62 D. Junius M. f. Silanus:

ugustus and the Aerarium’, JRS XXIII (1933), 143 ff. ——— ‘ Cicero and the Poetae Novi’, AJP XL (1919), 396 ff.

ichte, phil.-hist. Kl. 214, I (1932). POCOCK, L. G. A Commentary on Cicero in Vatinium. London, 1926. PREMERSTEIN, A. V. â

neva (N.Y.), 1933. REITZENSTEIN, R. ‘Die Idee des Principates bei Cicero und Augustus’, GGN, 1917, 399 ff. ——— â

the Liberators, 108, 117 ff.; with Octavianus, 115 ff., 141 ff.; with Cicero , 140 f.; actions in the autumn, 123 ff.; against

cipate, 320, 482, 512; his death, 512.; His character, 5 f.; dislikes Cicero , 166, 318, 483; dislikes Plancus, 318, 512; as a

ies, 5 f., 484 ff.; on the year 60 B.C., 8; on Caesar, 6, 42, 484; on Cicero , 147, 192; on literary style, 484; on history, 48

27 ff.,201, 234 ff., 349 ff.; political funds, 130 f.; relations with Cicero , 114, 134, 141 ff., 181 ff.; his position legaliz

r, 32; as governor of Cisalpina, 74; as consul, 33 ff.; his letter to Cicero , 45. Caecilius Metellus Creticus, Q. (cos. 69 B

, 362. Caelius Rufus, M., parentage of, 63; origin, 88; defended by Cicero , 150; feud with Ap. Pulcher, 41; disillusion and

Caesoninus, L. (cos. 58 B.C.), father-in-law of Caesar, 36; feud with Cicero , 135; as censor, 66, 135; attitude during the Civ

estrian rank under the Principate, 353. Chumstinctus, Nervian, 475. Cicero , see Tullius. Cilicia, no longer a province, 26

blica, 53; pride of birth, 68; literary interests, 459 f.; Caesar and Cicero , 137 ff.; see also Divus Julius. Julius Caesar,

rom Italy, 119, 140; seizure of Macedonia, 171 f., 184; quarrels with Cicero , 183 f.; his distaste for civil war, 183 f., 203;

ical studies, 57; qualities as an orator, 58, 97, 246; his opinion of Cicero , 138, 143, 203; his views on imperialism, 320; po

, 264. Optimates, 11, 22, 25, 37, 39, 40 f., &c.; as defined by Cicero , 22, 351. Optimus status, 320; according to Senec

35, 262 f. Philippi, campaign and battle of, 202 ff. Philippics, of Cicero , 104, 140, 146 f., 162 ff. Philippus, see Marci

granddaughter of L. Munatius Plancus, 512. Plancius, Cn., defended by Cicero , 89. Plancus, see Munatius. Plautii, 85, 399, 4

e Principate, 319 ff., 516 ff.; and the unification of Italy, 365; of Cicero , 144 f., 318 f., 351; of Sallustius, 154, 248 f.,

pirus, 108; prosopographical studies, 508. Pomptinus, C., legate of Cicero in Cilicia, 396. Pontifex maximus, dignity of,

36; attacks Antonius, 123; his policy, 134, 135, 136, 147; praised by Cicero , 164; quarrels with Cicero, 170, 182; appointed a

his policy, 134, 135, 136, 147; praised by Cicero, 164; quarrels with Cicero , 170, 182; appointed an envoy, 172; relations wit

viri triumphales, 241, 402; Augustus’ repairs, 447. Terentia, wife of Cicero , 24, 69. Terentia, wife of Maecenas, 277, 334,

; Trojan descent of Julii, 305, 318, 462 f., 470. Tullia, daughter of Cicero , 69. Tullius Cicero, M. (cos. 63 B.C.), early c

icum, 110, 164, 171; his triumph, 197; his origin, 90; relations with Cicero , 144, 152; alleged vices and enormities, 149 f.;

idius, L., local magnate, 82; his origin and family-god, 83; protects Cicero in 63 B.C., 89; patriotic exertions in 43 B.C., 1