of the Julii and Claudii had ruled for a century. 1 The ascension of Caesar’s heir had been a series of hazards and miracles: h

of three Caesarian leaders, passed into the predominance of one man, Caesar’s grand-nephew: for the security of his own positio

different is the estimate of his political activity when he raised up Caesar’s heir against Antonius. The last year of Cicero’s

;007 (No Notes) PageBook=>008 a government. That was left to Caesar’s heir, at the head of a new coalition, built up fr

most remarkable was Servilia, Cato’s half-sister, Brutus’ mother and Caesar’s mistress. The noble was a landed proprietor, gr

NH 9, 171. 2 For example, M. Atius Balbus from Aricia, who married Caesar’s sister Julia (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4, 1); and Hi

rnment at a certain stage in his career, with no discredit to either. Caesar’s choice was still open had it not been for Cato; a

either. Caesar’s choice was still open had it not been for Cato; and Caesar’s daughter was betrothed to Servilia’s son, Cato’s

ceived through the tumultuous clamour of political life at Rome under Caesar’s consulate, several partisans or allies already in

c.) and gave rise to the vulgar and untenable opinion that Brutus was Caesar’s son. 2 In alliance, namely, with both Labienus

M. Gelzer, Hermes LIII (1928), 118; 135). C. Octavius, the husband of Caesar’s niece, Atia, governed Macedonia in 60-59 B.C. (Su

Free State. From a triumvirate it was a short step to dictatorship. Caesar’s consulate was only the beginning. To maintain the

ility to Afranius. Pompeius had sealed the pact by taking in marriage Caesar’s daughter, Julia; and Caesar now married a daughte

us, were not strong political men. But Philippus had recently married Caesar’s niece Atia, widow of C. Octavius (his daughter Ma

mboldened to announce in the Senate an attack upon the legislation of Caesar’s consulate. Pompeius dissembled and departed from

Crassus and, after that, Spain and Syria respectively for five years; Caesar’s command was also to be prolonged. Pompeius emer

ess than of Caesar. Two years passed, heavy with a gathering storm. Caesar’s enemies were precipitate and impatient. Early in

ened the attack. He was rebuffed by Pompeius, and the great debate on Caesar’s command was postponed till March 1st of the follo

but soon showed his colours, blocking the long-awaited discussion on Caesar’s provinces and confounding the oligarchy by pertin

f society the defeated and dispossessed, eager for revenge, looked to Caesar’s consulate, or Caesar’s victory and the rewards of

and dispossessed, eager for revenge, looked to Caesar’s consulate, or Caesar’s victory and the rewards of greed and ambition in

reciprocal charge of unnatural vice. 2 Caelius’ enemies drove him to Caesar’s side. Ap. Pulcher was no adornment to the party

of Gaul. 5 Rumour spontaneous or fabricated told of discontent among Caesar’s soldiers and officers; and there was solid ground

iers and officers; and there was solid ground to doubt the loyalty of Caesar’s best marshal, T. Labienus. 6 Then followed deba

Pompeius’ jealousy, Caesar, BC 1, 4, 4; Velleius 2, 29, 2; 33, 3. For Caesar’s ambition, Plutarch, Antonius 6 (cf. Suetonius, Di

him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had another grievance Caesar’s tenure of Gaul beyond the Alps robbed him of a pr

adherents would capture the government and perhaps reform the State. Caesar’s enemies were afraid of that and so was Pompeius.

2, 30, 119. PageBook=>048 The precise legal points at issue in Caesar’s claim to stand for the consulate in absence and r

the hireling of a foreign king. Dead, too, and killed by Romans, were Caesar’s rivals and enemies, many illustrious consulars. A

with the Pompeians usurped the respectable garb of legality. Many of Caesar’s partisans were frank adventurers, avid for gain a

dvancement, some for revolution. Yet for all that, in the matter of Caesar’s party the contrast of disreputable scoundrels on

st between the aspirant to autocracy and the forces of law and order. Caesar’s following was heterogeneous in composition at its

ny excellent Roman knights, ‘the flower of Italy’. The composition of Caesar’s party and the character of those adherents with w

vileges and repress their dangerous ambitions. In name and function Caesar’s office was to set the State in order again (rei p

, reporting an unsafe witness, the Pompeian T. Ampius Balbus. But cf. Caesar’s favourite quotation about tyranny (Cicero, De off

ry succession, for which no provision was made by Caesar. The heir to Caesar’s name, his grand-nephew, attracted little attentio

capitibus. ’ For awareness of his unpopularity cf. Ad Att. 14, 1, 2 ( Caesar’s words): ‘ego dubitem quin summo in odio sim quom

emed for the Caesarian alliance and designed that Brutus should marry Caesar’s daughter. 2 Her plan was annulled by the turn of

n Brutus’ resolve to slay the tyrant envy of Caesar and the memory of Caesar’s amours with Servilia, public and notorious. Above

d the provinces, the depression of the traditional governing class. Caesar’s autocracy appeared to be much more than a tempora

that disturbed the camp and counsels of Pompeius,4 and strengthening Caesar’s hands for action, gave his rule as party-leader a

3 Above, p. 41 4 Caesar, BC 3, 83 (especially the competition for Caesar’s office of pontifex maximus between Scipio, Lentul

nd neutral without the imputation of lack of courage or principle was Caesar’s father-in-law, the virtuous L. Calpurnius Piso. W

ians or neutrals deserve remark in warfare or politics ever after. As Caesar’s enemies were the party in power, being the most a

cellus (cos. 50) and Philippus (cos. 56), related through marriage to Caesar’s grand-nephew, see below, p. 128. PageBook=>0

k by vigour and acerbity among the greatest of political orators. 5 Caesar’s generosity, revealed in corruption and patronage,

ike Caelius assessed the true relation between Pompeius’ prestige and Caesar’s war-trained legions. 6 Others sought protection f

ble array of ability and social distinction. Some senators turn up on Caesar’s side, holding commands in the Civil Wars, without

Frank, AJP XL (1919), 407 F. among literary men of equestrian rank on Caesar’s side, note C. Asinius Pollio (Catullus 12, 6 ff.)

and the robust and cheerful P. Vatinius, a popular figure, tribune in Caesar’s consulate, managed to hold their own. 1 Catilin

ut not from political principle he returned to an old allegiance. 1 Caesar’s following was dual in composition. The fact that

e majority of the leading consulars was massed against him. No matter Caesar’s faction numbered not only many senators but nobil

Pharsalus the sturdy Crastinus opened the fray with the battle-cry of Caesar’s dignitas and the liberty of the Roman People. 5 I

s wrote letters and pamphlets, travelled, intrigued and negotiated in Caesar’s interests NotesPage=>071 1 BG 3, 5, 2; 4

lausible. Ventidius was perhaps, like Mamurra, a praefectus fabrum in Caesar’s service. No contemporary or official source gives

st revolution. They had more to fear from Pompeius, and they knew it. Caesar’s party had no monopoly of the bankrupts and terror

l ties of allegiance. In the imminence of civil war, Rome feared from Caesar’s side an irruption of barbarians from beyond the A

etical Cornelius Gallus first enters authentic history as a friend of Caesar’s partisan Pollio. 2 Southern Gaul forgot the ances

on of the governing body and the hierarchy of administration. Many of Caesar’s measures were provisional in purpose, transient i

the Sullan centurions shrinks upon scrutiny to a single example. 1 Caesar’s adherents were a ghastly and disgusting rabble: a

likewise might well be in possession of the census of a Roman knight. Caesar’s centurions were notorious for their loyalty, and

), 128 f. and BSR Papers XIV (1938), 13. PageBook=>079 Some of Caesar’s equestrian officers may have been ex-centurions.

gift of Caesar, went back to proconsuls a generation or two earlier. Caesar’s friends Troucillus, Trogus and Gallus were not th

acceptance of partisan opinions about the origin and social status of Caesar’s nominees not only leads to misconceptions about t

ppression and war, of defeat and devastation. Only forty years before Caesar’s invasion, the allies of Rome from Asculum in the

gates, and the citizens poured forth in jubilation to meet Antonius, Caesar’s man; and it was more than the obstinate folly of

ong before it was manifest and announced. It is evident enough that Caesar’s new senators, some four hundred in number, compri

, 15, 2. 2 ILS 877. 3 For ‘tantis rebus gestis’ (BC 1, 13, 1) cf. Caesar’s own remark after Pharsalus Suetonius, Divus Iuliu

ertain P. Vatinius from Reate is recorded, in fact the grandfather of Caesar’s adherent (Cicero, De nat. deorum 2, 6; Val. Max.

uteoli, ‘princeps coloniae’ (Val. Max. 9, 3, 8). PageBook=>091 Caesar’s senators. 1 The ex-centurion Fango came from the

1 The ex-centurion Fango came from the colony of Acerrae. 2 Some of Caesar’s municipal partisans were already in the Senate be

d: an origin from the towns of Picenum can be surmised for certain of Caesar’s partisans, whether ex-Pompeian senators or knight

s a fair notion, but perhaps anachronistic and not the true motive of Caesar’s augmentation of the Senate. He brought in his own

ets. The next day, further measures were passed. On the insistence of Caesar’s father- in-law, L. Piso, the Senate decided to re

onius, Divus Iulius 19, 1. PageBook=>101 in the last months of Caesar’s life, artfully fomented by his enemies; and Caesa

ir cause and they did not think that it was necessary. At the time of Caesar’s death, the armies were held by his partisans, sav

n the Caesarian consul. Marcus Antonius was one of the most able of Caesar’s young men. A nobilis, born of an illustrious but

an and Spanish campaigns, will not be put down to his cowardice or to Caesar’s distrust. Dolabella had been a great nuisance in

ar’s distrust. Dolabella had been a great nuisance in 47 B.C., during Caesar’s absence. If Antonius stayed in Italy, it was prec

t invade Italy to avenge the Imperator. Unable to restrain his grief, Caesar’s faithful friend Matius took a grim pleasure in th

terpretation. Though Antonius may not have desired to set himself in’ Caesar’s place, he is not thereby absolved from ambition,

r reckless, and the lust for power. There were surely alternatives to Caesar’s autocracy. Chance and his own resolution had give

Balbus, a senator from the neighbouring town of Aricia, and of Julia, Caesar’s sister. 3 Hence rapid advancement and honours, th

Julius Caesar Octavianus. It will be understood that the aspirant to Caesar’s power preferred to drop the name that betrayed hi

ar was the young man’s fortune. 2 Italy and the world accepted him as Caesar’s son and heir; that the relationship by blood was

oral and emotional grounds. All conventions are baffled and defied by Caesar’s heir. Not for nothing that the ruler of Rome made

s about Octavianus, according them scant attention. 4 Which member of Caesar’s family inherited the remnant of his private fortu

demagogue and by respected conservatives. For the moment, however, Caesar’s heir was merely a nuisance, not a factor of much

lavishly at the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris, in honour of the triumph of Caesar’s arms and of Venus Genetrix, the ancestress of the

hen Antonius intervened, the sympathies of plebs and veterans went to Caesar’s heir. And now Heaven itself took a hand. At the e

d at a blow. The prospect of a split between the Caesarian leader and Caesar’s heir was distasteful to the sentiments of soldier

trance was addressed to Antonius: the military men urged him to treat Caesar’s heir with loyalty and respect. Yielding to this m

remony was staged on the Capitol. In revenge for the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as all men know, drove Brutus to his doom

heavily on Antonius and stayed the hand he would have raised against Caesar’s heir. The word of the veterans silenced the Senat

ch revealed the Caesarian sentiments of the mob and the popularity of Caesar’s heir. 2 Ad Jam. 11, 3, 1; Ad. Att. 16, 7, 7.

e to the youth, the dignified bearing, the demagogy and the bribes of Caesar’s heir. With what consummate art he worked upon thi

llonia, Octavianus made himself known to the soldiers and officers of Caesar’s great army of the Balkans. They did not forget hi

of government may be learned from books. The revolutionary career of Caesar’s heir reveals never a trace of theoretical preoccu

from personal friendship, not political principle. The devotion which Caesar’s memory evoked among his friends was attested by i

he had shunned dangerous prominence. The emergence of his stepson as Caesar’s heir put all his talents to the test. On that sub

g revelation. Salvidienus may well have been an equestrian officer in Caesar’s army. On the local distribution of names in ‘-enu

or long they were a minority and could be held in check. The cause of Caesar’s heir was purely revolutionary in origin, attracti

disposal. Antonius is charged with refusing to hand over money due to Caesar’s heir perhaps unjustly. The legacies to the plebs

from his own fortune and the generous loans of his friends. Further, Caesar’s freedmen were very wealthy. The heir could claim

of the Liberators, would not have looked at this venture. No matter: Caesar’s heir secured almost at once the financial secreta

time has respected his secrets. No record survives of his services to Caesar’s heir. After November he slips out of history for

is discovered on a familiar errand, this time not for Caesar, but for Caesar’s heir a confidential mission to ensnare an elderly

proach. But Cicero stood firm: he refused to come to Rome and condone Caesar’s acts and policy by presence in the Senate. Courag

s of the agents themselves. Cicero had first made the acquaintance of Caesar’s heir in April. 2 Then nothing more for six weeks.

us, Cicero was indeed most dubious. The veterans arose at the call of Caesar’s heir, the towns of Campania were enthusiastic. Am

n a long calculation, or even on a short? Of the wisdom of raising up Caesar’s heir, through violence and illegal arms against A

nd a debauchee he was effeminate and a coward. Instead of fighting at Caesar’s side in Spain, he lurked at Rome. How different w

at theme belongs to a time when it could do him no harm. 9 Nor was it Caesar’s enemies but his beloved soldiery who devised the

his beloved soldiery who devised the appropriate songs of licence at Caesar’s triumph. 10 The victims of invective did not al

ound honest men and sincere reformers NotesPage=>153 1 Compare Caesar’s remarks (BC 1, 7, 51.). PageBook=>154 amon

ying devotion to the cause, calling himself ‘Magnus Pompeius Pius’. 3 Caesar’s son showed his pietas by pursuing the blood-feud

evies an army for himself. So Caesar and Pompeius, the precedents for Caesar’s heir. When an adventurer raised troops in Italy o

acta of Caesar the Dictator. But what of the official recognition of Caesar’s heir? Senators could recall how twenty years befo

f service to Antonius, namely an old enemy, Q. Fufius Calenus, one of Caesar’s generals, a clever politician and an orator of so

ed in mild parody of that smooth exemplar. Plancus, who had served as Caesar’s legate in the Gallic and in the Civil Wars, was t

normal consular province, decreed by the Senate and hence subject to Caesar’s ordinance. Secondly, the law had been passed in

nd ruinous. The ingenious policy of destroying Antonius and elevating Caesar’s heir commended itself neither to the generals of

ve been able to arrest hostilities after the defeat of Antonius, curb Caesar’s heir and impose some kind of settlement. They wer

ional forces with three veteran legions raised in his native Picenum. Caesar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassi

ised in his native Picenum. Caesar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassin: nor, if he had, is it certain that the

ius might be destroyed hence ruin to the Caesarian cause, and soon to Caesar’s heir. Antonius had warned him of that, and Antoni

Caesarian consul Pansa on his death-bed may or may not have given to Caesar’s heir. 4 And now on others beside Octavianus the

giments. At a famous scene by the bank of the river Apsus in Albania, Caesar’s general Vatinius essayed his vigorous oratory on

n unnatural coalition. In Italy that coalition had already collapsed; Caesar’s heir turned his arms against his associates and w

epitomized all too faithfully the subtle and masterly policy of using Caesar’s heir to wreck the Caesarian party. Octavianus did

rnors but did not act at once. The news of armies raised in Italy and Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have convinced him at

ro would not admit to Brutus the ruinous failure of the alliance with Caesar’s heir. He asseverated his responsibility for that

troy him Octavianus in his true colours, openly on their side against Caesar’s murderer. The designs of Octavianus upon the co

ns and soldiers, bearing the mandate of the army and the proposals of Caesar’s heir. For themselves they asked the promised boun

ate refused. The sword decided. 7 For the second time in ten months Caesar’s heir set out to march on Rome. He crossed the Rub

That was enough. It lay neither in the plans nor even in the power of Caesar’s heir to consummate the ruin of the most powerful

ging in excuse the base ingratitude with which the Pompeians requited Caesar’s clemency. 1 The Caesarian leaders had defied publ

s had said, and many another. That splendid name was now dishonoured. Caesar’s heir was no longer a rash youth but a chill and m

letely from record. Philippus and Marcellus had played their part for Caesar’s heir and served their turn: they departed to die

preference to Pompeius and the oligarchy; but they would not tolerate Caesar’s ostensible political heirs and the declared enemi

clearly evident among the army commanders. Of the imposing company of Caesar’s legates in the Gallic Wars2 almost all were now d

family, and C. Sosius, perhaps a Picene, none of them heard of before Caesar’s death. 3 Another novelty was the mysterious famil

Liberators had not been Antonius’ policy when he was consul. But with Caesar’s heir there could be no pact or peace. 1 When the

ty-eight legions. Of the acts and policy of the dynasts, the share of Caesar’s heir was arduous, unpopular and all but fatal to

put to death among them Ti. Cannutius, the tribune who had presented Caesar’s heir before the people when he marched upon Rome

who had remained in the province, was at last overcome and killed. 3 Caesar’s heir would soon be trapped and crushed at last. T

with some plausibility and discover in the comet that appeared after Caesar’s assassination, the Fulium sidus, the sign and her

iguous partner he had to defer the complete pacification of the East. Caesar’s heir journeyed to the encounter, taking a varied

. Of an appeal to arms, no thought in his mind the chance to suppress Caesar’s heir had been offered repeatedly three years befo

and certain of the assassins, for whom there could be no pardon from Caesar’s heir, no return to Rome. But the young Pompeius w

4 the Roman plebs might riot in his honour it was only from hatred of Caesar’s heir. In reality an adventurer, Pompeius could ea

s and Antonia, bears the name of Domitia Lepida. PageBook=>231 Caesar’s heir was damaged and discredited. The military gl

it was enough. 4 The soldiers had no opinion of Lepidus and this was Caesar’s heir, in audacious deed as well as in name. Once

arantor of peace was enhanced by official act and religious sanction. Caesar’s heir was granted sacrosanctity such as tribunes o

re not even senators. Again, at Brundisium his position was critical. Caesar’s heir had the army and the plebs, reinforced in de

after. No other nobilis can be found holding military command under Caesar’s heir in the four years before Brundisium, unless

, the full narrative of the Sicilian campaigns reveals on the side of Caesar’s heir for the first time among his generals or act

nherited or acquired. 4 C. Calvisius Sabinus (cos. 39 B.C.), one of Caesar’s officers and a senator before the assassination,

r a time, it is uncertain for how long. 5 The young Lepidus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle (who had

thing till his consulate and service as an admiral. Presumably one of Caesar’s new senators. 4 Note Statius Statilius in 282 B

oast of Dalmatia. These dangers had been threatened or experienced in Caesar’s war against Pompeius Magnus. By Octavianus’ fores

st all bone and nerve, but liable to be dry, tenuous and tedious. 1 Caesar’s style befitted the man; and it was generally conc

ican government that ruled at Rome between the two Dictatorships. Not Caesar’s invasion of Italy but the violent ascension and d

mpeius. Cornificius, Cinna, and others of their friends were found on Caesar’s side when war came. 1 The men were dead, and th

all the wars. Maecenas hoped to employ Virgil’s art in the service of Caesar’s heir. The heroic and military age demanded an epi

raded, for domination over a servile world, in the guise of divinity, Caesar’s heir as Apollo, Antonius as Dionysus. 5 It was by

enobarbus with Antonius, Messalla and other nobles in the alliance of Caesar’s heir, had shown the way. The new monarchy could n

prospered. Atticus by his accommodating manners won the friendship of Caesar’s heir without needing to break with Antonius a sig

58 brief lull when many feared the imminent clash and some favoured Caesar’s heir, none could have foreseen by what arts a nat

, 5. 5 Strabo, p. 660. 6 Ib., p. 574. PageBook=>260 He had Caesar’s eye for talent. After the Pact of Brundisium the

t farther. During the War of Mutina he publicly asserted the cause of Caesar’s friend Theopompus. 5 Now standing in the place of

us had as well. Other partisans may already have been verging towards Caesar’s heir or neutrality with safeguards, in fear of a

Rome. The Empire of the Roman People was large, dangerously large. Caesar’s conquest of Gaul brought its bounds to the Englis

for power, the magnificent lie upon which was built the supremacy of Caesar’s heir and the resurgent nation of Italy. Yet, for

nder Antonius, they had received their lands from his rival, regarded Caesar’s heir as their patron and defender and were firmly

evi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 153. 2 As seventeen years before, when Caesar’s invasion of Italy was imminent, bankers and men o

had all the old personal loyalty of Caesarian legions to a general of Caesar’s dash and vigour; but they lacked the moral advant

e Antonians. The battle was to be fought under the auspices of Caesar— Caesar’s heir in the forefront, stans celsa in puppi, ge

irth-legend in the mythology of the Principate. On the one side stood Caesar’s heir with the Senate and People of Rome, the star

Empire and the very spirit of Rome from the alien menace, imposed on Caesar’s heir in Italy for the needs of his war and not sa

ellis; cana Fides et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus iura dabunt. 1 Caesar’s heir was veritably a world-conqueror, not in vers

fter Actium. Caesar had set his own statue in the temple of Quirinus: Caesar’s heir was identified with that god by the poet Vir

‘principalis’ also acquired the force and meaning of ‘dominatus’. 3 Caesar’s heir came to use the term ‘princeps’, but not as

e consular L. Munatius Plancus, proposed the decree that conferred on Caesar’s heir the appellation of Augustus. 2 Nothing was

lutist. Seeking to establish continuity with a legitimate government, Caesar’s heir forswore the memory of Caesar: in the offici

the Republic, which in politics is the Age of Pompeius. In his youth Caesar’s heir, the revolutionary adventurer, won Pompeian

e ambitious and perfidious dynast but that Pompeius who had fallen as Caesar’s enemy, as a champion of the Free State against mi

muted into a comet and lending celestial auspices to the ascension of Caesar’s heir. 1 The picture is consistent. Livy, Virgil

filius, destined for consecration in his turn. The plebs of Rome was Caesar’s inherited clientela. He fed them with doles, amus

on and the maintenance of peace, it was necessary that the primacy of Caesar’s heir should be strengthened and perpetuated. Not,

y the senior consular Calvinus, the two survivors from the company of Caesar’s legates in the Civil Wars, Carrinas and Calvisius

not merely a recognition of the past services and unique eminence of Caesar’s heir, not merely a due guarantee of his dignitas

he chief men of the Caesarian party had remained steadfastly loyal to Caesar’s heir even in the absence of a full measure of mut

e. 1 The chief men of the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or by the dagger, there

n. 4 Syria was distant from Rome, there must be care in the choice of Caesar’s legate to govern it. Conspiracy in the capital mi

e rebirth of Libertas, twenty-one years from the first coup d’état of Caesar’s heir. Liberty had perished. The Revolution had tr

ers were legal in definition, magisterial in character; and Augustus, Caesar’s heir, a god’s son and saviour of Rome and the wor

ated from time to time. It grew steadily in numbers and in dignity as Caesar’s heir recruited followers and friends from the cam

ly, crushingly imposed by all parties in the struggle for power after Caesar’s assassination and augmented yet more by Octavianu

d experience with the army commanders of the Republic. Such a man was Caesar’s officer C. Volusenus Quadratus. 1 Moreover, a pro

(OGIS 544). 3 Cf. BSR Papers XIV (1938), 1 f. PageBook=>367 Caesar’s liberalism is inferred from his intentions, which

rliest partisans. In the first months of its existence the faction of Caesar’s heir numbered hardly a single senator; in its fir

nt of careerists. But this was an order more firmly consolidated than Caesar’s miscellaneous following, bound to a cause and a p

had destroyed the Republic and themselves, down to the last survivor, Caesar’s heir. Engrossing all their power and all their pa

with his own candidate, leaving the other for free election. Compare Caesar’s practice, for all magistracies except the consula

l War broke out. 4 But the Triumvirate soon blotted out the memory of Caesar’s generosity and Caesar’s confiscations. Augustus a

he Triumvirate soon blotted out the memory of Caesar’s generosity and Caesar’s confiscations. Augustus and his partisans inherit

of quaestorian rank: Antonius was a noble. But Antonius required all Caesar’s influence behind him: he was contending against A

gt;405 1 Dio 52, 42, 6 (except Sicily, and later, Narbonensis). 2 Caesar’s law about the colony of Urso forbids senators and

ncus proposed that the Senate should confer the name of Augustus upon Caesar’s heir. It will be inferred that the motion was ins

on. Their virtues had been pernicious. Pompeius’ pursuit of gloria, Caesar’s jealous cult of his dignitas and his magnitudo an

of the Julian house. The temple of Mars the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fought against the assass

e avenging of Caesar had been the battle-cry and the justification of Caesar’s heir. Antonius, on the other hand, was remiss, wi

ed to pay some honour to his dead benefactor by the spur of the young Caesar’s political competition, six months after the Ides

credulous atmosphere of the Revolution portents of divine favour for Caesar’s heir were seen, recalled or invented everywhere,

gnized again by Cicero on the next day when he had the first sight of Caesar’s grandnephew in the company of the Dictator. Pag

ng to death of the assassins of Caesar. It was no doubt recalled that Caesar’s heir had been willing, for the ends of political

ved and prospered through the marriage alliance which the grandson of Caesar’s enemy contracted with the daughter of Antonius an

c champions of that ideal, Brutus and Cassius, who had fought against Caesar’s heir at Philippi, could not have been invoked to

The old constitution had been corrupt, unrepresentative and ruinous. Caesar’s heir passed beyond it. What was a special plea an

us uprising of all Italy, Philippi is transformed into the victory of Caesar’s heir and avenger alone. 1 Agrippa indeed occurs t

367. Catilina, see Sergius. Catilinarians, punishment of, 25 f.; on Caesar’s side, 66; in the towns of Italy, 89. Catullus, se

onensis, 503; his essential nullity, 105, 503. Gallia Cisalpina, as Caesar’s province, 36; allegiance to the Pompeii and to Ca

f.; chieftains admitted to the Senate, 501. Gallia Narbonensis, as Caesar’s province, 36, 74 f.; in 44 B.C., no, 165; under t

atricians, 10, 18 f.; revived by Sulla, 68; revived by Caesar, 68; on Caesar’s side, 68 f.; ideals and ‘values’ of, 69 f.; local

, 522 ff.; their literary style, 484. Res publica, a façade, 11 f.; Caesar’s opinion, 53; made a reality by the Principate, 51