the space (and significance) allotted to the biographies of Pompeius, Caesar and Augustus, to warfare, to provincial affairs a

entiment. Hence a deliberately critical attitude towards Augustus. If Caesar and Antonius by contrast are treated rather lenie

and opinions of the historian Pollio—a Republican, but a partisan of Caesar and of Antonius. This also explains what is said

he Republic’ was not merely a solemn comedy, staged by a hypocrite. Caesar was a logical man; and the heir of Caesar display

y, staged by a hypocrite. Caesar was a logical man; and the heir of Caesar displayed coherence in thought and act when he in

and when he based authority upon law and consent. The Dictatorship of Caesar , revived in the despotic rule of three Caesarian

that reason ‘Dux’ became ‘Princeps’. He did not cease to be Imperator Caesar . There is no breach in continuity. Twenty years

aracter and tastes disposed him to be neutral in the struggle between Caesar and Pompeius had neutrality been possible. Pollio

enemies on either side. Compelled for safety to a decision, he chose Caesar , his personal friend; and with Caesar he went thr

safety to a decision, he chose Caesar, his personal friend; and with Caesar he went through the wars from the passage of the

t battle in Spain. Then he followed Antonius for five years. Loyal to Caesar , and proud of his loyalty, Pollio at the same tim

eech and habit renders entirely credible. 1 Pollio, the partisan of Caesar and of Antonius, was a pessimistic Republican and

that shall be sacrificed for the gain of history. Pompeius, too, and Caesar must be reduced to due subordination. After Sulla

it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come to terms. Nor could Caesar have ruled without it. Coerced by Pompeius and sh

r have ruled without it. Coerced by Pompeius and sharply repressed by Caesar , the aristocracy was broken at Philippi. The part

he aristocracy was broken at Philippi. The parties of Pompeius and of Caesar had hardly been strong or coherent enough to seiz

to choose a date for the beginning. The breach between Pompeius and Caesar and the outbreak of war in 49 B.C. might appear t

of their enemy Cato: he blamed the original alliance of Pompeius and Caesar . 2 When Pollio set out to narrate the history of

ct of 60 B.C., devised by the political dynasts Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar to control the State and secure the domination of

or thirty years from the Dictatorship of Sulla to the Dictatorship of Caesar . It was the age of Pompeius the Great. Stricken b

public, begins his Annals with the words ‘urbem Romam’. 2 Plutarch, Caesar 13 ; Pompeius 47. 3 Horace, Odes 2, i, i if.

PageBook=>009 in their open strife. 1 Augustus is the heir of Caesar or of Pompeius, as you will. Caesar the Dictator

strife. 1 Augustus is the heir of Caesar or of Pompeius, as you will. Caesar the Dictator bears the heavier blame for civil wa

plebs was therefore essential. It was possessed in abundance both by Caesar and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus.

aximus in the next year. The son therefore inherited ‘urbana gratia’ ( Caesar , BC 3, 83, 1): he is described as designate to th

nostra’ (Ad Att. 1, 1, 4). On his huge estates and armies of coloni, Caesar , BC 1, 17, 4156, 3. 3 ‘Sallust’, Ad Caesarem 2,

ebes lingua, magis malus quam cailidus ingenio. ’ On his ‘iracundia’, Caesar , BC 3, 16, 3. 4 P. Clodius was an ally of Cicer

e and public glory, shaming the mediocrity of their elders. They were Caesar and Cato, diverse in habit and morals, but suprem

secure the consulate in his turn. 2 His aunt was the wife of Marius. Caesar , who took Cinna’s daughter in marriage, defied Su

arius on the Capitol or advocating the restoration of the proscribed, Caesar spoke for family loyalty and for a cause. But he

did not compromise his future or commit his allegiance for all time. Caesar possessed close kin in certain houses of the mode

r. When the Senate held debate concerning the associates of Catilina, Caesar , then praetor-designate, spoke in firm condemnati

a mea ingenti virtute, divorsis moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et C. Caesar . ’ 2 Biographical detail and scandal, influence

e stemma, showing also a connexion with the Rutilii, Münzer, RA, 327. Caesar also had in him the blood of the Marcii Reges (Su

ompetitors were Q. Lutatius Catulus and P. Servilius Vatia (Plutarch, Caesar 7). PageBook=>026 high assembly. But the s

liticians who had publicly spoken for the Lex Manilia were Cicero and Caesar , not ceasing to solicit and claim the support of

Rullus. 3 Both actions and motive of Crassus in this period, as of Caesar , have commonly been misunderstood. PageBook=>

(Cicero, Pro Rabirio perduellionis reo 22), presumably from Cingulum ( Caesar , BC 1, 15, 2; Silius Italicus, Punica 10, 34). Th

t speech from the saviour of the Republic. 7 Abetted by the praetor Caesar , Nepos went on with his proposals in the next yea

daughter’s husband. 6 He should have made certain of both consuls. Caesar , returning from his command in Spain, asked for a

cked the triumph. To wait for it would be to sacrifice the consulate. Caesar made a rapid decision he would be consul, and to

to a certain Servilius Caepio (Suetonius, Divus Iulius 21; Plutarch, Caesar 14; Pompeius 47). Münzer (RA, 338 f.) argues that

eBook=>035 Cato had private grounds as well as public for hating Caesar , the lover of Servilia. 1 There was nothing to

to preclude an alliance with Pompeius. Praetor-designate and praetor, Caesar worked with Pompeius’ tribunes, devising honours

ent. 2 He had also prosecuted an ex-consul hostile to Pompeius. 3 But Caesar was no mere adherent of Pompeius: by holding aloo

holding aloof he enhanced his price. Now, in the summer of the year, Caesar stood for the consulate backed by Crassus’ wealth

, and in concert with L. Lucceius, an opulent friend of Pompeius. 4 Caesar was elected. Pompeius, threatened in his dignitas

compense, was constrained to a secret compact. The diplomatic arts of Caesar reconciled Crassus with Pompeius, to satisfy the

uctoritas, the wealth and influence of Crassus, the consular power of Caesar , and the services of a number of tribunes; furthe

mparable to that of the Greek Theophanes, cf. Ad Alt. 9, I, 3; 11, 3; Caesar , BC 3, 18, 3: ‘adhibito Libone et L. Lucceio et T

ntulus Spinther became proconsul of Hispania Citerior, with help from Caesar (BC 1, 22, 4). On Pompeius’ relations with the Le

required for his ally more than an ordinary proconsulate. To this end Caesar was granted the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which

d sealed the pact by taking in marriage Caesar’s daughter, Julia; and Caesar now married a daughter of Piso. Gabinius and Piso

ραινϵ. 2 Attested for Lentulus Spinther, one of the consuls of 57 ( Caesar , BC 1, 22, 4), and plausibly to be inferred for h

got the province of Hispania Citerior after his consulate (Plutarch, Caesar 21; Dio 39, 54, 1). Their successors, L. Marcius

ame forth with his candidature and loud threats that he would deprive Caesar of army and provinces. Some might hope to persuad

provinces. Some might hope to persuade Pompeius, making him sacrifice Caesar in return for alliance with the oligarchy. Cicero

ted from Rome. 3 Crassus meanwhile had gone to Ravenna to confer with Caesar . The three met at Luca and renewed the compact, w

rom a crisis which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he dropped Caesar , he might have been entrapped by the Optimates an

st, he lacked the desire as well as the pretext to march on Rome; and Caesar did not conquer Gaul in the design of invading It

us completed the purge and created the New State. The swift rise of Caesar menaced the primacy of Pompeius the Great. No lon

Clark). 3 Asconius 29 = p. 33 Clark. 4 Asconius 29 = p. 34 Clark; Caesar , BG 7, 1, 1. 5 Asconius 31 = p. 35 f. Clark; Pl

, with the ultimate decision to turn on the dynast’s attitude towards Caesar and towards Cato. Pompeius prolonged his own poss

rick to annul the law passed by the tribunes of the year conceding to Caesar the right to stand for the consulate in absence.

able amends. The dynast was not yet ready to drop his ally. He needed Caesar for counterbalance against the Catonian party unt

as signally defeated, to the satisfaction of Pompeius no less than of Caesar . Two years passed, heavy with a gathering storm

e Optimates, not altogether against his will, to demand a legion from Caesar . The pretext was the insecurity of Syria, gravely

text was the insecurity of Syria, gravely menaced by the Parthians. 2 Caesar complied. Pompeius proclaimed submission to the S

ntil the next year, along with another previously lent by Pompeius to Caesar . Both were retained in Italy. Though Pompeius o

sar. Both were retained in Italy. Though Pompeius or the enemies of Caesar might prevail at the consular elections, that was

y, Ad Att. 6, 1, 17. His morals (Val. Max. 9, 1, 8) and his capacity ( Caesar , BC 1, 4, 3; 3, 31, 1) were pretty dubious. 2 A

portere senatui dicto audientis esse. ’ PageBook=>041 venal. 1 Caesar could always count on tribunes. C. Scribonius Cur

us and the Optimates united their enemies and reinforced the party of Caesar . Caesar had risen to great power through Pompeius

he Optimates united their enemies and reinforced the party of Caesar. Caesar had risen to great power through Pompeius, helped

s, helped by the lieutenants of Pompeius in peace and in war, and now Caesar had become a rival political leader in his own ri

y by ejection of undesirable senators, and augmented the following of Caesar . The arrogant and stubborn censor, mindful, like

at in contest for an augurship against M. Antonius, sent from Gaul by Caesar . 3 That event showed clearly the strength of the

n command of votes at Rome. Moreover, Antonius and other adherents of Caesar , elected tribunes for the next year, promised to

us (cos. 50) was bought (Suetonius, Divus Iulius 29, 1, &c.); and Caesar had conceived very rational hopes of purchasing L

49, a man loaded with debts, avid and openly venal (Ad Att. 11, 6, 6; Caesar , BC 1, 4, 2). 2 For the full details, cf. P-W 1

d dispassionate statement of the issue, ib. § 2. PageBook=>042 Caesar would tolerate no superior, Pompeius no rival. 1

ook=>042 Caesar would tolerate no superior, Pompeius no rival. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambiti

unced the apathy of senators as submission to tyranny, protested that Caesar was already invading Italy, and took action on be

at mediation and negotiation in private. On January 1st a proposal of Caesar was rejected and he was declared contumacious: si

Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 125 f.; Florus 2, 13, 14. For Pompeius’ jealousy, Caesar , BC 1, 4, 4; Velleius 2, 29, 2; 33, 3. For Caesar

sars Monarchie und das Principat des Pompejus3 (1922), 271 ff. 3 As Caesar complains, BC 1, 85, 9: ‘per paucos probati et el

As Caesar complains, BC 1, 85, 9: ‘per paucos probati et electi’. 4 Caesar , ib. 1, 32, 8 f.: ‘neque se reformidare quod in s

e copiis confidebat. ’ 6 The expectation that Labienus would desert Caesar was probably an important factor. PageBook=>

e years of the Free State. 4 The influence of NotesPage=>042 1 Caesar , BC 1, 8, 3: ‘semper se rei publicae commoda priv

ying a double game. He hoped to employ the leading nobiles to destroy Caesar , whether it came to war or not, in either way gai

ls (P-W 111, 2762; IV A, 853 f.). Rufus actually sent his son to join Caesar , Ad Att. 9, 18, 2. The laudatory epithets here at

ngth from the antipathy which he felt for the person and character of Caesar . The influence and example of Cato spurred on t

legitimacy), a faction in the Senate worked the constitution against Caesar . The proconsul refused to yield. NotesPage=>

the war against Pompeius and the establishment of the Dictatorship of Caesar are events that move in a harmony so swift and su

appear pre-ordained; and history has sometimes been written as though Caesar set the tune from the beginning, in the knowledge

ve it by armed force. 1 Such a view is too simple to be historical. Caesar strove to avert any resort to open war. Both befo

have been repaired. With the nominal primacy of Pompeius recognized, Caesar and his adherents would capture the government an

as mere manoeuvres for position or for time to bring up his armies. 2 Caesar knew how small was the party willing to provoke a

even Illyricum, with a single legion(Appian, BC 2, 32, 126; Plutarch, Caesar 31; Suetonius, Divus Iulius 29, 2). 3 Appian, B

truth and equity. The nature of the political crisis is less obscure. Caesar and his associates in power had thwarted or suspe

past. Exceptions had been made before in favour of other dynasts; and Caesar asserted both legal and moral rights to preferent

d honour, summed up in the Latin word dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar , as he claimed, ‘his dignitas had ever been deare

s had ever been dearer than life itself. ’2 Sooner than surrender it, Caesar appealed to arms. A constitutional pretext was pr

nstitutional pretext was provided by the violence of his adversaries: Caesar stood in defence of the rights of the tribunes an

nd the liberties of the Roman People. But that was not the plea which Caesar himself valued most it was his personal honour.

had thrust the choice between civil war and political extinction. But Caesar refused to join the long roll of Pompeius’ victim

he gave way now, it was the end. Returning to Rome a private citizen, Caesar would at once be prosecuted by his enemies for ex

court, would bring in the inevitable verdict. After that, nothing for Caesar but to join the exiled Milo at Massilia and enjoy

njoy the red mullet and Hellenic culture of that university city. 3 Caesar was constrained to appeal to his army for protect

entioning Cato and Milo). PageBook=>049 At last the enemies of Caesar had succeeded in ensnaring Pompeius and in workin

nd before a certain day. By invoking constitutional sanctions against Caesar , a small faction misrepresented the true wishes o

ed to his allies, but subtle and grandiose to evacuate Italy, leaving Caesar entrapped between the legions of Spain and the ho

he East, and then to return, like Sulla, to victory and to power. 4 Caesar , it is true, had only a legion to hand: the bulk

E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchie3, 299 ff. PageBook=>050 enemies of Caesar had counted upon capitulation or a short and easy

joined battle on the plain of Pharsalus, the odds lay heavily against Caesar . Fortune, the devotion of his veteran legionaries

peian cause in Africa and in Spain. ‘They would have it thus,’ said Caesar as he gazed upon the Roman dead at Pharsalus, hal

c of civil war, half in impatience and resentment. 1 They had cheated Caesar of the true glory of a Roman aristocrat to conten

o chose to fall by his own hand rather than witness the domination of Caesar and the destruction of the Free State. That was

was not the point. The cause of Pompeius had become the better cause. Caesar could not compete. Though interest on each side c

to remain neutral, including several eminent consulars, some of whom Caesar won to sympathy, if not to active support, by his

exhibited as object- lessons of the clementia and magnitudo animi of Caesar . They took the gift of life and restoration with

but for clementia, a Gracchus but lacking a revolutionary programme, Caesar established his Dictatorship. His rule began as t

ed by its comprehensive powers and freedom from the tribunician veto. Caesar knew that secret enemies would soon direct that d

om Pompeius, from Cato and from the oligarchy, no hope of reform. But Caesar seemed different: he had consistently advocated t

vincial. He had shown that he was not afraid of vested interests. But Caesar was not a revolutionary. He soon disappointed the

on that should be radical and genuine. 3 Only the usurers approved of Caesar , so NotesPage=>052 1 Ad fam. 4, 4, 3 (afte

resigning supreme power, showed that he was an ignorant fellow’. 3 Caesar postponed decision about the permanent ordering o

erefore the most attractive form of misrepresentation. The enemies of Caesar spread rumours to discredit the living Dictator:

he enemies of Caesar spread rumours to discredit the living Dictator: Caesar dead became a god and a myth, passing from the re

propaganda. By Augustus he was exploited in two ways. The avenging of Caesar fell to his adopted son who assumed the title of

ation for the ruler of Rome. That was all he affected to inherit from Caesar , the halo. The god was useful, but not the Dictat

sharply to discriminate between Dictator and Princeps. Under his rule Caesar the Dictator was either suppressed outright or ca

omnia quae dilapsa iam diffluxerunt severis legibus vincienda sunt. ’ Caesar carried moral and sumptuary legislation (Suetoniu

the modest magistrate who restored the Republic. In its treatment of Caesar the inspired literature of the Augustan Principat

rom playing round the high and momentous theme of the last designs of Caesar the Dictator. It has been supposed and contended

signs of Caesar the Dictator. It has been supposed and contended that Caesar either desired to establish or had actually inaug

after the pattern of the monarchies of the Hellenistic East. Thus may Caesar be represented as the heir in all things of Alexa

plification of long and diverse ages of history seems to suggest that Caesar alone of contemporary Roman statesmen possessed e

singular and elementary blindness to the present. But this is only a Caesar of myth or rational construction, a lay-figure se

e resemblance to Alexander in warlike fame and even in bodily form. 3 Caesar was a truer Roman than either of them. The comp

Roman than either of them. The complete synthesis in the person of Caesar of hereditary monarchy and divine worship is diff

10, however, is a difficult passage. Yet it can hardly be proved that Caesar devised a comprehensive policy of ruler-worship.

ler-worship. PageBook=>055 in misunderstandings. 1 After death Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State by

t at least of the cult of Divus Julius to that very different person, Caesar the Dictator. The rule of Caesar could well be

ius to that very different person, Caesar the Dictator. The rule of Caesar could well be branded as monarchy on a partisan o

gn king at Rome since the Tarquinii’. 2 It was to silence rumour that Caesar made an ostentatious refusal of the diadem at a p

ubt the Dictator’s powers were as considerable as those of a monarch. Caesar would have been the first to admit it: he needed

presupposes hereditary succession, for which no provision was made by Caesar . The heir to Caesar’s name, his grand-nephew, att

way along the road to power, beginning as a military demagogue. If Caesar must be judged, it is by facts and not by alleged

d not by alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings reveal him, Caesar stands out as a realist and an opportunist. In th

he business in hand: it was expedited in swift and arbitrary fashion. Caesar made plans and decisions in the company of his in

dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could not see a way out’, as one of his friends w

nd baffled itself in the end. 4 Of the melancholy that descended upon Caesar there stands the best of testimony ’my life has b

ize them. 5 The question of ultimate intentions becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might

olid benefits of peace and order might abate men’s resentment against Caesar , insensibly disposing their minds to servitude an

civilia bella subituram. ’ 2 Cassius (Ad fam. 15, 19, 4) describes Caesar as ‘veterem et clementem dominum. ’ 3 Enhanced

be predicted. Brutus might well have been a Caesarian neither he nor Caesar were predestined partisans of Pompeius. Servilia

as annulled by the turn of events in the fatal consulate of Metellus. Caesar was captured by Pompeius: Julia, the bride intend

Brutus, pledged the alliance. After this the paths of Brutus and of Caesar diverged sharply for eleven years. But Brutus, af

after Pharsalus, at once gave up a lost cause, receiving pardon from Caesar , high favour, a provincial command and finally th

ere deeper causes still in Brutus’ resolve to slay the tyrant envy of Caesar and the memory of Caesar’s amours with Servilia,

to Brutus as to Cato, who stood by the ancient ideals, it seemed that Caesar , avid for splendour, glory and power, ready to us

e kings of Rome and fatal to any Republic. NotesPage=>058 1 As Caesar observed, ‘magni refert hic quid velit, sed quicq

privilege and vested interests. It is not necessary to believe that Caesar planned to establish at Rome a ‘Hellenistic Monar

as the power of the Roman plebs when all Italy enjoyed the franchise. Caesar in truth was more conservative and Roman than man

; and no Roman conceived of government save through an oligarchy. But Caesar was being forced into an autocratic position. It

conventional right and wrong. They are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each had right on his side. The new

is stand on honour and prestige, asserted that Pompeius was disloyal. Caesar had made enemies through Pompeius and now Pompeiu

emain: no match, however, in eminence. Few of them were of any use to Caesar or to the State. During the previous three years

of any use to Caesar or to the State. During the previous three years Caesar had not been able to influence the consular elect

ety-eight, so it was alleged (Pliny, NH 7, 156). 3 Above, p. 41 4 Caesar , BC 3, 83 (especially the competition for Caesar’

Pompeius, mindful at last of a marriage-connexion with the family of Caesar , abated his ardour, deserted his cousins and rema

Piso. When hostilities were imminent, Piso offered to mediate between Caesar and Pompeius; and during the Civil Wars he did no

s. Where Pompeius lost supporters through inertia, vanity or perfidy, Caesar gained them and held them. The gold of Gaul poure

, p. 128. PageBook=>063 power and noted for their attacks upon Caesar , when Caesar was an ally and agent of the dynast

ageBook=>063 power and noted for their attacks upon Caesar, when Caesar was an ally and agent of the dynast Pompeius. The

. Hortensius Hortalus (Catullus 65, 2), the son of the orator, joined Caesar (Ad Att. 10, 4, 6). It will hardly be necessary t

hardly be necessary to quote the evidence for Catullus’ attacks upon Caesar , Vatinius, Mamurra and Labienus the last may be t

4, 3 PageBook=>064 their allegiance. 1 Not only senators chose Caesar , but young nobiles at that, kinsmen of the consul

ed and honoured, for example, by the sons of the proconsuls with whom Caesar had served as military tribune and as quaestor. 5

ls with whom Caesar had served as military tribune and as quaestor. 5 Caesar had kept faith with Crassus; the younger son was

kept faith with Crassus; the younger son was dead, the elder followed Caesar , for all that his wife was a Caecilia Metella. 6

45 ff. 2 For example, a son of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus ( Caesar , BC 3, 62, 4) and M. Claudius Marcellus Aeserninu

s. D. Junius Brutus Albinus, a distant relation, had been a legate of Caesar in Gaul. For his pedigree, showing connexions wit

young kinsman, Sex. Julius Caesar (quaestor in 47), is attested with Caesar in 49 (BC 2, 20, 7). On Q. Pedius, cf. below, p.

uetonius, Divus Iulius 79, 4) but not very conspicuous in public. 4 Caesar , BC 1, 6, 4. 5 Caesar served under P. Servilius

9, 4) but not very conspicuous in public. 4 Caesar, BC 1, 6, 4. 5 Caesar served under P. Servilius Vatia in Cilicia (Sueto

. He died soon after. PageBook=>065 Though astute and elusive, Caesar yet seemed as consistent in his politics as in hi

heir property and deprived their descendants of all political rights. Caesar , advocating clemency from humanity and class-feel

between Marius and Sulla, is appropriately discovered on the side of Caesar . 4 The Marian tradition in politics was carried

be described as a consistent party politician, for good or for evil. Caesar the proconsul was faithful to the cause. In his c

f the consul of 83 B.C., L. Cornelius Cinna (pr. 44), to whose sister Caesar had once been married, and C. Carrinas, son of th

ed to a Julia (Val. Max. 6, 7, 3). This P. Sulpicius Rufus, legate of Caesar in the Gallic and Civil Wars (P-W IV A, 849 f.),

emies of the dominant oligarchy took heart again. It was evident that Caesar would restore and reward his friends and partisan

lawyer to whom he had lent a large sum of money. 2 He now stood with Caesar and commanded the right wing at Pharsalus, renewi

d with Caesar and commanded the right wing at Pharsalus, renewing for Caesar the luck of Sulla. 3 The third consulate of Pompe

us could have incriminated the stern censor on that count. Further, Caesar brought back the three disgraced consulars, not a

atinium (1926), 29 ff. Of former Pompeian tribunes, L. Flavius joined Caesar (Ad Att. 10, 1, 2) and so did C. Messius (Bell. A

fr. 33, 2). 2 Gellius 12, 12, 2 ff.; ‘Sallust’, In Ciceronem 3. 3 Caesar , BC 3, 89, 3. Caesar also stole Venus victrix fro

us 12, 12, 2 ff.; ‘Sallust’, In Ciceronem 3. 3 Caesar, BC 3, 89, 3. Caesar also stole Venus victrix from his adversaries, Ap

nucleus of a formidable faction. 3 Some of them he lent to his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 Caesar profite

f them he lent to his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 Caesar profited by the example and by the errors of his

s brother and the great marshal T. Labienus. Honoured and enriched by Caesar , Labienus was encouraged to hope for the consulat

us petitionem. ’ The history that never happened was the consulate of Caesar and Labienus in 48 B.C., with the auctoritas of P

cf. JRS XXVIII (1938), 113 ff. PageBook=>068 and the glory of Caesar . Labienus left Caesar, but not from political pri

, 113 ff. PageBook=>068 and the glory of Caesar. Labienus left Caesar , but not from political principle he returned to

Most conspicuous of all is the group of nobiles of patrician stock. Caesar , like Sulla, was a patrician and proud of it. He

station. The plebs would not have given preference and votes against Caesar for one of themselves or for a mere municipal dig

a mere municipal dignitary. In the traditional way of the patricians, Caesar exploited his family and the state religion for p

imus: the Julii themselves were an old sacerdotal family. 4 Sulla and Caesar , both members of patrician houses that had passed

More numerous were the decayed patricians that pinned their hopes on Caesar , and NotesPage=>068 1 On Labienus’ deser

ined so far that they cannot show a consul. A Fabius Maximus followed Caesar and brought back the consulate to his family. 1 A

Cornelii, the Scipiones and the Lentuli, stood by the oligarchy. But Caesar claimed, among other patricians, the worthy Ti. C

sulate. 3 Old ties were revived and strengthened in the generation of Caesar by Servilia, who worked steadily to restore the d

amily feud against Pompeius; and his consular brother had been won to Caesar by a large bribe. 5 Servilius belonged to a branc

ut no party, ambition but not the will and the power for achievement. Caesar , offering the consulate, had captured them both p

(Ad fam. 8, 6, 1), so he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caesar designated him for the consulate of 44: he cannot

ibertas and amicitia were qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesar as by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to the cor

re qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesar as by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to the core. ‘He was Caesar and h

by Caesar as by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to the core. ‘He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also observed,

would have requited them. ’2 No empty words this trait and policy of Caesar was patent to contemporaries. 3 Justice has not a

d himself so arduously attained. For protection against his enemies Caesar appealed to the legions, devoted and invincible t

r’s dignitas and the liberty of the Roman People. 5 In his dispatches Caesar duly requited the valour and loyalty of the centu

nities for traffic and preferment made military service remunerative. Caesar borrowed funds from his centurions before the cro

ght C. Volusenus Quadratus served for some ten years continuous under Caesar NotesPage=>070 1 Bell. Hisp. 19, 6: ‘se Ca

ldier Ventidius rose to be an army contractor and attached himself to Caesar the proconsul as an expert manager of supplies an

um, with the intention of carrying his narrative down to the death of Caesar ; and he produced less unobtrusive works of propag

rvice to Rome in the Sertorian War, through the agency of Pompeius. 2 Caesar , quaestor in Hispania Ulterior and then propraeto

nce of Balbus and brought him to Rome. Allied both to Pompeius and to Caesar , Balbus gradually edged towards the more powerful

e beginning of the year 56 B.C. the alliance of Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar threatened to collapse. At this favourable moment

s, to break the power of money in the Roman State. Not so Crassus and Caesar . The faction of Pompeius was unable to move eithe

e esse potuit? ’ PageBook=>073 classes or high finance against Caesar . 1 The financier Atticus will have been able to f

been preserved. Many of the bankers were already personal friends of Caesar : it may be presumed that he gave them guarantees

finance in the kingdom. Senators and knights, such was the party of Caesar . With the Roman plebs and the legions of Gaul, a

young men of eager talent and far- sighted bankers as his adherents, Caesar easily won Rome and Italy. NotesPage=>073

of the dynast passed rapidly to his younger and more energetic rival. Caesar the proconsul won to his person the towns of Gall

father had secured Latin rights for the Transpadane communities. But Caesar had the advantage of propinquity and duration. In

conferred. The Transpadani were eager for the full Roman citizenship. Caesar had championed them long ago: as proconsul he enc

hridates. His son, Pompeius Trogus, was the confidential secretary of Caesar . 6 Another NotesPage=>074 1 Ad Att. 8, 11,

lleius 2, 33, 4: ‘Xerxes togatus. ’ 3 e.g., N. Magius from Cremona ( Caesar , BC 1, 24, 4). 4 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 73. Th

am. 5, 1). 5 e.g. C. Fleginas (or rather, Felginas) from Placentia, Caesar , BC 3, 71, 1. The maternal grandfather of L. Calp

saw the recent laurels of Pompeius wane before the power and glory of Caesar , the Germans shattered, the Rhine crossed and Bri

ed to the world. The levies of northern Italy filled the legions of Caesar with devoted recruits. 3 His new conquest, Gallia

, Gallia Comata, provided wealth and the best cavalry in the world. Caesar bestowed the franchise upon the chieftains, his a

torius and the Marian faction. But Pompeius had enemies in Spain, and Caesar both made himself known there and in absence conf

spalis. 5 Gades had been loyal to Rome since the great Punic War, and Caesar filched the Balbi, the dynasts of Gades, from Pom

; and an able adventurer, Mithridates of Pergamum, raised an army for Caesar and relieved the siege of Alexandria; he was also

at city was his friend, domestic historian and political agent. 2 But Caesar , too, had his partisans in the cities of Hellas,

nstantly employed freedmen, like the financier Demetrius of Gadara. 4 Caesar rivalled and surpassed the elder dynast: he place

he son of one of his freedmen. 5 Such in brief was the following of Caesar , summarily indicated and characterized by the nam

down to soldiers and freedmen? There were to be no proscriptions. But Caesar acquired the right to sell, grant or divide up th

o speaks of his auctoritas with Pompeius (Ad Att. 5, 11, 3); cf. also Caesar , BC 3, 18, 3 (Libo, Lucceius and Theophanes). Of

1198. 6 At least seventy millions (Dio 48, 36, 4f.). 7 Plutarch, Caesar 51. PageBook=>077 and estates were charact

without regard for constitutional bar or provision. From six hundred Caesar raised the Senate to nine hundred members,3 and h

The total may not really have been quite so large. 4 Ib. 43, 49, 1. Caesar clearly contemplated a system of two consular and

enturions only one is sufficiently attested. 1 Worse than all that, Caesar elevated men from the provinces to a seat in the

became Roman, whose citizenship, so far from being the recent gift of Caesar , went back to proconsuls a generation or two earl

in that he was a senator. 2 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 80, 2: Gallos Caesar in triumphum ducit, idem in curiam. Galli braca

rbonensis, cf. above, p. 44; for Valerii note C. Valerius Troucillus, Caesar , BG 1, 47, 4, &c. PageBook=>080 citize

citizens by this date. L. Decidius Saxa, made tribune of the plebs by Caesar in 44 B.C., had served under him in the wars, eit

aracter of the Senate before his Dictatorship NotesPage=>080 1 Caesar , BC 1, 66, 3; Cicero, Phil. 11, 12; 13, 27, &

e perhaps of the family of the proscribed Samnite, Cn. Decidius, whom Caesar defended (Tacitus, Dial. 21, 6, cf. Pro Cluentio

(Tacitus, Dial. 21, 6, cf. Pro Cluentio 161)? 2 For his services to Caesar , Velleius 2, 51, 3. Balbus was quaestor in Hispan

ossibility that there were one or two provincial senators even before Caesar , cf. BSR Papers XIV (1938), 14. PageBook=>08

part of the socially undesirable or morally reprehensible nominees of Caesar the Dictator were in truth highly respectable Rom

t fleets and armies, vexing Cicero: he commanded them. 2 Above all, Caesar recruited for his new Senate the propertied class

istocrats in sympathy with the champion of the oppressed classes. 6 Caesar had numerous partisans in the regions of Italy th

o, like him, had crushed the Gauls, the traditional enemies of Italy. Caesar in his invasion pressed swiftly through Picenum t

atinius and Sallustius. 6 They were no doubt followed by knights whom Caesar promoted. Campania, again, a prosperous region, c

Italia, providing insurgent leaders in the Bellum Italicum, gain from Caesar the dignity they deserved but otherwise might nev

talent, won early fame as a speaker NotesPage=>091 1 Plutarch, Caesar 16. For another Caesarian Granius, cf. BC 3, 71,

of Rome, making enemies and friends in high places. 1 Pollio was with Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon. Herennius was a ge

talici are hostile to Pompeius and the legitimate government of Rome. Caesar has a mixed following, some stripped from Pompeiu

by civil wars, by the Dictatorship and by the Revolution. The role of Caesar is evident and important no occasion, therefore,

e visible evidence of social and political revolution. The party of Caesar shows a fair but not alarming proportion of non-L

vus homo L. Munatius Plancus, of a reputable family from Tibur; 2 and Caesar probably intended that M. Brutus and C. Cassius s

landowner L. Minucius Basilus, a not altogether satisfactory person, Caesar refused the government of a province, offering a

t. 8 Brutus was a nobilis, Galba a patrician. Yet the opposition to Caesar did not come in the main from the noble or patric

young P. Cornelius Dolabella arrayed in the insignia of a consul; for Caesar had intended that Dolabella should have the vacan

:1 the audience was inflammable. At the recital of the great deeds of Caesar and NotesPage=>098 1 Suetonius, Divus Iuli

up an altar and a pillar in the Forum, offering prayers and a cult to Caesar . Prominent among the authors of disorder was a ce

heir sympathizers. The harm had already been done. Not the funeral of Caesar but the session of March 17th, that was the real

ch 17th, that was the real calamity. 1 Both the acts and the party of Caesar survived his removal. Of necessity, given the pri

ir end would have been rapid and violent. The moderates, the party of Caesar , the veterans in Italy, and the Caesarian armies

pire and the dispensation of bread and games. The plebs had acclaimed Caesar , the popular politician, with his public boast of

e last months of Caesar’s life, artfully fomented by his enemies; and Caesar , who had taken up arms in defence of the rights o

d ground for optimistic interpretation. Yet even after the funeral of Caesar and the ensuing disorders, Brutus appears to have

ot. Dolabella had suppressed a recrudescence of the irregular cult of Caesar at Rome: it was hoped that he might be induced to

ius in Syria, to brighter prospects, to the camps and the councils of Caesar . Antonius was an intrepid and dashing cavalry lea

of Pharsalus. But Antonius’ talents were not those of a mere soldier. Caesar , a good judge of men, put him in control of Italy

Master of the Horse, for more than a year. The task was delicate, and Caesar may not have been altogether satisfied with his d

nted consul in 46 and Master of the Horse: no evidence, however, that Caesar prized him above Antonius for loyalty or for capa

consul for that year, would be left in charge of the government when Caesar departed. Born in 82 B.C., Antonius was now in

State and upon Antonius. It had been feared that the assassination of Caesar would have wide and ruinous repercussions outside

r the following year2 probably in accordance with the intentions of Caesar . Dolabella received Syria, Antonius Macedonia: wi

to go far in violence and corruption to equal the first consulate of Caesar . Nor are there sufficient grounds for the parti

r and succeed to sole and supreme power at Rome as though the fate of Caesar were not a warning. Moreover, Antonius may have l

ating and hardly to be prevented at this juncture. 3 Ib. 14, 12, 1. Caesar had given them only Latin rights 4 Ib. 14, 12,

e and feuds. Pompeius they might have tolerated for a time, or even Caesar , but not Antonius and young Dolabella, still less

isalpina, and Gallia Comata as well (the region recently conquered by Caesar ):1 these lands he would garrison with the Macedon

ff.; W. W. How, Cicero, Select Letters 11 (1926), App. IX, 546ff. 3 Caesar had divided Africa. Sextius’ province was Africa

evaded undue prominence, Fufius and Caninius, who had been legates of Caesar in Gaul and elsewhere, and Cn. Domitius Calvinus,

Rome (about April 21st) and made his way to Campania. The veterans of Caesar had to be attended to, with urgent and just claim

Ch. VIII CAESAR’S HEIR PageBook=>112 BY the terms of his will Caesar appointed as heir to his name and fortune a certa

rilliant career through these influential connexions, was taken up by Caesar . 5 When C. Octavius passed by adoption into the

Cicero, Phil. 3, 15. 5 The young Octavius, in Spain for a time with Caesar in 45 B.C., was enrolled among the patricians; an

a time with Caesar in 45 B.C., was enrolled among the patricians; and Caesar drew up his will, naming the heir, on September 1

as ‘Divus Augustus’. In the early and revolutionary years the heir of Caesar never, it is true, referred to himself as ‘Octavi

dubious and misleading. As his enemies bitterly observed, the name of Caesar was the young man’s fortune. 2 Italy and the worl

he resolved to acquire the power and the glory along with the name of Caesar . Whether his insistence that Caesar be avenged an

the glory along with the name of Caesar. Whether his insistence that Caesar be avenged and the murderers punished derives mor

ugh to explain the ascension of Octavianus. A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his own star. The fortu

l else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his own star. The fortune of Caesar survived his fall. On no rational forecast of eve

followed. Octavianus claimed the ready money from the inheritance of Caesar to pay the legacies. Antonius answered with excus

d alienate the other. Hitherto Antonius had neglected the avenging of Caesar and prevented his cult; he had professed concilia

The enterprises of Herophilus had shown what dominance the memory of Caesar retained over the populace. The heir of Caesar at

ominance the memory of Caesar retained over the populace. The heir of Caesar at once devoted himself to Caesarian propaganda.

praetor, on July 7th. At last his chance arrived. Certain friends of Caesar supplied abundant funds,1 which along with his ow

ared in the northern sky. The superstitious mob acclaimed the soul of Caesar made a god. Octavianus accepted the sign with s

oitation. 2 He caused a star to be placed upon the head of statues of Caesar . Hence a new complication in Roman politics tow

tas more than his amicitia and bade him take warning from the fate of Caesar . 1 Of any immediate intentions the Liberators s

Octavianus was resolute. He had a cause to champion, the avenging of Caesar , and was ready to exploit every advantage. In the

he first place, the urban plebs, fanatically devoted to the memory of Caesar and susceptible to the youth, the dignified beari

re costly but more remunerative as an investment were the soldiers of Caesar , active in the legions or settled in the military

ivate army, securing official recognition and betraying his allies. Caesar , more consistent in his politics, had to wait lon

ced at the last into a fatal alliance with his enemies the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved because he had a party behind him.

ause he had a party behind him. It was clear that many a man followed Caesar in an impious war from personal friendship, not p

to his son and heir. Loyalty could only be won by loyalty in return. Caesar never let down a friend, whatever his character a

name for rashness. But the times called for daring and the example of Caesar taught him to run risks gaily, to insist upon his

imulation that had been alien to the splendid and patrician nature of Caesar . He soon took the measure of Antonius: the Caesar

onstitutional backing. He would then have to postpone the avenging of Caesar until he was strong enough, built up by Republica

ght be lured and captured by the genial idea of employing the name of Caesar and the arms of Octavianus to subvert the dominat

the Senate on September 1st Antonius proposed that a day in honour of Caesar should be added to the solemn thanksgivings paid

esarian policy, Antonius caused to be set up in the Forum a statue of Caesar with the inscription ‘Parenti optime merito’. 2 H

he young man delivered a vigorous speech attacking Antonius, praising Caesar and asserting upon oath his invincible resolve to

as impotent against the heir of the Dictator. Once again the ghost of Caesar prevailed over the living. The baffled consul t

reason to enhance the courageous and independent spirit of the young Caesar . 3 Though Philippus’ caution was congenital, his

. 19. In politics the son was able to enjoy support from Pompeius and Caesar , as witness his proconsulate of Syria, marriage t

s is by no means clear; neither is the fate of the private fortune of Caesar the Dictator and the various state moneys at his

very wealthy. The heir could claim their services. 2 Nor is this all. Caesar , intending to depart without delay to the Balkans

In November he is discovered on a familiar errand, this time not for Caesar , but for Caesar’s heir a confidential mission to

n equestrian officer (Bell. Al. 31, 3) promoted to senatorial rank by Caesar . He commanded the legio Martia for Octavianus at

ose counsel Octavianus sought when he arrived in Campania. Friends of Caesar , to whom they owed all, they would surely not rep

tentatious display and senseless luxury. 2 Being the father-in-law of Caesar , and elected through the agency of Pompeius and C

ther-in-law of Caesar, and elected through the agency of Pompeius and Caesar to the consulate, Piso saw no occasion to protect

iation or compromise then and later, both during the struggle between Caesar and Pompeius and when Roman politics again appear

d Pompeius in the Civil War. Servilius, however, had been ensnared by Caesar , perhaps with a bribe to his ambition, the consul

ot have been a man of action yet he governed the province of Asia for Caesar with some credit in 46-44 B.C. On his return to R

iso would hardly lend help or sanction to the NotesPage=>136 1 Caesar , BC 1, 3, 6; Plutarch, Pompeius 58, and Caesar 37

NotesPage=>136 1 Caesar, BC 1, 3, 6; Plutarch, Pompeius 58, and Caesar 37; Dio 41, 16, 4; Cicero, Ad Att. 7, 13, 1; Ad f

ld perfidy, for which, through easy self-deception, he chose to blame Caesar , the agent of his misfortunes, rather than Pompei

. Otherwise there were many things that might have brought Cicero and Caesar together a common taste for literature, to which

seemed willing to go back upon his principles and make concessions to Caesar . 1 Cicero was induced to accept a military comm

ill put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was able to hold out against Caesar . Though in the Senate he was once moved to celebr

on a vindication of Cato, which he published, inaugurating a fashion. Caesar answered with praise of the author’s talent and a

nfluenced by circumstantial rumours. It was by no means unlikely that Caesar would be entangled and defeated in Spain by the e

ltogether satisfactory. Rather than emend, Cicero gave it up, gladly. Caesar did not insist. Time was short agents like Balbus

h 17th, the sharp perception that neither the policy nor the party of Caesar had been abolished brought a rapid disillusionmen

alus, the same amicable attitude. 5 Again, after the assassination of Caesar , nothing but NotesPage=>140 1 Ad Att. 16,

ain, in the first two speeches against Antonius, no word of the young Caesar : yet the existence of Antonius’ rival must have b

ir of the Dictator, a revolutionary under the sign of the avenging of Caesar . Of that purpose, no secret, no disguise. To be s

safeguard to the conservatives by permitting one of the assassins of Caesar to be elected tribune7 merely a political gesture

ered in Rome, the solemn oath with hand outstretched to the statue of Caesar the Dictator. 8 Cicero in alarm confessed the rui

ous alternatives: ‘if Octavianus succeeded and won power, the acta of Caesar would be more decisively confirmed than they were

o hoped that Pompeius could be induced to go back on his allies, drop Caesar , and become amenable to guidance: he was abruptly

e experience and wisdom of the non-party statesman was not invoked by Caesar the Dictator in his organization of the Roman Com

s of despotism, Balbus, Vatinius and Gabinius, by the Dictatorship of Caesar and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. H

were free but not equal. He returned to it under the Dictatorship of Caesar ,1 but never published, perhaps never completed, t

egation of liberty, the laws and of all civilized life. 3 So much for Caesar . But the desire for fame is not in itself an in

ng how far, for all their splendour and power, the principes Crassus, Caesar and Pompeius had fallen short of genuine renown.

tion of the money a princeps required); ib. 26 (on the ‘temeritas’ of Caesar ). 3 Ib. 3, 83: ‘ecce tibi qui rex populi Romani

o was found wanting, incompetent to emulate the contrasted virtues of Caesar and of Cato, whom Sallustius, an honest man and n

m reflections. When Hirtius brought to completion the commentaries of Caesar , he confessed that he could see no end to civil s

onfessed that he could see no end to civil strife. 1 Men recalled not Caesar only but Lepidus and armies raised in the name of

point of honour in a liberal society to take these things gracefully. Caesar was sensitive to slander: but he requited Catullu

in itself. Once in power, the popularis, were he Pompeius or were he Caesar , would do his best to curb the dangerous and anac

nd rescued Rome and Italy from the tyranny of the Marian party; 2 and Caesar the proconsul, trapped by Pompeius and the oligar

s et deletam Italiam urbemque Romanam in libertatem vindicavit. ’ 3 Caesar , BC 22, 5: ‘ut se et populum Romanum factione pau

waive his hostility against the rulers of Rome, Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar . 1 The dynast Pompeius sacrificed his ally Caesar

mpeius, Crassus and Caesar. 1 The dynast Pompeius sacrificed his ally Caesar to the oligarchs out of sheer patriotism. 2 Octav

xplains that he was not really, despite appearances, an ‘inimicus’ of Caesar . 2 Caesar, BC 1, 8, 3: ‘semper se rei publicae

he was not really, despite appearances, an ‘inimicus’ of Caesar. 2 Caesar , BC 1, 8, 3: ‘semper se rei publicae commoda priv

e sincere. From personal loyalty they might follow great leaders like Caesar or Antonius: they had no mind to risk their lives

rced, or at least accelerated, by the arguments of a common humanity. Caesar began it, invoking clemency, partly to discredit

red to vigour? Octavianus had the veterans, the plebs and the name of Caesar : his allies in the Senate would provide the rest.

te and held his province through legal provisions, namely the acta of Caesar the Dictator. But what of the official recognitio

absent from the Senate that fought against Antonius. The assassins of Caesar had left Italy, and the young men of the faction

and C. Claudius Marcellus. Three excellent men (L. Aurelius Cotta, L. Caesar and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus), from age, infirmity or

it was scarcely to be expected that the generals and the veterans of Caesar would lend ready aid to the suppression of Antoni

t, his power unequal. A scholar, a wit and an honest man, a friend of Caesar and of Antonius but a Republican, Pollio found hi

aordinary command in virtue of a plebiscite, as had both Pompeius and Caesar in the past. 2 To contest the validity of such gr

tative commission, namely Calenus, Cicero, Piso, P. Servilius, and L. Caesar . Cicero, however, changed his mind and backed out

improper in a war between citizens, and never claimed by Sulla or by Caesar . To a thoughtful patriot it was no occasion for r

>162 1 Ad fam. 11, 10, 4: ‘sed neque Caesari imperari potest nec Caesar exercitui suo quod utrumque pessimum est. ’ 2 T

dinis causa eorum salutis rationem habuimus’ (Ad fam. 10, 34, 2). 2 Caesar , BC 3, 19. PageBook=>165 intervened. Lepid

oyalty, explained how weak his forces were, and blamed upon the young Caesar the escape of Antonius and his union with Lepidus

, revealed their authors, and rebuked to their faces the relatives of Caesar (presumably Philippus and Marcellus) who appeared

suggested that Octavianus might be induced to pardon the assassins of Caesar . ‘Better dead than alive by his leave:2 let Cicer

ns and then pushed on with picked troops, moving with the rapidity of Caesar . There was consternation in Rome. The Senate sent

brief formalities. To bring to trial and punishment the assassins of Caesar , a special court was established by a law of the

true balance of power and influence. Antonius constrained the young Caesar to resign the office he had seized. The rest of t

ate: it was enough that their rivals should be thwarted and impotent. Caesar the Dictator pardoned his adversaries and facilit

t of senatorial rank. 3 A large number of local aristocrats supported Caesar ; 4 and some will have remained loyal to the Caesa

y or now purchased it. 5 The ambition of generals like Pompeius and Caesar provoked civil war without intending or achieving

aesar provoked civil war without intending or achieving a revolution. Caesar , being in close contact with powerful financial i

established on provincial soil, sparing Italy. A party prevailed when Caesar defeated Pompeius yet the following of Caesar was

A party prevailed when Caesar defeated Pompeius yet the following of Caesar was by no means homogeneous, and the Dictator sto

y landowners, cf. above, p. 31. 4 In 45 B.C. he was able to provide Caesar with six thousand muraenae for a triumphal banque

buttressed with a despotism that made men recall the Dictatorship of Caesar as an age of gold. 4 Thinned by war and proscript

B 50. PageBook=>197 elected. Sixteen praetors were created by Caesar , a rational and even necessary reform: one year o

the same year; then both disappear. 5 Two honest men, L. Piso and L. Caesar , lapse completely from record. Philippus and Marc

a second consulate from the Triumvirs (41 B.C.), like his first from Caesar : after that he is not heard of again. Antonius’ a

d orders. The bulk of the nobiles, both ex-Pompeians and adherents of Caesar , banished from Italy, were with the Liberators or

in the Roman nobility, many young men of spirit and distinction chose Caesar in preference to Pompeius and the oligarchy; but

was active with a fleet for the Republic. 10 Most of the assassins of Caesar had no doubt left Italy at an early date; and the

-Latin in their nomenclature. Some had held independent command under Caesar : Allienus and Staius are soon heard of no more, b

, 4. 2 Dio 48, 41, 1 ff. 3 C. Norbanus was admitted to honours by Caesar : the ending of the gentilicium is palpably non-La

claimed a right and a duty that transcended all else, the avenging of Caesar . Pietas prevailed, and out of the blood of Caesar

se, the avenging of Caesar. Pietas prevailed, and out of the blood of Caesar the monarchy was born. NotesPage=>201 1 Se

ear Senate and magistrates took a solemn oath to maintain the acts of Caesar the Dictator. More than this, Caesar was enrolled

emn oath to maintain the acts of Caesar the Dictator. More than this, Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State. 1

er law made provision for the cult in the towns of Italy. 2 The young Caesar could now designate himself ‘Divi filius’. Unde

designate himself ‘Divi filius’. Under the sign of the avenging of Caesar , the Caesarian armies made ready for war. The lea

nd hope for a speedy decision on land. Antonius pressed on: the young Caesar , prostrate from illness, lingered at Dyrrhachium.

od each other and compromised for peace and for Rome: the avenging of Caesar and the extermination of the Liberators had not b

only this Brutus was prescient and despondent, warned by the ghost of Caesar . On the contrary, Brutus at last was calm and dec

the Republic: would the legions stand against the name and fortune of Caesar ? From his war-chest Cassius paid the men fifteen

o was conveying two legions to Dyrrhachium. 3 It was not the ghost of Caesar but an incalculable hazard, the loss of Cassius,

f. PageBook=>207 decided, invoking or inventing a proposal of Caesar the Dictator, must be a province no longer but re

himself a seat upon the jury that condemned to death the assassins of Caesar . 2 These judicial murders were magnified by defam

on his support for Antonius. 5 The partnership in arms of the young Caesar , his coeval Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus their s

ent, was already in negotiation with Antonius. Once again the young Caesar was saved by the fortune that clung to his name.

ctavianus had a leader. The final armed reckoning for the heritage of Caesar seemed inevitable; for Rome the choice between tw

phew, under sentence of death for alleged complicity in the murder of Caesar ; his open ally was Pompeius, in whose company sto

of Caesarian loyalty alone of the senators they had sought to defend Caesar the Dictator when he was assailed by the Liberato

, Antonius stood forth as the senior partner, overshadowing the young Caesar in prestige and in popularity. Of Lepidus none to

ambitious rival for the leadership of the Caesarian party. The young Caesar , strong in the support of the plebs and the veter

o had made his way by treachery and who, by the virtue of the name of Caesar , won the support of the plebs in Rome and the arm

or quaestor the Marsian Poppaedius Silo. 6 Ventidius had served under Caesar , and he moved with Caesarian decision and rapidit

ain been saved from ruin by the name, the fortune and the veterans of Caesar , the diplomacy of his friends and his own cool re

rusus),2 she married a kinsman, Ti. Claudius Nero, who had fought for Caesar against Pompeius, for L. Antonius and the Republi

e disasters of Octavianus into high and startling relief. 1 The young Caesar was now in sore need both of the generalship of A

life had been saved by Pompeius several years earlier. 3 The young Caesar had conquered the island of Sicily. Chance delive

magogue for nothing. He entered the camp of Lepidus, with the name of Caesar as his sole protection: it was enough. 4 The sold

and that was enough. Private gratitude had already hailed the young Caesar with the name or epithet of divinity. 5 His statu

Carrinas, of a family proscribed by Sulla, but admitted to honours by Caesar , commanded armies for the Dictator, and was the f

vinus is a solitary and mysterious figure. It was from his house that Caesar set forth on the Ides of March; 4 and Caesar had

was from his house that Caesar set forth on the Ides of March; 4 and Caesar had destined him to be NotesPage=>234 1 Ap

he Republic or for Octavianus. 3 Sex. Peducaeus, who had served under Caesar in the Civil Wars, was one of Octavianus’ legates

ts of Sex. Pompeius passed into his service. None the less, the young Caesar was acquiring a considerable faction among the ar

lities or retain the monopoly of martial valour. This was the young Caesar that Italy and the army knew after the campaigns

the military exploits in Illyricum enhanced the prestige of the young Caesar , winning him adherents from every class and every

d a triumph. Apollo, however, was the protecting deity of the young Caesar , and to Apollo on the Palatine he had already ded

ence of Rome under the monarchy. More artful than Antonius, the young Caesar built not only for splendour and for the gods. He

the Dialogus of Tacitus (25, 3, cf. 17, 1), Calvus, Caelius, Brutus, Caesar and Pollio are accorded the rank of ‘classical’ o

holarship, taking as his subject all antiquities, human and divine. 1 Caesar had invoked his help for the creation of public l

ars to have been composed in the years 55–47 B.C. It was dedicated to Caesar . 2 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 44, 2. 3 RR 1, 1,

Expelled from the Senate by the censors of 50 B.C., he returned with Caesar , holding military command in the wars and governi

g military command in the wars and governing a province. 1 The end of Caesar abated the ambition of Sallustius and his belief

he death of Sulla onwards. Though Sallustius was no blind partisan of Caesar , his aim, it may be inferred, was to demonstrate

or apology: his testimony to the peculiar but contrasted greatness of Caesar and Cato denied rank of comparison to Pompeius Ma

of recent wars and monarchic faction-leaders like Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar , but of a wider and even more menacing perspectiv

ingdoms; and they could set before them the heirs and the marshals of Caesar , owing no loyalty to Rome but feigned devotion to

orn to pieces by the Roman mob in mistake for one of the assassins of Caesar ; Q. Cornificius, another Caesarian, orator and po

m had attacked in lampoon and invective the dynast Pompeius, his ally Caesar and their creature Vatinius. With Caesar reconcil

the important post of praefectus fabrum (cf. Balbus and Mamurra under Caesar in Spain and Gaul respectively). 5 The various

the Narbonensian poet P. Terentius Varro had sung of the campaigns of Caesar ; 3 and a certain Cornelius Severus was writing, o

r the fruits of mercantile operations, dynastic in their own right. Caesar did his best to equal or usurp the following of P

tetrarch but reputed bastard of the king of Pontus, raised troops for Caesar and won a kingdom for his reward; 2 and Antipater

d; 2 and Antipater the Idumaean, who had lent help to Gabinius and to Caesar , governed in Judaea, though the ancient Hasmonean

esar’s friend Theopompus. 5 Now standing in the place of Pompeius and Caesar as master of the eastern lands, not only did he i

dence there quoted; for Potamo, SIG3 754 and 764. 2 P-W xv, 2205 f. Caesar gave him a Galatian tetrarchy and the kingdom of

m possible, however, to determine whether they got the franchise from Caesar or from Augustus. 5 Cicero, Phil. 13, 33: ‘magn

revealed a habit and created a policy. At Ephesus all Asia proclaimed Caesar as a god manifest, son of Ares and Aphrodite, uni

le’. 4 Thus did Antonius carry yet farther the policy of Pompeius and Caesar , developing and perhaps straining the balanced un

ere of vassal kingdoms. He adopted the plan of campaign attributed to Caesar the Dictator not to cross the arid plains of Meso

ent Furnius, in the past an ally and protégé of Cicero, a partisan of Caesar and a legate of Plancus in Gaul. 5 Other diplomat

ove, p. 200. PageBook=>268 Antonius had been a loyal friend to Caesar , but not a fanatical Caesarian. The avenging of t

nants of the Catonian and the Pompeian parties, among them enemies of Caesar and assassins yet unpunished, to find harbourage

d a greater danger and hoped to use Pompeius for the Republic against Caesar . Failing in that, it conspired with dissident Cae

yond all doubt the best of his family, refused to accept amnesty from Caesar the Dictator. Of the company of the assassins in

the Pompeian admiral Q. Nasidius, and the few surviving assassins of Caesar , among them Turullius and Cassius of Parma ; 3 yo

of 76 B.C.: note M. Octavius as a Pompeian admiral in 49 and 48 B.C. ( Caesar , JSC 3, 5, 3, &c). The mysterious Metellus wa

Actium (Appian, BC 4, 42, 175 ff). L. Pinarius Scarpus, the nephew of Caesar the Dictator, is difficult to classify: on him, c

and the population preferred to be free from the Roman tax-gatherer. Caesar took from the companies of publicara the farming

The remainder of the northern frontier clamoured to be regulated, as Caesar himself had probably seen, by fresh conquests in

defences were weak, its monarchs impotent or ridiculous. Pompeius or Caesar might have annexed: they wisely preferred to pres

Years before, Cleopatra was of no moment whatsoever in the policy of Caesar the Dictator, but merely a brief chapter in his a

ace, Odes 1, 37, 21. 3 The unimportance of Cleopatra in relation to Caesar has been firmly argued by Carcopino, Ann. de l’Éc

taly sacrifice brave sons and fair lands at the bidding of enemies of Caesar or of Antonius? The Roman constitution might be e

ra. 2 The younger dynast, no longer owing everything to the name of Caesar , possessed strength and glory in his own right, a

imperator. It resembled also the solemn pledge given by the Senate to Caesar the Dictator in the last month of his life, or th

e August 1st, the date of the capture of Alexandria ‘quod eo die imp. Caesar divi f. rem publicam tristissimo periculo liberav

Suetonius, Divus Iulius 84, 2 and 86, 1; Appian, BC 2, 144, 600 ff. ( Caesar ); 3, 46, 188 (Antonius). See the interpretation o

n of Sulmo had opened its gates to M. Antonius when he led troops for Caesar in the invasion of Italy. The adhesion of Sulmo t

ain and Gallia Narbonensis had already been admitted to the Senate by Caesar the Dictator; and there was an imposing total of

ns of the various tribes were attached in loyalty to the clientela of Caesar . Triumphs from Africa and Spain celebrated in 32

d the impression of a pacified West as well as the power and glory of Caesar and the Caesarian party. 4 The armies of the We

: a whole people marched under the gods of Rome and the leadership of Caesar , united in patriotic resolve for the last war of

solve for the last war of all. Hinc Augustus agens Italos in prolia Caesar cum patribus populoque, peatibus et magins dis.

aced the Antonians. The battle was to be fought under the auspices of Caesar —Caesar’s heir in the forefront, stans celsa in

Cleopatra, to the sworn and sacred union of all Italy. But the young Caesar required the glory of a victory that would surpas

e and subsidized in Rome. There remained the partisans of Antonius. Caesar had invoked and practised the virtue of clemency

the poets announced) the true, complete and sublime triumph—the young Caesar would pacify the ends of the earth, subjugating b

the annals of the future. On the brightest page stands emblazoned the Caesar of Trojan stock, destined himself for divinity, b

imal curse of fratricidal strife: nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris Iulius

r his safety had been celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging of Caesar , and with it his own divine descent, was advertis

rinus. Full honour was done to the founder in the years after Actium. Caesar had set his own statue in the temple of Quirinus:

ed in an emergency, he turned his powers to selfish ends. The rule of Caesar and of the Triumvirs bore the title and pretext o

ling the constitution on a stable basis (rei publicae constituendae). Caesar had put off the task, the Triumvirs had not even

house, the grandson of a dynast who had taken rank with Pompeius and Caesar ; in military glory he was a sudden rival to the n

rds and forms were changed, and not all of them. As ‘dux’ the young Caesar had fought the war under the national mandate, an

counsellors. PageBook=>314 into Heaven. That was too much like Caesar the Dictator. Moreover, the young Caesar was a sa

aven. That was too much like Caesar the Dictator. Moreover, the young Caesar was a saviour and benefactor beyond any precedent

ty with a legitimate government, Caesar’s heir forswore the memory of Caesar : in the official conception, the Dictatorship and

d their vocabulary. Livy was moved to grave doubts—was the birth of Caesar a blessing or a curse? 4 Augustus twitted him wit

Aeneid, when he matched the rival leaders, made Aeneas’ guide exhort Caesar to disarm before Pompeius: tuque prior, tu parc

tela manu, sanguis meus! 6 Save for that veiled rebuke, no word of Caesar in all the epic record of Rome’s glorious past. F

7 lb. 8, 670. PageBook=>318 Virgil did not need to say where Caesar belonged—with his revolutionary ally or with the

traduced after death. Again, Horace in the Odes omits all mention of Caesar the Dictator. Only the Julium sidus is there— the

n of Caesar the Dictator. Only the Julium sidus is there— the soul of Caesar , purged of all earthly stain, transmuted into a c

and closest to the government. On the whole, better to say nothing of Caesar , or for that matter of Antonius, save as criminal

to say, a grateful people would unfailingly elect the candidates whom Caesar in his wisdom had chosen, with or without formal

ruction. Reunited after the conference of Luca, Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar took a large share of provinces. From 55 B.C. the

gt;330 1 C. Antistius Vetus (cos suff. 30 b.c.) Governing Syria for Caesar as quaestor in 45 B.C., he joined the Liberators

the middle of the year 27. In absence, distinct political advantages. Caesar the Dictator intended to spend three years in the

perished by disease or by the dagger, there might come again, as when Caesar the Dictator fell, dissension in their ranks, end

ivalry between Antonius, the deputy-leader and political successor of Caesar the Dictator, and Octavianus, who was his heir in

346 (No Notes) PageBook=>347 Augustus might not be a second Caesar : he lacked the vigour and the splendour of that d

e consulate or were later rewarded with that supreme distinction. 1 Caesar the Dictator augmented the Senate by admitting hi

easure nor the men were as scandalous as was made out then and since. Caesar preserved distinctions. The more discreditable ac

ained to secure domination for the future. After the assassination of Caesar vested interests averted disturbance and imposed

ter Augustus inherited and developed the practices of Pompeius and of Caesar . NotesPage=>354 1 This is the type of ‘san

a well-ordered state can do without such men. NotesPage=>355 1 Caesar , BG 3, 5, 2 &c.; BC 3, 60, 4. L. Decidius Sax

ho had served in the armies of Sulla and of Crassus. 2 Balbus under Caesar in Spain, Mamurra in Gaul. It might also be conje

der the guise of restoration, none the less perpetuated the policy of Caesar and of the Triumvirs: ‘occultior, non melior’, hi

admission to the Senate for numerous Italians. Their chance came with Caesar . Sick of words and detesting the champions of oli

the peoples of the Marsi, the Marrucini and the Paeligni welcomed in Caesar the resurgence of the Marian faction. Dictatorshi

e | novo m[ore] et divus Aug[ustus av]onc[ulus m]eus et patruus Ti. | Caesar omnem florem ubique coloniarum ac municipiorum, b

ct, however, in assigning the innovation to Augustus and Tiberius: to Caesar he could not officially appeal for precedent, cf.

aristocracy by no means narrow and exclusive. The generous policy of Caesar and of Augustus could be supported by the venerab

and justify, but they do not explain in root and origin, the acts of Caesar and of Augustus. In granting the Roman franchise

re, to the exclusion of rivals. Nor was it for reasons of theory that Caesar and Augustus attached to their party and promoted

held, lacked both the broad imperial vision and the liberal policy of Caesar : a grave exaggeration, deriving from that schemat

: a grave exaggeration, deriving from that schematic contrast between Caesar the Dictator and Augustus the Princeps which may

of novi homines was perpetuated and regularized by Caesar Augustus. Caesar admitted provincials. No evidence that Augustus e

rgeois, devoted and insatiable in admiration of social distinction. Caesar and Tiberius, the Julian and the Claudian, knew t

ge at which the quaestorship could be held, forty- two the consulate. Caesar had been hasty and arbitrary: the Triumvirs were

the splendour of that last effulgence before the war of Pompeius and Caesar . He persevered for a long time, hardly ever admit

ncestry and personality, not to alluring programmes or solid merit. Caesar and the Triumvirs had changed all that. None the

Augustus both created new patrician houses and sought, like Sulla and Caesar before him, to revive the ancient nobility, patri

Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. Calpurnius Piso (the young brother-in-law of Caesar the Dictator) and the accomplished Paullus Fabius

he blood of Sulla and of Pompeius. 5 She was the destined bride of L. Caesar , the Princeps’ grandson: the youth died, and Lepi

e obscure admiral M. Lurius. 2 As proconsul of Gaul or as Dictator, Caesar had spent generously. Cicero was moved to indigna

urra, the gardens of Balbus:3 Cicero himself was still owing money to Caesar for a timely loan when the Civil War broke out. 4

ed, he was able to bequeath to the populace of Rome a sum as large as Caesar had, twenty-five denarii a head. 1 But Balbus beg

wn right, without special or public merit. 7 Though supplemented by Caesar , the patriciate had been reduced again in the war

otism. Hence and at this price a well ordered state such as Sulla and Caesar might have desired but could never have created.

cal emergency. Against Catilina, perhaps, but not against Pompeius or Caesar . When it came to maintaining public concord after

When it came to maintaining public concord after the assassination of Caesar the Dictator, the consulars had failed lamentably

xercise hereditary rights hence the resentment of an Ahenobarbus when Caesar monopolized Gaul for many years. It does not foll

gates; and Cicero in Cilicia was well served. 1 When Pompeius got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus, who must

abilization of a practice common enough in the armies of Pompeius and Caesar and extended during the revolutionary wars. 7 N

of armies or in the government of provinces, legates of Pompeius and Caesar like Afranius and Labienus and generals of the re

r the disgrace and death of Lollius, Quirinius took his place with C. Caesar . 3 Three or four years later he was appointed leg

pact. Cabinet government already existed in the brief Dictatorship of Caesar . While the Senate held empty debate or none at al

d in the wars of Marius and Sulla; his grandfather, the enemy of both Caesar and Pompeius, had fallen at Pharsalus; his father

ninus (22 B.C.), a person of no great note who had been a partisan of Caesar the Dictator. As for the Metelli, the consul of A

us, Tib. 13, 1. 4 lb. His father had been active in Narbonensis for Caesar (ib. 4, 1). 5 Tacitus, Ann. 2, 42, cf. Suetoniu

ng. To the disgraced Lollius in the delicate function of guiding C. Caesar succeeded P. Sulpicius Quirinius, who had paid

ten. Lollius, he said, was responsible for the evil behaviour of C. Caesar . 1 The position of Tiberius improved, though hi

ic life. He dwelt in Rome as a private citizen. Even though the other Caesar , Lucius, when on his way to Spain succumbed to il

ius Piso (cos. 15 B.C.) was connected, it is true, with the family of Caesar ; but the bond had not been tightened. Piso was an

in charge of Hispania Citerior. 1 These were the armed provinces of Caesar . Africa, with one legion, was governed by the pro

the poets. 1 Pompeius was no better, though he has the advantage over Caesar in Virgil’s solemn exhortation against civil war.

rom neglect of the ancient gods. The evil went back much farther than Caesar or Pompeius, being symptom and product of the who

the game of politics. Augustus scorned to emulate his predecessors Caesar gaining the office by flagrant bribery and popula

he practices of the revolutionary age were unobtrusively perpetuated. Caesar had raised a legion in Narbonensis; Spain had alr

Pompeius. The demagogue Clodius was in his pay. The Dictatorship of Caesar at once became an object of lampoons. More deadly

possessed a domestic chronicler, the eloquent Theophanes of Mytilene. Caesar , however, was his own historian in the narratives

s. As he wrote early in the poem, nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris, Iuliu

he first decision in council with his friends at Apollonia, the young Caesar had not wavered or turned back. Announced by Apol

lus of legend already possessed too many of the authentic features of Caesar the Dictator, some of them recently acquired or a

us who had saved Italy from the German invader, there was devotion to Caesar who had championed the communities of Italia Tran

ople described as ‘Italians’: hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar . 4 PageNotes. 465 1 Ad fam. 12, 5, 2. 2 Plu

ot displaced by Princeps. Augustus was Divi filius. The avenging of Caesar had been the battle-cry and the justification of

he Ides of March. All three Triumvirs concurred in the deification of Caesar ; the policy was Octavianus’, his too the most int

m the honours due to heroes and anticipating their rule: nam quom te, Caesar , tem[pus] exposcet deum caeloque repetes sed[em q

n the East Augustus inherited from the dynasts Pompeius, Antonius and Caesar , along with their clientela, the homage they enjo

nius and Caesar, along with their clientela, the homage they enjoyed. Caesar accepted honours from whomsoever voted, no doubt

a Narbonensis and the more civilized parts of Spain. The Gaul which Caesar had conquered received special treatment. The jus

l yet rational devotion to the person of Augustus and to the house of Caesar . No less comprehensible was the loyalty of the pr

uld usefully be revived to adorn legend or consecrate the government. Caesar was saddled with the whole guilt of the Civil War

rian leader at Philippi: he was not there. After the example set by Caesar the Dictator, clemency became a commodity widely

s justified the prosecution and hounding to death of the assassins of Caesar . It was no doubt recalled that Caesar’s heir had

be the fall of the Republic from the compact of Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar to the Battle of Philippi. Of earlier historians,

ns, he blamed Sallustius for his style and questioned the veracity of Caesar ; in his contemporaries, especially when they deal

contest had been not merely political but social. Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar were all more than mere faction-leaders; yet the

The dominant figures of the monarchic dynasts, Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar , engross the stage of history, imposing their nam

cian Cornelii, the Lentuli, who had also decided for Pompeius against Caesar , but were more fortunate in duration. 1 The plebe

s Aeserninus, consul in 22 B.C., a not very distinguished partisan of Caesar the Dictator. PageNotes. 491 1 On their buria

cayed branches of the patriciate, were revived from long obscurity by Caesar or by Augustus, either to resplendent fortune or

the body of the dying Republic and under the shadow of the Monarchy. Caesar , with the alliance of the Aemilii and certain oth

n enemy of Pompeius, and through that feud brought into conflict with Caesar , he followed Cato’s lead and fell at Pharsalus. W

d the Valerii regained distinction and power through the patronage of Caesar and of Augustus. Of the Fabii, Persicus, the illu

izenship from proconsuls of the last century of the Republic and from Caesar the Dictator even admission to the Roman Senate.

the government, not merely under Augustus but even with Pompeius and Caesar . Once again, Balbus and Theophanes. The Emperor

’ 8 Seneca, De clem. 1, 4, 3: ‘olim enim ita se induit rei publicae Caesar ut seduci alterum non possit sine utriusque perni

composed his Autobiography. Other generals before him, like Sulla and Caesar , had published the narrative of their res gestae

rinceps acknowledges his ancestry, recalling the dynasts Pompeius and Caesar . People and Army were the source and basis of h

volutionary leader in public sedition and armed violence, the heir of Caesar had endured to the end. He died on the anniversar

Aurelius M. f. Cotta: L. Manlius L. f. Torquatus 64 L. Julius L. f. Caesar : C. Marcius C. f. Figulus 63 M. Tullius M. f. C

aecilius Q. f. Metellus Celer: L. Afranius A. f. 59 C. Julius C. f. Caesar : M. Calpurnius C. f. Bibulus 58 L. Calpurnius L

tatilius T. f. Taurus L. Cassius L. f.Longinus 12 Germanicus Ti. f. Caesar : C. Fonteius C. f. Capito C. Visellius C. f. Varr

digites’, Harvard Th. Rev. XXX (1937), 165 ff. ROSTOVTZEFF, M. ‘ Caesar and the South of Russia’, JRS VII (1917), 27 ff

€˜The Chronology of the building operations in Rome from the death of Caesar to the death of Augustus’, Mem. Am. Ac. Rome IX

”— Concordia Ordinum. Diss. Frankfurt. Leipzig, 1931. SYME, R. ‘ Caesar , the Senate and Italy’, BSR Papers XIV (1938),

Tacitus, 358; his influence and partisans, 384, 437 f., 505; with C. Caesar in the East, 428; his fall, 489, 509; his alleged

cond wife of Pompeius Magnus, 31 f. Aemilia Lepida, betrothed to L. Caesar and married to Quirinius, 379, 478; marries Mam.

efectus praetorio, 502. Africa, in relation to Marius, Pompeius and Caesar , 75 f., 82; in 44 B.C., 110; in the Triumviral pe

uoted, 6, 8; his Histories, 5 f., 484 ff.; on the year 60 B.C., 8; on Caesar , 6, 42, 484; on Cicero, 147, 192; on literary sty

aquarum, 403; as a political lawyer, 411 f., 482 f. Atia, niece of Caesar , 35, 36, 112, 378. Atilii, 84. Atina, 89, 194

Sex., equestrian officer from Forum Julii, 367. Aurelia, mother of Caesar , 25. Aurelii Cottae, 19. Aurelius Cotta, L, (

enis, freedwoman of Antonia, 386. Caepasii, small-town orators, 81. Caesar , see Julius. Caesennius Lento, Antonian partisa

lpetanus Statius Rufus, C., Augustan senator, 361. Calpurnia, wife of Caesar , 36, 98. Calpurnia, wife of Messalla Corvinus,

35. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, L. (cos. 58 B.C.), father-in-law of Caesar , 36; feud with Cicero, 135; as censor, 66, 135; a

B.C.), 91, 93, 111, 199 f., 236 f., 255, 308, 327; his pietas towards Caesar , 221; in Africa, 110; his consulate, 221; as an a

136, 212. Cantabri, 332. Canusium, 361. Capital, guaranteed by Caesar , 52 f.; attacked by the Triumvirs, 195, 355; enda

rigand, 259. Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, 6, 214, 259; relations with Caesar , 275; donations by Antonius, 260, 270, 300 f.; he

rdinum, 16, 81, 153, 321; achieved by Augustus, 364. Confiscation, by Caesar , 76 f.; by the Triumvirs, 194 ff.; by Octavianus,

292; his name and origin, 44, 72, 75; career, 72, 355; activities for Caesar , 71 f., 139, 159, 407; prosecuted, 72, 151; great

ia and the Italians, 87 f.; his Dictatorship, 17, 52; comparison with Caesar , 47, 51 f.; proscriptions, 65, 190; Sullan senato

223. Defamation, see Invective, Propaganda, Vice. Deification, of Caesar , 53, 202, 471; of Augustus, 522, 524. Deiotarus

, 364; Tacitus’ dislike of, 515. Dictatorship, of Sulla, 17, 52; of Caesar , 51 ff., 77; abolition of, 107; of the Triumvirs,

, 221, 225, etc. Divine honours, 53 f., 256; for Pompeius, 30, 263; Caesar , 53 ff., 263; Antonius, 263, 273; Octavianus, 233

60 ff., etc. East, the, clientela of Pompeius in, 30, 74, 76, 261; of Caesar , 262; of Antonius, 262 f., 300 f.; of Augustus, 3

quaestor of Antonius, 126, 132. Egypt, in relation to Pompeius and Caesar , 37, 76; troops in, 111, 124; augmented by Antoni

62. PageBook=>547 Etruscans, see Etruria. Eunoe, mistress of Caesar , 275. Fabia Numantina, 377, 421, 496. Fabia Paull

ile to Gabinius, 67, 149 f.; supported by Crassus, 34; relations with Caesar , 73, 81 f.; afraid of the Pompeians, 73; support

Freedmen, sons of, in the Senate, 78, 354; wealth, 76, 195, 354; of Caesar , 76, 130; of Pompeius, 76, 385; with Sex. Pompeiu

Cisalpina, as Caesar’s province, 36; allegiance to the Pompeii and to Caesar , 74; strategic importance of, 36, 124; in 44 B.C.

, 456; patriotism, 465; Republicanism, 465. Gallia Comata, loyal to Caesar , 74 f.; in 44 B.C., 110, 165; under the Triumvira

acter, 255, 461; on Marsians and Apulians, 287; on Cleopatra, 299; on Caesar , 318; on Varro Murena, 334; his Odes anticipate r

Pompeius, 317 f. PageBook=>550 Illyricum, in the provincia of Caesar , 47; campaigns of Octavianus, 240; a senatorial p

aean insurgent, 476. Julia, wife of C. Marius, 25. Julia, sister of Caesar , 112. Julia, wife of P. Sulpicius Rufus, 65. Ju

ufus, 65. Julia, mother of M. Antonius, 64, 215. Julia, daughter of Caesar , 34, 36, 38, 58, 100. Julia, daughter of August

the res publica, 53; pride of birth, 68; literary interests, 459 f.; Caesar and Cicero, 137 ff.; see also Divus Julius. Jul

5; marries Porcia, 58; his hatred of Pompeius, 27, 58; relations with Caesar , 58; motives for the assassination, 57 ff.; his a

us imperator’, 223, 259. PageBook=>552 Labienus, T., legate of Caesar , 31, 90, 94, 163, 178, 396, 397; origin and alleg

3; allegiance in 50 B.C., 42, 63; prospects of consulate, 67; deserts Caesar , 67 f. Labienus, T., orator and historian, 486,

lity’, 160 f., 168, 172, 285. Legates, of Pompeius, 31, 67, 396; of Caesar in Gaul, 67, 94 f., 199; of Octavianus, consular

, 385; in retirement, 23; against Pompeius, 33; insolently treated by Caesar , 56; derided by Pompeius, 74; his wives, 20, 21;

1. Livii, 19, 340, 422. Livius, T., historian, 6; on Camillus, 305; Caesar , 317; Alexander, 441; relations with Augustus, 31

Galatia, 338, 398; in Macedonia, 391, 406; in Gaul, 398, 429; with C. Caesar , 398, 428 ff.; disgrace and death, 428; his son,

minence and virtues, 21; political activities 22, 25, 33; insulted by Caesar , 56; kinsmen, 21, 24. Lycoris, mistress of Gall

Maiestas, 426, 487, 505. Mamurra, of Formiae, praefectus fabrum of Caesar , 63, 71, 355; his wealth, 71, 380. Manius, agen

lature, 93; senators from, 91, 200. Matius, C., friend and agent of Caesar , 71, 81, 407; his loyalty, 106; his letter quoted

erius. Messallina, see Valeria. Messius, C. (tr. pl. 57), 37; joins Caesar , 66. Metellus, see Caecilius. Militarism, 448 f

, 373, 394, 400; legates of, 399, 400 f., 436, 437. Monarchy, 9; of Caesar , 55; ‘Hellenistic’, 54, 59, 256 f.; inevitability

Sulla, 17 ff.; attitude towards Pompeius, 30 f., 43 ff., 198; towards Caesar , 59; in the party of Caesar, 61 ff., 94; in the p

rds Pompeius, 30 f., 43 ff., 198; towards Caesar, 59; in the party of Caesar , 61 ff., 94; in the proscriptions, 192, 195; casu

482, 519 f. Patricians, 10, 18 f.; revived by Sulla, 68; revived by Caesar , 68; on Caesar’s side, 68 f.; ideals and ‘values’

ealization of, 453, 456. Pedius, Q. (cos. suff. 43 B.C.), nephew of Caesar , 64; his career, 128 f.; consulate, 186, 197; rel

. Peducaeus, C., falls at Mutina, 235. Peducaeus, Sex., legate of Caesar , 64, 111, 199; his family, 235. PageBook=>55

445. Picenum, in the clientela of the Pompeii, 28, 92; goes over to Caesar , 49, 90; Pompeian partisans from, 28, 31, 88, 90;

228, 310, 350, 446, 448, 481, 501. Pinarius Scarpus, L., kinsman of Caesar , 128 f.; an Antonian, 266, 269; governor of Cyren

13, 94, 246, 358 f., 363, 513 f.; see also Quies. Pompeia, wife of Caesar , 25. Pompeia, daughter of Magnus, 269, 424. Pom

30; dynastic marriages, 31 f., 36, 40, 43; alliance with Crassus and Caesar , 8, 34 f.; his control of provinces, 35, 42; acti

descendants, 356, 367. Pompeius Trogus, Narbonensian, secretary of Caesar , 74, 79. Pomponia, daughter of Atticus and wife o

100; hates Italians and bankers, 26; opposes Pompeius, 33 f.; against Caesar , 34; his policy in 52 B.C., 37, 46; misses the co

on Brutus, 58; philosophical studies, 57; feuds against Pompeius and Caesar , 26 f., 46; laudations of Cato, 56, 138 f., 250,

. Rabirius Postumus, C., financier, his importance, 73; services to Caesar , 82; not given the consulate, 82, 95; helps Octav

1. Rufilla, alleged mistress of Octavianus, 277. Rufinus, freedman of Caesar , 76. Rufrenus, legate of Lepidus and ardent Ant

ribunate, 66; expulsion from Senate, 66, 248; governs Africa Nova for Caesar , 110 f.; retires from politics, 247 f.; allegatio

.; on Roman politics, 16, 154; on Libertas, 515; on Pompeius, 249; on Caesar and Cato, 25, 146, 250; on human nature, 249 f.,

, 370; entry to, 11, 167 f., 358, 370; increased by Sulla, 78, 81; by Caesar , 77 ff.; weakness in 44 B.C., 100, 110 f., 163 ff

ass, 10 ff.; wealth of, 12, 14, 135, 380 f.; created by Sulla, 78; by Caesar , 78 ff.; social status of, 80 ff.; Triumviral, 19

23 f., 136, 185; her ambition and influence, 23 f., 69; liaison with Caesar , 35, 58; her hatred of Pompeius, 58, 69; as amatc

Magnus, 29, 37, 42, 405; clientela of the Pompeii, 75; relations with Caesar , 75; Caesarian partisans, 80; in 44–43 B.C., 110,

cos. suff. 5 B.C.), 377, 386, 511. Sulpicius Galba, Ser., legate of Caesar , 67, 69, 95. Sulpicius Galba, Ser. (cos. A.D. 33)

? his brother, legate in Syria, 329 f. Terrasidius, T., officer of Caesar , 89. Tertulia, wife of M. Crassus (cos. 70 B.C.),

us Tiburtinus, attribution of, 398 f. Titurius Sabinus, Q., legate of Caesar , 67. Tota Italia, 16, 86, 88, 284 ff., 466, 470.

from Concordia, 363. Trebonius, C. (cos. suff. 45 B.C.), legate of Caesar , 94; son of a knight, 95; proconsul of Asia, 102

4; with Cato, 137 f., 146; with Pompeius, 29 f., 37, 45, 137 f.; with Caesar , 138 f.; activity in 60 B.C., 34; exile,36, 135;

so, 135, 140; in the Civil War, 45, 137 f.; under the Dictatorship of Caesar , 53, 56, 81, 138 f., 143; his verdict on Caesar,

r the Dictatorship of Caesar, 53, 56, 81, 138 f., 143; his verdict on Caesar , 56, 145; in March, 44 B.C., 97 ff., 139; meets O

437. Turranius Gracilis, from Spam, 367. Turullius, D., assassin of Caesar , 95, 206, 269, 300. Tusculum, 85, 88 f., 362.

et, 251. Valerius Catullus, C., his origin, 74, 251; relations with Caesar , 152; as a poet, 251, 460, 461; his friends, 63,

or from Verona, 363. Valerius Troucillus, C, Narbonensian friend of Caesar . Valgus, landowner in Samnium, 362. Valgius Ruf

iews upon Octavianus after Actium, 304 f.; on Troy, 305; Pompeius and Caesar , 317; Catilina and Cato, 317; Italy, 450, 463; th