bserved: χϵȋρoν ϵ ναι µoναρχίας παρανóµoυ πóλϵµoν ὲµϕύλιoν (Plutarch, Brutus 12). 2 In the Caesares of Julian (p. 309 a) Sil

erdict of history conspire to load the scales against the vanquished. Brutus and Cassius lie damned to this day by the futilit

bus’ (Cicero, Phil. II, 18). On his high repute as a wit, cf. Cicero, Brutus 173; as a gourmet, Varro, RR 3, 3, 9. For a stemm

hilippus, Hortensius and by the Marian leader Papirius Carbo (Cicero, Brutus 230; Val. Max. 5, 3, 5; 6, 2, 8). 6 Plutarch, P

; Pompeius 47). Münzer (RA, 338 f.) argues that this is no other than Brutus , adopted by his maternal uncle Q. Servilius Caepi

e of the NotesPage=>035 1 The liaison was notorious (Plutarch, Brutus 5, &c.) and gave rise to the vulgar and unten

us 5, &c.) and gave rise to the vulgar and untenable opinion that Brutus was Caesar’s son. 2 In alliance, namely, with b

consuls timid or NotesPage=>040 1 On his ancestry, cf. Cicero, Brutus 212 f.; his ignorance about a detail of family hi

and M. Calpurnius Bibulus. To loyal support of Cato, Ahenobarbus and Brutus joined a sacred vendetta against Pompeius. For Ca

ne daughter for wife to Pompeius’ elder son, another to Cato’s nephew Brutus . 3 Cato himself had not reached the consulate, bu

ring to such a theory. Yet it is in no way evident that the nature of Brutus would have been very different had he never opene

Hellenic culture does not explain Cato; 3 and the virtus about which Brutus composed a volume was a Roman quality, not an ali

f.), with examples of Brutus’ devotion to the welfare of his clients. Brutus wrote a book with the title De officiis (Seneca,

.) was high but not unparalleled in such transactions (SIG3 748, 36): Brutus , invoking the sanctity of contracts, might have u

nd repressed. 1 Nor was his political conduct wholly to be predicted. Brutus might well have been a Caesarian neither he nor C

o hate Pompeius, schemed for the Caesarian alliance and designed that Brutus should marry Caesar’s daughter. 2 Her plan was an

ellus. Caesar was captured by Pompeius: Julia, the bride intended for Brutus , pledged the alliance. After this the paths of

intended for Brutus, pledged the alliance. After this the paths of Brutus and of Caesar diverged sharply for eleven years.

paths of Brutus and of Caesar diverged sharply for eleven years. But Brutus , after Pharsalus, at once gave up a lost cause, r

the old domination over his nephew more powerfully than ever in life. Brutus came to feel shame for his own disloyalty: he com

of Caesar’s amours with Servilia, public and notorious. Above all, to Brutus as to Cato, who stood by the ancient ideals, it s

vult’ (Ad Att. 14, 1, 2); Quintilian (10, 1, 123), on the oratory of Brutus : ‘scias eum sentire quae dicit’; cf. Tacitus, Dia

τòν ∏οµπήïον, ἄγυς ήγυùµ∊νος µὲγα πατ⍴òς ϕου∊ί διαλέγ∊σθσι (Plutarch, Brutus 4, cf. Pompeius 64). PageBook=>059 Brutus

αλέγ∊σθσι (Plutarch, Brutus 4, cf. Pompeius 64). PageBook=>059 Brutus and his allies might invoke philosophy or an ance

al right and wrong. They are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each had right on his side. The new party of th

lus (Creticus) and Hortensius. On Hortensius’ death, cf. esp. Cicero, Brutus 6 f. The venerable M. Perperna (cos. 92, censor 8

usam imposuit’ (Ad fam. 8, 17, 1). 5 On Curio as an orator, Cicero, Brutus 280 f.; on Caelius, Tacitus, Dial. 25, 3, &c

tus, brother and cousin of C. Cassius Longinus, the brother-in-law of Brutus . D. Junius Brutus Albinus, a distant relation, ha

’s adhesion to Pompeius and by the outbreak of the Civil War. Her son Brutus followed Virtus and Libertas, his uncle Cato and

micitia were qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesar as by Brutus . Caesar was a patrician to the core. ‘He was Ca

homines et repentini small-town orators who became quaestors (Cicero, Brutus 242), C. Billienus, ‘homo per se magnus’, who was

nii could not rise to a king, but they did their best, producing that Brutus , himself of Tarquin blood, who expelled the tyran

C. Billienus had been a potential consul c. 105–100 B.C., cf. Cicero, Brutus 175. 5 Viz., ‘-idius’, ‘-edius’, ‘-iedius’. Com

s, designated for 42, owed honours and advancement to the Dictator. 7 Brutus , indeed, an especial friend and favourite, was na

and favourite, was named in his will among the heirs by default. 8 Brutus was a nobilis, Galba a patrician. Yet the opposit

stile, not to be moved by the logical, earnest and austere oratory of Brutus . How different, how fiery a speech would Cicero h

, in negotiation with them, adopted a firm and even menacing tone. D. Brutus was in despair. 3 NotesPage=>097 1 At leas

t might support, the view that Antonius intended to cause trouble. D. Brutus writes: ‘quo in statu simus, cognoscite. heri ves

advisers and critics ’a manly deed but a childish lack of counsel. ’2 Brutus and Cassius, since they were praetors, should hav

us alive. But there was no pretext or desire for a reign of terror. Brutus had insisted that Antonius be spared. 4 Had the f

or. Brutus had insisted that Antonius be spared. 4 Had the faction of Brutus and Cassius forsworn its principles and appealed

. 4 Cf. esp. Ad Att. 15, 11, 2. Cicero, speaking in the presence of Brutus , studiously suppresses his favourite topic, the f

ld be of inestimable value after a revolution had succeeded. Thus did Brutus lift up his bloodstained dagger, crying the name

a loud voice. 2 The appeal was premature. Nor could the faction of Brutus and Cassius reckon upon the citizen-body of the c

tion. Yet even after the funeral of Caesar and the ensuing disorders, Brutus appears to have persisted in irrational fancies a

ribe the Liberators as guarded by the devoted loyalty of all Italy. 3 Brutus and Cassius were warmly welcomed by the propertie

hen he requested that the bands of Republican partisans be dissolved, Brutus agreed. 4 Demonstrations of sympathy cost nothi

contract ties with all parties. Atticus was quite willing to offer Brutus private subsidies; and he later made a grant to S

tted provinces to three of the Liberators, the consular Trebonius, D. Brutus and Tillius Cimber. 6 After the assassination N

r to Cicero, Ad Att. 15, 6, 2 f. 4 Ad fam. 11, 2 (an open letter of Brutus and Cassius). 5 Nepos, Vita Attici 8, 1 ff. 6

is extra vitia quam cum virtutibus’. PageBook=>106 secured for Brutus and Cassius (who were praetors) a dispensation to

ong before he abandoned it. On his lips the profession of respect for Brutus was something more than a conventional or politic

aradoxical to assert that Antonius felt respect and understanding for Brutus , a Roman noble embodying the virtues of his order

temporary absence at least might have been admitted by the friends of Brutus , to salvage political concord and public order. T

to depart to his province. Lepidus, through his family connexion with Brutus , might prove a bond of alliance between the Caesa

f the veterans in the cause of public order. As for the provinces, D. Brutus held Gallia Cisalpina for the rest of the year, a

present, the other provinces of the West were a counterbalance to D. Brutus . 2 They were in the charge of Caesarians: Plancus

1 the proconsul of Macedonia, was a Caesarian but also a kinsman of Brutus , hence a potential danger. But that province was

current during his absence in Campania, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy. Antonius had retu

or. On June 5th, at the instigation of Antonius, the Senate appointed Brutus and Cassius to an extraordinary commission for th

y in appearance, the post was really an honourable pretext for exile. Brutus and Cassius were in doubts whether to accept. A f

ervilia, debated the question. 2 Cassius was resentful and truculent, Brutus undecided. Servilia promised her influence to get

J RS XXVII (1937), 135 f. 2 Ad Att. 15, 11 (June 8th). The wives of Brutus and Cassius were there, also the faithful Favoniu

ng the Ludi Apollinares, celebrated in the name and at the expense of Brutus , the urban praetor, on July 7th. At last his chan

March 17th, and, more than that, to a firm pact with the Liberators. Brutus and Cassius published an edict conceived in fair

xpectation that Antonius might surrender his provincial command, that Brutus and Cassius would be able to return to Roman poli

revenge for the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as all men know, drove Brutus to his doom on the field of Philippi. The same ph

s ambitions, he still hoped to avoid an open breach with the party of Brutus and Cassius. His professions, both public and pri

ation and a private letter, in a tone of some anger and impatience. 2 Brutus and Cassius retorted NotesPage=>118 1 Phil

the Senate to grant them the harmless provinces of Crete and Cyrene. Brutus left Italy towards the end of the month, not befo

IX went wrong, and hopes of concord or of dissension were frustrated. Brutus and Cassius did not return to Rome and the rival

sular year, he was lost. His enemies might win the provincial armies. Brutus and Cassius had left Italy, ostensibly for their

of Syria. Antonius had already acted. There was a nearer danger, D. Brutus holding the Cisalpina and cutting off Antonius fr

lancus would raise no difficulties about Comata. Antonius summoned D. Brutus to yield up his command. The threat of force woul

an provinces for the following year. Crete and Cyrene were taken from Brutus and Cassius, while Macedonia was assigned to his

us’ mother came from the small town of Aricia! From dealing with D. Brutus , however, Antonius was impeded by no doubts of hi

nfidence in the fresh air of the camp, in the exhilaration of action. Brutus refused to yield. Antonius marched northward with

of the year he disposed his forces around the city of Mutina and held Brutus entrapped. Civil war had begun, but winter enfo

L. Cornificius (cos. 35 B.C.), however, an early adherent (Plutarch, Brutus 27), is quite possible. Note the absence of Salvi

44. 4 Ad Att. 16, 14, 2. 5 Ad fam. 12, 2, 2. He hoped to squeeze Brutus and Cassius out of the consulate of 41 B.C. and g

6 His mother was a Junia (Ad fam. 15, 8), presumably the aunj: of D. Brutus : and he was also connected with Ser. Sulpicius Ru

chose, a conciliatory position between the parties. Being related to Brutus , to Cassius and to Lepidus he might become the li

e measure of authoritative government at Rome. He was not a Cato or a Brutus ; and Brutus later remarked ‘as long as Cicero can

authoritative government at Rome. He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutus later remarked ‘as long as Cicero can get people

would be a meeting of the Senate on August 1st and some prospect that Brutus and Cassius might return to political life. 1 C

itical life. 1 Cicero turned back. Near Velia on August 17th he met Brutus , occupied in the last preparations for leaving It

ι; Phil. 1, 8. Cf. above, p. 117. 2 Ib. 16, 7, 7: ‘nec ego nunc, ut Brutus censebat, istuc ad rem publicam capessendam venio

on for Cicero and called him ‘father’ an appellation which the sombre Brutus was later to recall with bitter rebuke. 1 Octavia

til January 1st before appearing in the Senate. But Octavianus and D. Brutus were insistent the former with his illicit army,

istent the former with his illicit army, perilously based on Etruria, Brutus in the Cisalpina, contumacious against a consul.

here were clearly two opinions. Octavianus marched on Rome. Where was Brutus ? What a chance he was missing! 3 When Brutus hear

to prevail against posterity or the moral standards of another age), Brutus was not only a sincere and consistent champion of

d be fatal to everything that an honest man and a patriot valued. But Brutus was far away. Winter held up warfare in the nor

nd armies raised in the name of liberty, the deeds of Pompeius, and a Brutus besieged at Mutina. There was no respite: at Rome

maximo vestro consensu fundamenta rei publicae. ’ 7 Ib. 11, 28 (on Brutus and Cassius): ‘qua lege, quo iure? eo quod Iuppit

e nostrae gravitatis, minime huius ordinis. ’ 9 Ib. 11, 27: ‘nam et Brutus et Cassius multis iam in rebus ipse sibi senatus

future action. Octavianus had no standing at all before the law, and Brutus was insecure. Antonius was patently in the right

, the soldiery recompense in land and money. The claim urged for D. Brutus might perhaps be defended: he was at least a magi

for the privatum consilium, the illicit ventures of Octavianus and D. Brutus . This meant usurpation of power by the Senate or

e was a fair conjecture. Rumours came from NotesPage=>166 1 D. Brutus called him ‘homo ventosissimus’ (Ad fam. 11, 9, 1

uld facilitate a revolution in the East. The friends and relatives of Brutus and Cassius at Rome, whatever they knew, probably

a triumph for Cicero. One point, indeed, he carried the troops of D. Brutus and of Octavianus were converted into legitimate

provinces until relieved by the authority of the Senate. This covered Brutus in the Cisalpina. As for Octavianus, Cicero, brin

nius; they were to urge him to withdraw his army from the province of Brutus , not to advance within a distance of two hundred

rent a just and holy war. Thus to the Senate: to Octavianus and to D. Brutus , letters of exhortation. The war needed men and

mata: that province he would hold for the five years following, until Brutus and Cassius should have become consuls and have v

ing of condoning the rank conferred upon a private adventurer. As for Brutus and Cassius, he appears to have recognized their

dden and splendid success. While the Senate negotiated with Antonius, Brutus and Cassius had acted: they seized the armies of

assius there were strong rumours in the first days of February:1 from Brutus , an official dispatch to the Senate, which probab

ived in the second week of the month. 2 After departing from Italy, Brutus went to Athens and was seen at the lectures of ph

to take over the province of Macedonia at the beginning of January. Brutus quickly defeated Antonius, drove him southward an

in date. 3 Phil, 10, 13; ILS 9460 (Delos). On the relationship with Brutus , cf. Münzer, RA, 342 ff. 4 M. Appuleius (Phil.

of Asia, C. Antistius Vetus of Syria(Ad M. Brutum 1, 11, 1; Plutarch, Brutus 25). P. Lentulus, Trebonius’ quaestor, claims tha

, above, p. 111. PageBook=>172 On receipt of the dispatch from Brutus the Senate was summoned. Quelling the objections

ed. Quelling the objections of the Antonian Calenus, Cicero spoke for Brutus and secured the legalization of a usurped command

spoke for Brutus and secured the legalization of a usurped command:1 Brutus was appointed proconsul of Macedonia, Illyricum a

ance which Trebonius and his quaestor had given to the enterprises of Brutus and Cassius. A thrill of horror ran through the S

he patriotic armies and all the provinces of the East in the hands of Brutus and Cassius, the Republic appeared to be winning

ng the Aemilia, on April 22nd. He secured a start of two days, for D. Brutus went to consult Pansa at Bononia, only to find th

Antonius soon increased his lead, for his army was strong in cavalry. Brutus had none; and the exhilaration of a victory in wh

rges again, now unexpectedly to dominate the game of high politics. Brutus urged Octavianus to turn south across the Apennin

tary economy. Octavianus was not among its members but neither was D. Brutus . The envoys were instructed to approach the troop

ugmented by the legions of Pansa, which he refused to surrender to D. Brutus , resolved to stand firm, precarious though his ow

in the West and Republicans in the East, crushed and exterminated. If Brutus and Cassius came to Italy with their host of seve

e neighbourhood of Bononia and awaited with equanimity the ruin of D. Brutus and the triumph of diplomacy among the Caesarian

northwards again across the Apennines, in the direction of Pollentia. Brutus fell into the trap and turned westwards. Antonius

and established himself at Cularo (Grenoble). There he waited for D. Brutus to come over the pass of the Little St. Bernard.

esolved to join Antonius, his design was subtle and grandiose to lure Brutus to his ruin without the necessity of battle. Desp

levies, short of money and harassed by petulant missives from Cicero, Brutus trudged onwards. He reached Plancus towards the e

es’ and ‘brigands’ as he had so recently termed them. The unfortunate Brutus , duped by Plancus and betrayed by his troops, fle

erver or careerist, but the Stoic Favonius, the friend of Cato and of Brutus , who pronounced civil war to be the worst of evil

anus, ib. § 5 f. 2 Cf. his letters, Ad fam. 10, 31–3. 3 Plutarch, Brutus 12: χϵ ρον ϵ ναι μοναρχίας παρανόμου πόλϵμον μϕύλ

had escaped to the West. Men blamed the slowness and indecision of D. Brutus ; who, for his part, advocated the summoning of Ma

would usurp the vacant place. 1 Later, after both consuls had fallen, Brutus in Macedonia heard a report that Cicero had actua

ination of the policy that he had initiated in the previous autumn. Brutus was evidently afraid of some such manoeuvre. 4 He

Battle of Mutina. Now, in June, Cicero wrote to him in urgent tones. Brutus refused. Their incompatibility of temperament was

and policy. This is made evident by two incidents. Already Cicero and Brutus had exchanged sharp words over C. Antonius, whom

dy Cicero and Brutus had exchanged sharp words over C. Antonius, whom Brutus had captured in Macedonia. Cicero insisted that t

alutary severity, and there will be no more civil wars. 5 The plea of Brutus was plain and dignified. It was more important to

thing highly distasteful in Cicero’s fanatical feud against Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations with M. Antonius

ation:7 the brother of the Caesarian leader was a valuable hostage. Brutus had been desperately unwilling to provoke a civil

zer, P-W x, 1003 f. In February Antonius had recognized the claims of Brutus and Cassius to the consulate in 41 B.C., Phil. 8,

ity. 1 Yet even so, the possession of Macedonia and an army meant for Brutus not so much an instrument for war as security and

resist the worst excesses of civil war. Lepidus was a Caesarian: but Brutus refused to concur in the hounding down of the fam

as declared a public enemy on June 30th. Before the news reached him, Brutus , in anticipation, wrote to Cicero, interceding fo

than Antonius; that was the argument of the sombre and perspicacious Brutus . Two letters reveal his insight. 5 The one to Att

les, accommodates himself to servitude and seeks a propitious master. Brutus for his part will continue the fight against all

t;170 1 The evidence does not enable the occupation of Macedonia by Brutus (and of Syria by Cassius) to be closely dated. Ac

s (and of Syria by Cassius) to be closely dated. According to Gelzer, Brutus did not act until he had news of the session of N

l he had news of the session of November 28th, when Antonius deprived Brutus and Cassius of the praetorian provinces which the

Even in mid-July, when the end was near, Cicero would not admit to Brutus the ruinous failure of the alliance with Caesar’s

ty for that policy. But his words belied him he did not cease to urge Brutus to return to Italy. After a council with Servilia

uncil with Servilia he launched a final appeal on July 27th. 4 By now Brutus was far out of reach. Before the end of May he be

rippa indicted Cassius,1 a person called L. Cornificius marked down Brutus as his prey. 2 Of the jurors, though carefully se

1 Velleius 2, 69, 5. An uncle of Velleius co-operated 2 Plutarch, Brutus 27. 3 Appian, BC 3, 95, 394. 4 Suetonius, Div

f the Pompeian faction in the city of Rome and the gathering power of Brutus and Cassius in the East, the Caesarian leaders we

d 2,000 knights. Plutarch’s figures range from 200 to 300 (Cicero 46; Brutus 27; Antonius 20) presumably senators. It is to be

influence, had been able to evade proscription, such as the father of Brutus and others. The decadence of legal authority and

tee for the event of a Republican victory by protecting the mother of Brutus . 4 Atticus was also able to save the knight L. Ju

Dio 47, 6, 5: κοινήν τινα κατὰ τ ν πλουσίων χθραν προσέθϵντο. 3 D. Brutus spoke about ‘Varronis thensauros’ (Ad fam. 11, 10

rators or with Sex. Pompeius. With Pompeius they found a refuge, with Brutus and Cassius a party and a cause, armies of Roman

ishonoured or torpid: the young nobiles went in a body to the camp of Brutus and Cassius, eagerly or with the energy of despai

2 (Lucullus). 4 Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 3. He fell in battle, Plutarch, Brutus 51. 5 Ib. 1, 14, 1. 6 For example, the freedm

sul of 61 B.C. His half- brother, L. Gellius Poplicola, was also with Brutus for a time, but acted treacherously (Dio 47, 24,

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, coming up with a large part of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, reinforced Murcus and won complete c

im(p.)’, CIL x, 8337, p. 1001. PageBook=>203 In the meantime, Brutus and Cassius had been gathering the wealth and the

alth and the armies of the East. Not long after the Battle of Mutina, Brutus departed from the coast of Albania and marched ea

cia, the Caesarian cause had suffered complete eclipse in the East. Brutus and Cassius now took counsel for war. Even when A

took counsel for war. Even when Antonius joined Lepidus and Plancus, Brutus may not have abandoned all hope of an accommodati

t of a long and ruinous struggle was a potent argument for concord. Brutus and Antonius might have understood each other and

t so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome. 2 For good reasons Brutus and Cassius decided not to carry the war into Ita

t in chastising Rhodians and Lycians and draining the wealth of Asia. Brutus and Cassius met again at Ephesus. In the late sum

us’ own remarks (Ad M. Brutum 1, 16 f., above, p. 184). 2 Plutarch, Brutus 28: τ αἰτίᾳ ϕησίν αἰσχύνϵσθαι μ λλον ἢ τ πάθϵι συ

held, was doomed from the beginning, defeat inevitable. Not only this Brutus was prescient and despondent, warned by the ghost

cient and despondent, warned by the ghost of Caesar. On the contrary, Brutus at last was calm and decided. After the triumph o

ls and the institution of the proscriptions he knew where he stood. Brutus himself was no soldier by repute, no leader of me

denarii a head and promised more. 1 For the rest, the prospects of Brutus and Cassius left little to be desired. Their plan

nia or pen them within the narrow bounds of an impoverished Greece. Brutus and Cassius marched westwards. Out-manoeuvring an

which rested to the north against mountains, to the south on a marsh. Brutus pitched his camp on the right wing, Cassius on th

to Antonius the sole credit of victory. The battle was indecisive. Brutus on the right flank swept over the Caesarian lines

camp. Cassius despaired too soon. Unaware of the brilliant success of Brutus on the right wing, deceived perhaps, as one accou

azard, the loss of Cassius, that brought on the doom of the Republic. Brutus could win a battle but not a campaign. Provoked b

tle again. Moreover, eastern princes and their levies were deserting. Brutus gave way at last. After a tenacious and bloody

aesarian, Cato’s son, a Lucullus, a NotesPage=>205 1 Plutarch, Brutus 43. 2 The date is given by the Calendar of Prae

24), 193 ff. 3 Appian, BC 4, 115, 479 ff.; Dio 47, 47, 4; Plutarch, Brutus 47. 4 As the poet Lucan observed of Pharsalus (

e clarissimorum virorum fuit. ’ PageBook=>206 Livius Drusus. 1 Brutus , their own leader, took his own life. Virtus had

r Antonius stripped off his purple cloak and cast it over the body of Brutus . 3 They had once been friends. As Antonius gazed

man dead, the tragedy of his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it Antonius, he said, might have be

ined it Antonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to O

ulation to Antonius, some entering his service. One of the friends of Brutus , the faithful Lucilius, remained with Antonius un

uch as Tillius Cimber and Q. Ligarius, are not heard of again. 2 As Brutus exclaimed, quoting from a lost tragedy (Dio 47, 4

σθ’ γὼ δ σϵ ὡς ργον ἤσκουν· σὺ δ’ ἄρ’ δούλϵυϵς τύΧῃ. 3 Plutarch, Brutus 53. 4 Plutarch, Brutus 29: Mάρκον δ’ ‘Aντώνιον

κουν· σὺ δ’ ἄρ’ δούλϵυϵς τύΧῃ. 3 Plutarch, Brutus 53. 4 Plutarch, Brutus 29: Mάρκον δ’ ‘Aντώνιον άξίαν ϕησί τ ς άνοίας διδ

onius, the loyal Catonian). 6 Appian, BC 4, 136, 575. 7 Plutarch, Brutus 50. 8 Appian, BC 5, 2, 4 ff. Among them were Ci

little weight if still alive. 1 Lepidus, married to a half-sister of Brutus , was connected with certain eminent Republicans n

s. 35) was the astute careerist who undertook to prosecute the absent Brutus under NotesPage=>236 1 Appian, BC 5, 102,

ories over a Punic enemy by sea and NotesPage=>237 1 Plutarch, Brutus 27. Nothing is known of his family or attachments

lcher was an Antonian in 43 B.C., but willing to be recommended to D. Brutus (Ad fam. 11, 22). PageBook=>238 land. But

6 1 In the Dialogus of Tacitus (25, 3, cf. 17, 1), Calvus, Caelius, Brutus , Caesar and Pollio are accorded the rank of ‘clas

ng man was sent to prosecute higher studies at Athens. The arrival of Brutus , a noble, a patriot and a friend of liberal pursu

go, Cato and the consulars Bibulus and Ahenobarbus were dead; so were Brutus and Cassius, Q. Hortensius, young Lucullus and Fa

Calpurnius Bibulus, also an admiral; 2 and M. Silanus, a connexion of Brutus , was now an Antonian. 3 NotesPage=>268 1 B

cos. 36 B.C.), a half-brother of Messalla and a treacherous friend of Brutus , and L. Sempronius Atratinus (cos. suff. 34 B.C.)

It is clear, however, that provincial levies were heavily drawn upon. Brutus , for example, raised two legions of Macedonians (

of Augustus the stubborn class-conscious Republicanism of Cato or of Brutus would not have found a secure haven. The uncontro

entic Cato, however, was not merely ‘ferox’ but ‘atrox’. 4 His nephew Brutus , who proclaimed a firm determination to fight to

name and essence of the auctoritas of Augustus the Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist. As he pronounced when he atta

53, 32, 1. PageBook=>339 Men might recall another associate of Brutus , C. Antistius Vetus, made consul with Cicero’s bi

f. A.D. 7, is not known: perhaps the son of Brutus’ friend (Plutarch, Brutus 50), perhaps a relative of Lucilius Hirrus. 2 T

ty to Tiberius perhaps the son of that Lucilius who was the friend of Brutus and of Antonius. 1 Tiberius did not forget his ow

s the friend of Tiberius, Tacitus, Ann. 4, 15: Lucilius the friend of Brutus , Plutarch, Brutus 50; Antonius 69. 2 Velleius 2

berius, Tacitus, Ann. 4, 15: Lucilius the friend of Brutus, Plutarch, Brutus 50; Antonius 69. 2 Velleius 2, 101, 3. 3 C. S

t may be presumed that Augustus’ historian also spoke with respect of Brutus and Cassius they had fought for the constitution;

ns. On the whole, a harmless practice. Yet Mediolanium did not forget Brutus and Cassius; 2 Corduba produced a disloyalist; 3

s native caution was happily seconded by fortune when the soldiers of Brutus broke into the camp and tent of the Caesarian lea

1 Tacitus, Ann. 4, 34, cf. Ovid, Ex Ponto 1, 1, 23 f. 2 Plutarch, Brutus 53. 3 Pliny (NH 36, 33) speaks of his ‘acris ve

of the Caesarian leader in the revolutionary wars. Messalla praised Brutus and Cassius; 1 but he reprehended Antonius in jus

ontracted with the daughter of Antonius and Octavia. Of the family of Brutus , his sister, Cassius’ wife, was the last. She die

most germane were not in evidence ‘sed prae- fulgebant Cassius atque Brutus eo ipso quod effigies eorum non visebantur. ’ 3

s in the cause of Libertas. Of the authentic champions of that ideal, Brutus and Cassius, who had fought against Caesar’s heir

wer. 2 Tacitus does not even admit a restoration of the Free State if Brutus and Cassius had prevailed at Philippi. Such was t

us: Q. Lutatius Q. f. Catulus PageBook=>526 77 D. Junius D. f. Brutus : Mam. Aemilius Mam. f. Lepidus Livianus 76 Cn.

, 251, 363; notorious prudery of, 455. Brundisium, pact of, 217 ff. Brutus , see Junius. Buildings, of viri triumphales, 24

ornelius. Claudia, exemplar of female virtue, 444. Claudia, wife of Brutus , 45, 58. Claudia, wife of Cn. Pompeius (the son

mum, 169. Flavii, 83, 354, 361. Flavius, C., banker and friend of Brutus , 102, 198. Flavius, L. (tr. pl. 60 B.C.), 33 f.,

), see Terentius Varro Lucullus, M. Licinius Lucullus, M., kinsman of Brutus , 198, 205. Licinius Murena, L. (cos. 62 B.C.),

407. Lucilia, wife of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, 30. Lucilius, friend of Brutus , 206, 435. Lucilius, C., satirist, 30 f. Lucili

Macedonia, in 44 B.C., 107, 110 f.; legions of, 110, 126; seized by Brutus , 171; in the Triumviral period, 222 f., 266; camp

bis death, 50; character, 26; dominated by Servilia, 23; influence on Brutus , 58; philosophical studies, 57; feuds against Pom

p. Claudius Pulcher (cos. 54 B.C.), 23, 45. Servilia, the mother of Brutus , 12, 21, 23 f., 136, 185; her ambition and influe

cts in 43 B.C., 167–86; and the consulate, 182 f.; disagreements with Brutus , 147 f., 183 ff.; proscription and death, 192; Po

ünzer, RA, 286 f.; on Q. Servilius Caepio, who adopted Servilia’s son Brutus , cf. ib. 333 ff. III. THE FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS