ndson of the younger Julia, was born in A.D. 14 (Pliny, NH 7, 58); on Augustus’ remarks about Galba, cf. Suetonius, Galba 4, I; D

academic failing. Tacitus and Gibbon knew better. 1 The narrative of Augustus’ rise to supreme power, supplemented by a brief an

r the first constitutional settlement and the assumption of the name ‘ Augustus’ , the titulature of the ruler was conceived as ‘Im

itulature of the ruler was conceived as ‘Imperator Caesar Divi filius Augustus’ . Posterity was to know him as ‘Divus Augustus’. I

(1937), 48 ff., discussing the symbolic decoration of the cuirass on Augustus’ statue from Prima Porta. Norden argued that Aen.

such a supervision there is no doubt—but in virtue of his auctoritas. Augustus’ own words (Res Gestae 6) tell against this theory

m to proconsuls. Further, Cisalpine Gaul had ceased to be a province. Augustus’ own armies lay at a distance, disposed on the per

cause—but that was another matter. Insistence upon the legal basis of Augustus’ powers, on precedents in constitutional practice

Vain trouble and fruitless search for dim pedigrees to discover in Augustus’ supremacy the ultimate expression of a doctrine f

hoed the official description. Not so Tacitus—in his brief account of Augustus’ feigned moderation and stealthy aggrandizement af

e beginning of a strict monarchical rule; he observed that the pay of Augustus’ military guard was doubled at the same time—and t

d—and that it did, at least in the earlier years of his presidency. 5 Augustus’ purpose was just the reverse. He controlled gover

nty legions. The Cisalpina was no longer a province. Apart from that, Augustus’ portion was closely comparable in extent and powe

evelopment. No new system was suddenly introduced in the year 27 B.C.— Augustus’ men should be described as legati in his provinci

NotesPage=>328 1 Sex, Appuleius (PIR2, A 961), was the son of Augustus’ half-sister Octavia (ILS 8963). He was legate of

t on, or whether order was held to be established, the territories of Augustus’ provincia were to be firmly held by men whom he c

ceps were an infant, an idiot or an absentee. That would take time. Augustus’ provincia at once called for attention. He turned

Taurus was there (Dio 51, 20, 5). Orosius, however (6, 21, 1), makes Augustus’ war begin in 28 B.C. 4 On these campaigns, AJP

f it is studiously omitted from the majestic and misleading record of Augustus’ own life and honours. The two pillars of his rule

e and melancholy, with all the burden of duty and destiny upon him. Augustus’ character remains elusive, despite the authentic

al or nominal leader. In the critical year of Murena’s conspiracy and Augustus’ all but fatal illness the secret struggle for inf

ld be, the brother and equal of Augustus. He was not Divi filius, not Augustus’ , he lacked the unique auctoritas of the predestin

succession, for two reasons, the one juristic and the other personal. Augustus’ powers were legal in definition, magisterial in c

fact achieved by adoption and by the grant of powers to an associate. Augustus’ own arrangements, however, were careful devices t

of a Republican reaction here. The senators knew the true purpose of Augustus’ adoption of Republican forms and phrases, the ful

t the Prefect of Egypt found peer and parallel in the middle years of Augustus’ rule when a pair of Roman knights was chosen to c

the consulate and ennoblement of their families for ever. In brief, Augustus’ design was to make public life safe, reputable an

dangers of the senatorial life; of which very rational distaste both Augustus’ own equestrian grandfather and his friends Maecen

i viri ac locupletes’. PageBook=>360 They were the backbone of Augustus’ faction, the prime agents in the plebiscite of al

be Corduba, Lugdunum, or even Pisidian Antioch. 6 It cannot have been Augustus’ aim to depreciate or retard the provinces of the

Agrippa, whose policy prevailed on that occasion, also sought to curb Augustus’ ardent predilection for the aristocracy. Like C

converted since Actium into an office of ostensible authority through Augustus’ continuous tenure, and regaining its annual and R

relaxation in the control of elections from accident or from design. Augustus’ intentions may have been laudable and sincere mor

, a development is perceptible. Yet this may be a result, not only of Augustus’ own enhanced security, with less cause to fear an

atesman who claimed to have restored the Free State. That was left to Augustus’ successor, no doubt in virtue of his final instru

s, Galba 3. PageBook=>378 Of the use of the dynastic marriage, Augustus’ own début in politics provided the most flagrant

nobarbus, to whom she had been betrothed from infancy, the younger to Augustus’ stepson Drusus. The chaste daughters of the profl

r and his mother Atia were each twice married. Hence another Octavia, Augustus’ half-sister: her sons were Sex. Appuleius and M.

ar’s influence behind him: he was contending against Ahenobarbus. 2 Augustus’ revival of ancient colleges that had lapsed for c

rge of the army, namely P. Vinicius and P. Silius, the sons of two of Augustus’ marshals. 6 NotesPage=>400 1 Dateless oper

íνου δεξι ѕ καí γνώμης ὰπεσταλμένος(OGIS 458, II, 1. 45). 4 Compare Augustus’ own observations (Cyrene Edicts I, 1. 13 f.): δȯκ

II (1933), 143 ff. 8 The freedman Polybius, who wrote out a part of Augustus’ will (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 101, 1) is perhaps th

race died: Virgil had gone eleven years before. In the last period of Augustus’ rule, literature not merely languished from the l

o the advancement of the family and the good of the Republic. But was Augustus’ design beneficial to the Roman People? Of that, a

διαδεχομ νων stationem meam. ’ This was written later, of course, on Augustus’ own birthday in A.D. I. 3 Suetonius, Tib. 14, 4

Maximus (cos. 11 B.C.) had taken to wife Marcia, the granddaughter of Augustus’ stepfather. 2 Fabius, a cultivated and diplomatic

m, however, is L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 16 B.C.), the husband of Augustus’ own niece Antonia, and thus more highly favoured

licentiae sub ignoto adultero peteret. ’ This purports to derive from Augustus’ accusations against his daughter. The same source

f a rival. Once again fortune took charge of the game and shattered Augustus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of hi

danger, ever menacing, was still averted by the continuous miracle of Augustus’ longevity. If his death occurred in the midst of

;434 These were eminent men. Lepidus, of Scipionic ancestry, son of Augustus’ friend Paullus, held aloof from the politics of t

Ahenobarbus or Paullus Fabius Maximus. Of the earlier generation of Augustus’ marshals, C. Sentius Saturninus alone persisted,

r two legates, the one C. Silius A. Caecina Largus, the son of one of Augustus’ faithful generals, the other A. Caecina Severus

ess. So far the public spectacle and the inevitable ratification of Augustus’ disposal of the Roman State. Nothing was said in

ns had recently tasted the bitter realities of war. Next to the gods, Augustus’ most urgent care was to honour the generals of an

age or patriotism might lend to vice itself a certain specious charm. Augustus’ own views were narrow and definite. How far they

s penuria’. The soldiers were apathetic (Suetonius, Tib. 21, 5, where Augustus’ words are quoted: ‘inter tot rerum difficultates

th more composure. Despite the varied checks and disappointments in Augustus’ policy of moral and patriotic regeneration, the e

s metamorphosis a frank and generous recognition of the excellence of Augustus’ policy or an unequivocal testimony to the restora

Propaganda outweighed arms in the contests of the Triumviral period. Augustus’ chief of cabinet, Maecenas, captured the most pro

Caesarian, for that was the ‘better cause’. 2 It may be presumed that Augustus’ historian also spoke with respect of Brutus and C

facile pen to versifying the Roman religious calendar. The scandal of Augustus’ granddaughter Julia (A.D. 8) provided the excuse.

private vices and domestic scandals of Herod the Great did not shake Augustus’ confidence in the efficiency of his government. H

m, pointing to the real impotence of their enemies. 4 The strength of Augustus’ position when Princeps enabled him to permit free

rippa took up the pen. 3 Paramount in the literature of apology stood Augustus’ own autobiographical memoir, recording his destin

w of history. 1 Pollio knew what history was. It was not like Livy. Augustus’ historian of imperial Rome employed for his theme

a, De ira 3, 23, 4 ff. Pollio harboured him when he was expelled from Augustus’ house. 7 Seneca, Controv. 10, praef. 8. 8 Pli

ae originis, maleficae vitae. PageBook=>487 Cassius prosecuted Augustus’ friend Nonius Asprenas on a charge of poisoning.

dem. 2 This moral platitude became a wild paradox under the Empire. Augustus’ memory might be safe after death to attack or tra

ny generations; 3 but it could not ultimately protect the grandson of Augustus’ marshal Vinicius from the resentment of Valeria M

The Sullan oligarchy made its peace with the monarchy. By the end of Augustus’ reign, however, there remained but little of the

loodthirsty proconsul; 3 and if more were known of the personality of Augustus’ intimate, the accomplished Paullus Fabius Maximus

hor of their lives, liberty and prosperity. 8 NotesPage=>519 1 Augustus’ letter, quoted by Gellius 15, 7, 3; Velleius 2, 9

on guard. Augustus used the word ‘statio’: so did contemporaries. 3 Augustus’ rule was dominion over all the world. To the Roma

or, o sanguen dis oriundum, tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras. 6 Augustus’ relation to the Roman Commonwealth might also be

t the rhythm, though abated, was steady and continuous. It had been Augustus’ most fervent prayer that he might lay the foundat

Suetonius, Divus Aug. 28, 2. PageBook=>522 The last decade of Augustus’ life was clouded by domestic scandals and by disa

Armenia, Antonius’ relations with, 224, 265, 270; after Actium, 301; Augustus’ policy, 388, 428. Armies, control of, 35 f., 32

64, 267; flatters Cleopatra, 281; deserts, 280 f.; proposes the name ‘ Augustus’ , 314, 411; as censor, 339, 402; his priest in Car

138 f., 250, 459, 460; repute under the Principate, 329 f., 506 f.; Augustus’ verdict, 320, 506. Porcius Cato, M., son of Cat

7 B.C., 313 ff., 323 ff., 394; consular and praetorian, 326 ff., 393; Augustus’ control of senatorial provinces, 382, 406; provin

obscure senator, 94. Temples, built by viri triumphales, 241, 402; Augustus’ repairs, 447. Terentia, wife of Cicero, 24, 69.

n for, 111, 196, 207 ff, 233, 304, 352, 450; special privileges, 243; Augustus’ measures, 352; as small capitalists, 450; a conse