composed round a central narrative that records the rise to power of Augustus and the establishment of his rule, embracing the

violent transference of power and of property; and the Principate of Augustus should be regarded as the consolidation of the re

cess. Emphasis is laid, however, not upon the personality and acts of Augustus , but upon his adherents and partisans. The compos

and significance) allotted to the biographies of Pompeius, Caesar and Augustus , to warfare, to provincial affairs and to constit

publican in sentiment. Hence a deliberately critical attitude towards Augustus . If Caesar and Antonius by contrast are treated r

ntional view of the period. Much that has recently been written about Augustus is simply panegyric, whether ingenuous or edifyin

cession to the Principate of Tiberius, stepson and son by adoption of Augustus , consort in his powers. Not until that day was th

ceremony. The corpse had long been dead. In common usage the reign of Augustus is regarded as the foundation of the Roman Empire

ing the friends, the enemies and even the memory of his earlier days, Augustus the Princeps, who was born in the year of Cicero’

beloved stepson, of the young princes Gaius and Lucius, grandsons of Augustus and heirs designate to the imperial succession. S

une the future held. None the less, the main elements in the party of Augustus and in the political system of the Principate had

united Italy and a stable empire demanded and imposed. The rule of Augustus brought manifold blessings to Rome, Italy and the

: hence the danger of an indulgent estimate of the person and acts of Augustus . It was the avowed purpose of that statesman to

persons of Octavianus the Triumvir, author of the proscriptions, and Augustus the Princeps, the beneficent magistrate, men have

lem does not exist: Julian was closer to the point when he classified Augustus as a chameleon. 2 Colour changed, but not substan

ts of power. Domination is never the less effective for being veiled. Augustus applied all the arts of tone and nuance with the

h, Brutus 12). 2 In the Caesares of Julian (p. 309 a) Silenus calls Augustus a chameleon: Apollo objects and claims him for a

he prime cause of many pertinacious delusions about the Principate of Augustus . Nor is the Augustan period as straightforward or

n isolation from history. The writings of Cicero survive in bulk, and Augustus is glorified in the poetry of his age. Apart from

er of high diplomacy; and he lived to within a decade of the death of Augustus . His character and tastes disposed him to be neut

period of the Triumvirate to the War of Actium and the Principate of Augustus : the work appears to have ended when the Republic

atory or the uncritical may discover in this design a depreciation of Augustus : his ability and greatness will all the more shar

revealed by unfriendly presentation. But it is not enough to redeem Augustus from panegyric and revive the testimony of the va

closing age of the Republic and for their last sole heir the rule of Augustus was the rule of a party, and in certain aspects h

inanciers of the Revolution may be discerned again in the Republic of Augustus as the ministers and agents of power, the same me

to a consecutive narrative of events. Nor is it only the biography of Augustus that shall be sacrificed for the gain of history.

ff.; Velleius 2, 44, I. PageBook=>009 in their open strife. 1 Augustus is the heir of Caesar or of Pompeius, as you will

the background, the all-pervading auctoritas of a senior statesman. Augustus , the last of the dynasts, took direct charge of t

nd drastic. For the health of the Roman People the dynasts had to go. Augustus completed the purge and created the New State.

erit from Caesar, the halo. The god was useful, but not the Dictator: Augustus was careful sharply to discriminate between Dicta

onstruction, a lay-figure set up to point a contrast with Pompeius or Augustus as though Augustus did not assume a more than hum

figure set up to point a contrast with Pompeius or Augustus as though Augustus did not assume a more than human name and found a

>055 1 A. D. Nock, CAH X, 489 (with reference to honours paid to Augustus ). 2 Cicero, Pro Sulla 22. 3 Suetonius, Divus

slander and irrelevant information about the senatorial gens Octavia. Augustus in his Autobiography saw no occasion to misrepres

graphy saw no occasion to misrepresent the truth in this matter ’ipse Augustus nihil amplius quam equestri familia ortum se scri

us 2, 60, 1 and other sources, all deriving from the Autobiography of Augustus , cf. F. Blumenthal, Wiener Studien xxxv (1913), 1

out any violation of legal and constitutional form. The Principate of Augustus was justified by the spirit, and fitted to the fa

te (Ad M. Brutum 1, 15, 9). However that may be, the Autobiography of Augustus , in self-justification, incriminated the Senate f

Dio 46, 42, 2; Plutarch, Cicero 45 f. If Plutarch is to be believed, Augustus admitted that he had played upon Cicero’s ambitio

ion with the comet and said to be referred to in the Autobiography of Augustus . For Pythagorean doctrines, cf. J. Carcopino, Vir

wn. Carisius is probably P. Carisius, of later notoriety as legate of Augustus in Spain (Dio 53, 25, 8): an interesting and rare

duous of the achievements in foreign policy of the long Principate of Augustus . But Octavianus’ time was short, his aims were re

ever, to determine whether they got the franchise from Caesar or from Augustus . 5 Cicero, Phil. 13, 33: ‘magnum crimen senatus

iam Maecenatis rana per collationes pecuniarum in magno terrore erat. Augustus postea ad evitanda convicia sphingis Alexandri Ma

scite of the year 32: that act was but the beginning of the work that Augustus the Princeps was later to consummate. It is evide

cuments: the oath of the Paphlagonians taken at Gangra in the name of Augustus after the annexation of that region (OGIS 532 = I

e=>289 1 Cicero, Phil. 7, 23 f. 2 M. Nonius Gallus, active for Augustus in Gaul about the time of the battle of Actium (D

that Cornelius Cossus won the spolia opima when military tribune: but Augustus told Livy that he had seen in the temple of Juppi

des 4, 14, 6. PageBook=>312 The word ‘princeps’, as applied to Augustus , is absent from the Aeneid of Virgil and is not o

expected, with definite reference to the victories or to the power of Augustus . His attention to ancient monuments is described

lten, Heft xx, 1931), 39 ff., esp. 47 f. According to Dio (53, 12, 1) Augustus took over τὴν μὲν φροντίδα τὴν τє προστασίαν τῶν

ae 34, cf. ILS 82 (a copy at Potentia in Picenum).. 3 Dio says that Augustus himself was eager for the name of Romulus (53, 16

roposed the decree that conferred on Caesar’s heir the appellation of Augustus . 2 Nothing was left to chance or to accident in

ority of the legions; and Egypt stood apart from the reckoning. But Augustus did not take all the legions: three proconsuls ha

e from geographical position and the memory of recent civil wars: yet Augustus graciously resigned them to proconsuls. Further,

the new system be described as a military despotism. Before the law, Augustus was not the commander-in-chief of the whole army,

2. 3 Dio’s account is anachronistic and misleading. He states that Augustus resigned to the Senate the peaceful provinces (53

by the contemporary Strabo (p. 840) free of anachronism. He says that Augustus took as his portion ὅση στρατɩωτɩκῆς φρουφᾶς. ἔχє

currence of the anarchy out of which his domination had arisen. But Augustus was to be consul as well as proconsul, year after

enius or to NotesPage=>315 1 Cicero, Phil, 11, 17, cf. 28. 2 Augustus claimed to have exercised no more potestas than a

ok=>316 one age, but to many men and the long process of time. 1 Augustus sought to demonstrate a doctrine —Roman history

ine —Roman history was a continuous and harmonious development. 2 Augustus himself, so he asserted, accepted no magistracy t

enough. It is, therefore, no paradox to discover in the Principate of Augustus both the institutions and the phraseology of Repu

nces thence derived is another question. It will be doubted whether Augustus , his counsellors or his critics scanned the recor

l precedents as have the lawyers and historians of more recent times. Augustus knew precisely what he wanted: it was simple and

but only aggravated, the ills of the Roman State. Very different was Augustus , a ‘salubris princeps’, for as such he would have

oved to grave doubts—was the birth of Caesar a blessing or a curse? 4 Augustus twitted him with being a Pompeian. 5 The Emperor

tter of Antonius, save as criminal types. The power and domination of Augustus was in reality far too similar to that of the Dic

s proscription was profitably laid upon Antonius, dead and disgraced. Augustus bore testimony: ‘Cicero was a great orator—and a

Pompejus3 (1922), 174 ff. On Ciceronian language and ideas reborn in Augustus , cf. A. Oltramare, Rev. ét. lat. X(1932), 58 ff.

reshadowing the ideal state that was realized under the Principate of Augustus . 1 That is an anachronism: the theorists of antiq

d be employed by any party and adapted to any ends. The revolutionary Augustus exploited with art and with success the tradition

surprise nor reveal to a modern inquirer any secret about the rule of Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far

own past experience and future hopes. PageBook=>320 opinion of Augustus , for the Revolution had now been stabilized. Neit

ispensation to be altered is a good citizen. 1 Precisely for that end Augustus laboured, to conserve the new order, announcing i

up to comfort the living and confound posterity. In the New State of Augustus the stubborn class-conscious Republicanism of Cat

laws, would have known the true name and essence of the auctoritas of Augustus the Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist.

ν αἱρʋύμενʋζ αναρξίαζ. Compare Dio, in a speech put into the mouth of Augustus (53, 10, 1): πρῶτʋν μὲν τʋὺζ κειμενʋυζ νόμʋυζ ἰσξ

bust faith can discover authentic relics of Cicero in the Republic of Augustus :2 very little attention was paid to him at all, o

n political theory can only lead to schematism and a dreary delusion. Augustus proudly dispensed with support of precedents—he c

sest of the Greeks (ib., 36). 4 W. Weber (CAH XI, 367) alleges that Augustus had conceived the idea of the rule of the ‘optimu

could ever produce an exemplary kind of citizen. Names might change: Augustus was none the less a revolutionary leader who won

n prescription stands auctoritas; it was in virtue of auctoritas that Augustus claimed pre-eminence for himself. 1 Auctoritas de

as a body and to the individual senior statesmen or principes viri. 2 Augustus was the greatest of the principes. It was therefo

Vom Geist des Römertums, 1 ff. 3 Above, p. 284 PageBook=>323 Augustus was by far the wealthiest man in the Empire, ruli

e contrary, the purified Senate, being in a majority the partisans of Augustus , were well aware of what was afoot. To secure the

, was a scholar not wholly devoid of historical sense. He states that Augustus twice thought of restoring the Republic— not that

storing the Republic— not that he did so. 3 To Suetonius, the work of Augustus was the creation of a ‘novus status’. 4 From a

e the prospect is fairer. It has been maintained in recent times that Augustus not only employed Republican language but intende

ans did not demand deep thought or high debate in the party councils. Augustus took what he deemed necessary for his designs, th

s were carried through under the auspices of the supreme magistrates, Augustus and Agrippa. The transition to liberty was carefu

sters of power. That task has all too often been ignored or evaded. Augustus proposed himself to be consul without intermissio

of controlling the provinces the recent past could offer lessons, had Augustus stood in need of instruction. Reunited after the

reduced to normal and legitimate competence. The remedy was clear. Augustus in 27 B.C. professed to resign provinces to the S

nsuls remained, as before, in charge of three military provinces. But Augustus was not surrendering power. Very different his re

Africa with legions and the nominal hope of a triumph. 3 The wars of Augustus were waged in the main by men who reached the con

ng—and novi homines at that. Hence the conspicuous lack of legates of Augustus either noble in birth or consular in rank. Not a

lists of provincial governors in the early years of the Principate of Augustus are not to be had. 3 Namely M. Acilius Glabrio

to the interior up to the line of the Danube. 1 In the provincia of Augustus , the ordination of consular and praetorian provin

such are in fact attested, namely three of the principal marshals of Augustus , all novi homines. 2 Under the Triumvirate and

2 Under the Triumvirate and in the years after Actium partisans of Augustus governed the provinces with the rank of proconsul

re obscure and low in rank. These legates were direct appointments of Augustus , responsible to him alone. It will be conjectured

the lot, was no less happy and inspired than if they were legates of Augustus instead of proconsuls, independent of the Princep

t by service as legates or as proconsuls when praetorian in rank. 4 Augustus was consul every year down to 23 B.C.; he therefo

bly reduced when the Republic was restored. Such were the powers of Augustus as consul and proconsul, open, public and admitte

n unpopular person and exorbitant powers. The same reasons counselled Augustus to depart. Others as well he did not wish to co

revent any trouble. PageNote. 331 (No Notes) PageBook=>332 Augustus came to Gaul. A vain expectation was abroad, made

n of conquering either Britain or Parthia had no place in the mind of Augustus . Passing through the south of Gaul he arrived in

iumphs in Rome. Some of these campaigns may have prepared the way for Augustus : if so, scant acknowledgement in history. 3 In

ow concentrate upon a single person, only the detachment commanded by Augustus himself has left any record. The campaign was gri

tus himself has left any record. The campaign was grim and arduous. Augustus fell grievously ill. He sought healing from Pyren

. Official interpretation hailed the complete subjugation of Spain by Augustus . Janus was once more closed. The rejoicing was pr

’ war in Spain (from 28 to 19 B.C.)2. Frail and in despair of life, Augustus returned to Rome towards the middle of 24 B.C.

ue. Three events a state trial, a conspiracy and a serious illness of Augustus revealed the precarious tenure on which the peace

t, and was certainly the most critical, in all the long Principate of Augustus . 3 From a constitutional crisis, in itself of n

2 Dio 54, 11, 1 ff. The mendacious Velleius (2, 90, 4) asserts that Augustus in person had achieved the conquest of Spain (in

h for that, and revolutionaries are not sentimental. Their loyalty to Augustus was also loyalty to Rome a high and sombre patrio

so, only four years earlier, one of the closest of the associates of Augustus , Cornelius Gallus, the first Prefect of Egypt, ha

her, the virtuous and disinterested Proculeius, an intimate friend of Augustus , could save him. Proculeius had openly deplored t

have consuls. To take the place of Murena in the supreme magistracy, Augustus appointed Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a Republican of in

er. Hitherto Piso had held aloof from public life, disdaining office. Augustus , in virtue of arbitrary power, offered the consul

der their direction the government could have continued for a time. Augustus recovered. He was saved by cold baths, a prescrip

profit and patriotism. The conspiracy of Murena and the illness of Augustus were a sudden warning. The catastrophe was near

Agrippa, thrice consul. This was the settlement of the year 23 B.C. Augustus resolved to refrain from holding the supreme magi

ot in name, this reduced all proconsuls to the function of legates of Augustus . As for Rome, Augustus was allowed to retain his

d all proconsuls to the function of legates of Augustus. As for Rome, Augustus was allowed to retain his military imperium withi

r realities and inner scorn (but public respect) for names and forms, Augustus preferred indefinite and far-reaching powers to t

the People. On them stood the military and monarchic demagogue. For Augustus the consulate was merely an ornament or an encumb

1 Rome inherited: M. Lollius, an efficient and unpopular partisan of Augustus , was engaged in organizing the vast province of G

nus) and of the ex-Pompeian L. Arruntius wholly convincing (22 B.C.). Augustus adopted certain other specious measures that appe

pread their ravages, producing riots in Rome and popular clamour that Augustus should assume the office of Dictator. 6 He refuse

The constitution is a façade as under the Republic. Not only that. Augustus himself is not so much a man as a hero and a figu

neration. A god’s son, himself the bearer of a name more than mortal, Augustus stood aloof from ordinary mankind. He liked to fa

and menacing. The principal actors were Livia, Maecenas and Agrippa. Augustus could not afford to alienate all three. In allian

She exploited her skill for the advantage of herself and her family. Augustus never failed to take her advice on matters of sta

that he had been given secret instructions by Marcellus as well as by Augustus :2 falsely, perhaps, but it was disquieting. Howev

by Augustus:2 falsely, perhaps, but it was disquieting. However, when Augustus in prospect of death made his last dispositions,

allay suspicion. 3 The Senate refused, as was politic and inevitable. Augustus could bequeath his name and his fortune to whomso

the Caesarian party were soon made known. The result was a defeat for Augustus and probably for Maecenas as well. Between the Pr

ntastical conceits of his verse, must have been highly distasteful to Augustus as to Agrippa. Augustus bore with the vices of

verse, must have been highly distasteful to Augustus as to Agrippa. Augustus bore with the vices of his minister for the memor

mistake he told Terentia of the danger that threatened her brother. 3 Augustus could not forgive a breach of confidence. Maecena

emperamental. Life with her was not easy. 4 An added complication was Augustus , by no means insensible, it was rumoured, to thos

of the perils which this critical year revealed might be countered if Augustus silenced rumour and baffled conspiracy by openly

44 Agrippa’s nature was stubborn and domineering. He would yield to Augustus , but to no other man, and to Augustus not always

domineering. He would yield to Augustus, but to no other man, and to Augustus not always with good grace. 1 His portraits rev

, imperious and resolute. There were grounds for the opinion that, if Augustus died, Agrippa would make short work of the Prince

Caecilia, and bound by close link the great general to herself and to Augustus . Livia deserved to succeed. It may fairly be repr

ral and easy interpretation, into an allusion to the alliance between Augustus and Agrippa. 3 Absurd for the aftermath of Actium

aw. Agrippa was not, Agrippa never could be, the brother and equal of Augustus . He was not Divi filius, not Augustus’, he lacked

ven when Agrippa subsequently received proconsular power like that of Augustus over all the provinces of the Empire, and more th

esignated to assume the inheritance of sole power, to become all that Augustus had been. The nobiles would not have stood it. Ag

im Imperium Romanum (1930). PageBook=>346 To the Principate of Augustus there could be no hereditary succession, for two

ustus’ powers were legal in definition, magisterial in character; and Augustus , Caesar’s heir, a god’s son and saviour of Rome a

nity by secret compulsion, with Agrippa as deputy-leader: even should Augustus disappear, the scheme of things was saved. A de

man. A triumvirate was ready to hand, in the complementary figures of Augustus , Maecenas and Agrippa. To attach the loyalty of t

ire the veneration of the masses a popular figure-head was desirable. Augustus , with his name and his luck, was all that and mor

all that and more. PageNote. 346 (No Notes) PageBook=>347 Augustus might not be a second Caesar: he lacked the vigou

te the manifestation of suitable opinions. Maecenas was there. Again, Augustus had neither the taste nor the talent for war: Agr

vailable. The Princeps might perambulate, visiting each part in turn. Augustus spent long periods of residence in the provinces,

ers, the principes viri. PageNote. 348 1 Dio 52, 8, 4 (Agrippa to Augustus ): ν ν δ π σά σϵ ἀνάγκη συναγωνιστὰς πoλλoὺς, ἅτϵ

mpulsion to derive honour and advancement. Of this imposing total, so Augustus proudly affirmed, no fewer than eighty-three eith

-eight colonies in Italy and a large number in the provinces honoured Augustus as their patron and their defender. 2 In the ye

d. Down to 13 B.C., a cardinal date in the history of the Roman army, Augustus provided the discharged legionaries with land, It

o 55, 25, 2 ff. PageBook=>353 The soldier in service looked to Augustus as patron and protector as well as paymaster. Lik

shed in Rome and in the towns of Italy. When addressing the troops, Augustus dropped the revolutionary appellation of ‘comrade

iscipline than civil wars had tolerated. 2 But this meant no neglect. Augustus remembered, rewarded and promoted the humblest of

, not restricted to any one class of the wealthy in the Principate of Augustus . None the less, Isidorus was able to bequeath six

the Republic, they are attested as senators in the purified Senate of Augustus . 8 Above all, freedmen were employed by the Princ

ts and secretaries, especially in financial duties; 9 in which matter Augustus inherited and developed the practices of Pompeius

r ranks were soon augmented by a surge of successful speculators. But Augustus did not suffer them to return to their old games.

atronage for a post in civil life, namely the position of procurator. Augustus enlisted the financial experience of Roman busine

ein, Der r. Ritterstand, 142 ff. The equestris militia in the time of Augustus is a highly obscure subject. The post of praefect

ad of three legions. Certain other provinces subsequently acquired by Augustus were placed under the charge of prefects or procu

command of the Guard were two administrative posts in Rome created by Augustus towards the end of his Principate. The praefectus

55, 10, 10), Q. Ostorius Scapula and P. Salvius Aper. In the time of Augustus the Guard was not so important as Egypt, therefor

Varro Murena), an intimate friend of the Princeps in earlier days. Augustus , they said, once thought of giving his daughter J

rare combination of merit, protection and accident. Here as elsewhere Augustus , under the guise of restoration, none the less pe

Alfidia, ILS 125). 2 Tacitus, Ann. 4, 3: ‘atque ilia, cui avunculus Augustus , socer Tiberius, ex Druso liberi, seque ac maiore

signi tranquillitate vitae, nullis rei publicae negotiis permixtos. ’ Augustus is not to be taken too seriously here. 5 Cf. ab

process of creating the unity of Italy had not yet reached its term. Augustus was eager to provide for further recruitment and

pulent men from the colonies and municipia. 3 NotesPage=>359 1 Augustus at first fixed it at a mere 400,000 sesterces, su

laudius is not quite correct, however, in assigning the innovation to Augustus and Tiberius: to Caesar he could not officially a

cient and dynastic stock in Etruscan Ferentum, became a senator under Augustus . 4 P. Vitellius from Nuceria won distinction as p

ugustus. 4 P. Vitellius from Nuceria won distinction as procurator of Augustus : his four sons entered the Senate. 5 Vespasius Po

. PageBook=>362 Others already had gone farther, securing from Augustus ennoblement of their families. In the forefront t

ius in 12 B.C.4 But after that the middle period of the Principate of Augustus shows very few new names, save for a Passienus an

xcellent persons, no doubt, and well endowed with material goods. But Augustus was sometimes disappointed, precisely when he had

was an ancient and reputable family among the Paeligni, the Ovidii. 3 Augustus gave the latus clavus to a promising young Ovidiu

est et eos honores gessit. ’ PageBook=>364 As has been shown, Augustus affirmed and consolidated the alliance of the pro

d in the crisis of civil war: they were not to be neglected in peace. Augustus encouraged the towns to commend candidates for mi

y no means narrow and exclusive. The generous policy of Caesar and of Augustus could be supported by the venerable weight of anc

but they do not explain in root and origin, the acts of Caesar and of Augustus . In granting the Roman franchise and in spreading

exclusion of rivals. Nor was it for reasons of theory that Caesar and Augustus attached to their party and promoted to the Senat

behaved as such. 2 NotesPage=>365 1 Dio makes Maecenas advise Augustus to bring into the Senate of Rome το ς κορυϕαίους

hracian dynasts, all worked for Rome, as though provincial governors. Augustus regarded the kings as integral members of the Emp

the Julii. Supplying a preponderance, perhaps already in the time of Augustus , of the recruits for the legions of the West, the

on the throne and found a dynasty of Spanish and Narbonensian rulers. Augustus will hardly have desired or sought to stem their

us will hardly have desired or sought to stem their steady advance. Augustus , it is commonly held, lacked both the broad imper

deriving from that schematic contrast between Caesar the Dictator and Augustus the Princeps which may satisfy the needs of the m

ulers will be explained in large measure by circumstances by the time Augustus acquired sole power, the Revolution had already p

d by Caesar Augustus. Caesar admitted provincials. No evidence that Augustus expelled them all. The descendants of the Narbone

son of the procurator of Asia, entered the Senate during the reign of Augustus , soon followed by Cn. Domitius Afer, the great or

3 further, they held procuratorships and high equestrian posts under Augustus , which gave them rank comparable to the consulate

minent personages regularly entered the Senate under the new order. 5 Augustus exalted Italy; but the contrast between Italy and

nor magistracy at least perhaps as promotion for a special service to Augustus (ILS 2676). This person was a XXVIvir. No evidenc

ed as a part of Italy, even for fiscal purposes. PageBook=>368 Augustus , himself of a municipal family, was true in chara

s first years, few of distinction. What more simple than to assign to Augustus alone the advancement of novi homines under the P

in were found willing to make their peace with the military dynast. Augustus bent all his efforts to attaching these young nob

is of 23 B.C. the Caesarian party thwarted the monarchical designs of Augustus and prevented the adoption of Marcellus; it may b

he constitution never recovered from its enemies or from its friends. Augustus in the first years masked or palliated some of it

nsuls are attested for some time. None the less, in the ordinances of Augustus as finally established, a man became eligible to

ok=>370 The Senate had been purged once. That was not enough for Augustus . He may have hoped to renew the work in 22 B.C.:

ly revived the Republic to be used as they had used it. To the People Augustus restored freedom of election. Fed by the bounty a

ue of auctoritas. 3 In the first four years of the new dispensation Augustus kept a tight grasp on the consulate, as the names

ignity, it now seemed worth having to the aristocracy. From one fraud Augustus was debarred. He had already restored the Republi

’s eyes one of the visible evidences of military despotism. Next year Augustus himself set out on a tour of the eastern province

election and unrestricted competition. The Roman plebs clamoured that Augustus , present or absent, should assume the title of Di

r an interval the same trouble recurred. The year 19 B.C. opened with Augustus still absent, and only one consul in office, C. S

2–19 B.C. are very puzzling. It almost looks as though, in each year, Augustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leav

(22-19 B.C.) each year one of the two consuls had been a partisan of Augustus and a military man, the first to ennoble his fami

there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome was glad when Augustus returned. His rule, now more firmly consolidated,

es. With 28 B.C. annual consulates come back, monopolized at first by Augustus , Agrippa and Taurus. Of the consuls of the period

Most of them were entrapped in the matrimonial and dynastic policy of Augustus . 2 While depressing the powers, Augustus intend

ial and dynastic policy of Augustus. 2 While depressing the powers, Augustus intended to restore the public and official digni

hirteen years, only four are recorded, two of them caused by death. 3 Augustus was baffled by circumstances. More and more sons

he Fasti. The date is not accidental: the flagrant dynastic policy of Augustus constrained him to bid for the support of the nob

certain nobiles whose merits fell short of recompense in the reign of Augustus . Eloquence and the study of the law (‘illustres d

an elegant speaker and man of fashion, not altogether approved of by Augustus ; 3 the other, a critic of exacting taste, so they

d composed a treatise on the science of botany, which he dedicated to Augustus . 7 NotesPage=>375 1 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 75.

to induce the soldiers to march against their patron and imperator. Augustus both created new patrician houses and sought, lik

onsuls now or miss a generation, emerging later. In the Principate of Augustus a Sulla, a Metellus, a Scaurus and other nobles d

fell to Gallus, Pollio’s ambitious son. What would have happened if Augustus like that great politician, the censor Appius Cla

ius, both consuls, no doubt at an early age. The schemes devised by Augustus in the ramification of family alliances were form

ilia, the daughter of Atticus. Then he married Marcella, the niece of Augustus , and lastly the daughter, Julia. No less resplend

dent in its way was the fortune that attended upon other partisans of Augustus . Unfortunately the partners of the great marshals

interests with whom they once had shared the spoils of the provinces. Augustus was ready enough to bestow emolument upon impover

ted out the memory of Caesar’s generosity and Caesar’s confiscations. Augustus and his partisans inherited the estates, the park

s tastes, L. Tarius Rufus, acquired a huge fortune from the bounty of Augustus , which he proceeded to dilapidate by grandiose la

two priesthoods; 4 the excellent Sentius Saturninus is found next to Augustus as deputy-master of the college that celebrated t

the slain would be available before long. But they would not suffice. Augustus at once proceeded to create new patrician familie

ly as 64 B.C., Macrobius 3, 13, II. 2 Cicero, Ad fam. 8, 14, 1. 3 Augustus records that about one hundred and seventy of his

i in 17 B.C. (ILS 5050, 1. 150). 8 Res Gestae 8, cf. Dio 52, 42, 5. Augustus conveniently omits the adlection in 33 B.C. (Dio

oman constitution: his influence, checked no doubt for a long time by Augustus , may be detected in the frequent promotion of nov

Rome in the Bellum Italicum: a descendant was Prefect of Egypt under Augustus . 3 On the other, his grandfather had helped Ti. C

son, who became in time the husband of two princesses of the blood of Augustus , Domitia and Agrippina the younger. 5 A kinsman o

e beginning: active, though studiously masked under the Principate of Augustus , they grow with the passage of dynastic politics

re of the Princeps of the Roman State. 3 In portraiture and statuary, Augustus and the members of his house are depicted, not al

lth and honours in the imperial system, implicit in the Principate of Augustus , but not always clearly discernible in their work

ic behaved like dynasts, not as magistrates or servants of the State. Augustus controlled the consulars as well as the consuls,

he years before Actium filled up the gaps. The Senate which acclaimed Augustus and the Republic restored could show an imposing

apsed after the Battle of Actium, until Nero, the last of the line of Augustus , had perished and Galba assumed the heritage of t

at Rome. 2 Everybody had known about it. After the first settlement Augustus in no way relaxed his control of the armies, hold

signed to Agrippa. As Maecenas his enemy put it, there was no choice: Augustus must make Agrippa his son-in-law or destroy him.

18 B.C. the imperium of Agrippa was augmented, to cover (like that of Augustus since 23 B.C.) the provinces of the Senate. More

s as vicegerent of the East, Agrippa came to Rome in 13 B.C., to find Augustus newly returned from Spain and Gaul. During the la

l colonies. Fresh material and a better tradition took their place. Augustus in the same year promulgated regulations of pay a

the river Danube is the cardinal achievement of the foreign policy of Augustus . 2 His own earlier campaigns had been defensive i

led about this time. 2 For this conception of the foreign policy of Augustus , see CAH x, 355 ff.: the truth of the matter has

Tiberius. Then in 6 B.C. came a crisis in the family and the party of Augustus . Tiberius retired, bitter and contumacious, to a

Thracicum are either 13–11 or 12–10 B.C. According to Seneca (l.c.), Augustus gave Piso ‘secreta mandata’: in order that the le

grippa, deputy and son-in-law of the Princeps, died six years before, Augustus appeared to stand alone, sustaining the burden of

e sons of Agrippa, whom he had adopted as his own. Down to 13 B.C., Augustus and Agrippa conducted or at least superintended t

n the provinces. Now comes a change in part the result of accident. Augustus himself never again left Italy. Agrippa had been

rippa had been indispensable in the earlier years, as deputy wherever Augustus happened not to be, above all as vicegerent of th

the great plebeian marshals commanding armies under the Principate of Augustus only one besides Agrippa, namely M. Lollius, is h

y better. 3 To the military men who served the dynasty and the State, Augustus and history have paid scant requital; the record

government. In the first and tentative years of the new dispensation Augustus held the territories and armies of his provincia

ts, the sons of proscribed and defeated Republicans, the provincia of Augustus began to change into a permanent order of praetor

d as praetorian. Yet on three occasions at least in the Principate of Augustus , Galatia was governed by legates of consular stan

ceps and Senate in 27 B.C. was likewise neither final nor systematic. Augustus might be requested by the Senate either to nomina

small as the single legion that remained there from the last years of Augustus onwards; 1 and although no proconsul after Balbus

mes as praefecti equitum as well. 5 So great was the emphasis laid by Augustus on military service that he would even place two

ated. After Actium, no place for them. 1 But the lesson was not lost. Augustus perpetuated the premium on specialization, for po

isturbed peace on the frontiers. The historical record of the wars of Augustus is fragmentary and capricious. Design has conspir

(ILS 918). This inscr. records the career of a man who was legate of Augustus in a province the name of which is lost but which

us (cos. 12 B.C.) passed through a long career of faithful service to Augustus and to the State. Among his achievements (perhaps

Below, p. 421. PageBook=>402 For certain services in the city Augustus devised posts to be held by Roman knights. For th

tisans of Antonius and Octavianus competed to adorn the city of Rome. Augustus soon after Actium set about restoring temples; an

war-booty; and Balbus’ theatre also commemorated a triumph (19 B.C.)2 Augustus himself repaired the Via Flaminia. 3 The charge o

fter 19 B.C. there were no more triumphs of senators; and in any case Augustus would have wished, even if he had not been forced

t was to resign functions of public utility to individual enterprise. Augustus supplied the aediles with a body of fire-fighting

. 8 Tacitus, Ann. 6, 11. PageBook=>404 Ten years later, when Augustus departed on his second visit to the provinces of

ts and by the creation of special officials or permanent commissions, Augustus provided for the health, the security and the ado

left it a city of marble. 3 The observation was true in every sense. Augustus , who waived the name of Romulus, could justly cla

iles. After the constructions of the viri triumphales, the friends of Augustus , there was scarcely ever a public building erecte

s into a high court of justice under the presidency of the consuls. 6 Augustus had frequent resort to the People for the passing

καθ- ξοντ∈ςκτλ. 5 In 19 B.C., but only for a few years, after which Augustus established an imperial mint at Lugdunum, cf. H.

s in CAH x, 169 ff.; H. Volkmann, Zur Rechtsprechung im Principat des Augustus (1935), 93 ff. There can hardly be any doubt that

powers were developed and used, though not frequently in the time of Augustus , cf. J. G. C. Anderson, JRS XVN (1927), 47 f. P

47 f. PageBook=>407 When he comes to narrate the Principate of Augustus , Cassius Dio complains that the task of the histo

bate: they were now decided in secret by a few men. 1 He is right. If Augustus wished his rule to retain the semblance of consti

ained in the Roman whether he acted as parent, magistrate or general. Augustus could have invoked tradition and propriety, had h

ttested in his Principate. No sooner was the Free State restored than Augustus hastened to palliate any inconveniences that migh

mily were probably present at most deliberations. Whether the rule of Augustus be described as Republic or Monarchy, these advis

cils of state. Roman knights had been amongst the earliest friends of Augustus . Some attained senatorial rank. Others, like the

imate friend of the Princeps. The loyal Vedius constructed, to honour Augustus , a Caesareum in the city of Beneventum. 2 He also

th living slaves. The scandal of the fish-ponds was too much even for Augustus , notoriously indulgent to the vices of his friend

. But it was a freedman called Licinus who assessed and exploited for Augustus the resources of Gaul. 5 The treasury of the Ro

no doubt only the residue of the revenues from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized

he aerarium, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of money at his disposal he paid th

nowledge of the budget of Empire. The rationarium imperii was kept by Augustus , to be divulged only if and when he handed in his

nsul in 23 B.C., Dio 53, 30, 2. PageBook=>411 In these matters Augustus required expert advisers. As time went on, knight

personal friend of the Princeps, won prominence in the late years of Augustus . Seius was Prefect of the Guard in A.D. 14.2 As

dependent. Plancus proposed that the Senate should confer the name of Augustus upon Caesar’s heir. It will be inferred that the

ho twenty-five years later introduced the decree of the Senate naming Augustus the Father of his Country. 3 Religion, law and

es it appears to have broken away from the control of the government. Augustus had grown hard and bitter with age; and Sallustiu

ot safe to infer from the Lex de imperio Vespasiana, as many do, that Augustus was given this power, explicitly. 3 Josephus, A

ned, at the very core of the party. Another followed before long, and Augustus loudly lamented the loss of his two most trusty c

, a grandson of Pompeius Magnus, was conspiring against the Princeps. Augustus sought the advice of Livia and received a long cu

ng Dio’s date. Yet Cinna’s consulate was probably due, not so much to Augustus , as to the Republican Tiberius, mindful of his Po

ceeded without any unfortunate incidents in public. With the death of Augustus , the Princeps’ powers lapsed he might designate,

tina his wife and by the Prefect of the Guard. 2 It is evident that Augustus and his confidential advisers had given anxious t

h Agrippa and the sons of Livia in turn were to be the instruments of Augustus in ensuring the succession for heirs of his own b

fast turning into the New Monarchy. As the dynastic aspirations of Augustus were revealed, more openly and nearer to success

would be a visible reminder and check to conspirators. For the rest, Augustus could rely on Tiberius’ submission and his own pr

y been seen in Rome; and there was no urgent need of him in the East. Augustus wished to remove for a time this unbending and in

PageBook=>417 Tiberius revolted. Obdurate against the threats of Augustus and the entreaties of his mother, he persisted in

, Tiberius concealed a high ambition; like Agrippa, he would yield to Augustus but not in all things. His pride had been wounded

he Princeps refuse his services to the Roman People. The purpose of Augustus was flagrant, and, to Tiberius, criminal. It was

and, to Tiberius, criminal. It was not until after his departure that Augustus revealed the rapid honours and royal inheritance

In 6 B.C. there was an agitation that Gaius should be made consul. 2 Augustus expressed public disapproval and bided his time w

elves the governing and administrative classes, recognized the son of Augustus as a prince and ruler; and men came to speak of h

m as a designated Princeps. 1 To Gaius and Lucius in a private letter Augustus expressed his prayer that they should inherit his

ain, a general in Armenia and in the Alpine campaigns. The stepson of Augustus , he had benefited from that relationship. Yet eve

himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two

rents. While Augustus lived, he maintained peace and the dynasty. But Augustus was now aged fifty-seven. The crisis could not lo

t renascence in the strange but not incongruous alliance of monarchy. Augustus had passed beyond the measure and proportions of

of monarchy more easily than the primacy of one of their own number. Augustus knew it. The ambition of the nobiles might have a

When Cinna conspired against his life or was suspected of conspiracy Augustus quietly pointed out the folly of the attempt. Eve

he succeeded, the nobiles would not put up with Cinna in the place of Augustus . 1 Cinna was one of themselves, noble and patrici

us Augustus had never been. Though the nobiles despised the origin of Augustus , remembered his past and loathed his person, they

profits. The most open political prize was the consulate. In 5 B.C. Augustus assumed that office, after a lapse of eighteen ye

us from Corduba. Among the nobiles were magnates who stood close to Augustus in the inner circle of the family and close to th

) for M. Aemilius Lepidus, cos. A.D. 6. PageBook=>421 But with Augustus dying before his sons attained their majority, a

ubject of public rumour and private intrigue. As the family circle of Augustus at one time comprised no fewer than three pairs o

Aemilius Lepidus, from the Sicilian War onwards a personal friend of Augustus , had two wives, Cornelia and the younger Marcella

The elder took to wife Julia, daughter of Julia and granddaughter of Augustus : the younger was spared the perils of marrying a

ntonia; two of them were artfully interlocked with the descendants of Augustus through his daughter Julia, Germanicus being betr

via brought promotion and a career. Silvanus became consul along with Augustus in 2 B.C. A political alliance with the Plautii w

nnot be proved. As perhaps with certain other families in the time of Augustus , genealogical claims may be tenuous or dubious. T

missed the consulate and none, so far as is known, were permitted by Augustus to govern the great military provinces. They made

C.) occupied rank and eminence with the foremost in the Principate of Augustus , though not seeking closer relationship with the

. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 23 B.C.) had been a Republican but rallied to Augustus ; his son, a man of marked and truly Republican in

ore recent novi homines, L. Tarius Rufus, though a personal friend of Augustus , probably commanded as little authority as he des

. 400 f. PageBook=>426 Julia was accused of immoral conduct by Augustus and summarily banished to an island. He provided

ebatur, quicquid liberet pro licito vindicans. ’ PageBook=>427 Augustus was bitter and merciless because his moral legisl

arges of vice a convenient and impressive pretext. 1 As a politician, Augustus was ruthless and consequent. To achieve his ambit

Antonius more amiable than her grim husband. But all is uncertain if Augustus struck down Julia and Antonius, it was not from t

d his tribunicia potestas; and he was still the Princeps’ son-in-law. Augustus might think that he knew his Tiberius. Still, he

s was not consulted; when he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was unrelenting. He at once dispatched a missive

ubtful and perilous. In the next year his tribunicia potestas lapsed. Augustus did not renew it. Gaius Caesar, consul designate

n the East. For some years disturbances in Armenia, a land over which Augustus claimed sovranty, while not seriously impairing t

of Lollius bears its own easy interpretation. Lollius was favoured by Augustus , loathed by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when governor o

gnified beyond all measure by his detractors. 5 In the following year Augustus came to Gaul, Tiberius with him. Tiberius inherit

y the repeated intercession of his mother. Until the fall of Lollius, Augustus remained obdurate. He now gave way what Livia had

lentium. ’ 5 ILS 140. PageBook=>431 There was no choice now. Augustus adopted Tiberius. The words in which he announced

st upon Tiberius or upon the principes, his rivals. In this emergency Augustus remained true to himself. Tiberius had a son; but

mself. Tiberius had a son; but Tiberius, though designated to replace Augustus , was to be cheated, prevented from transmitting t

dal swept and cleansed the household of the Princeps, to the grief of Augustus , the scorn or delight of his enemies and perhaps

Claudius was harmless and tolerated. Not so Agrippa, of the blood of Augustus . This political encumbrance was dispatched to a s

political encumbrance was dispatched to a suitable island (A.D. 7). Augustus still lived through the scandals of his family. T

provinces and armies. 2 After conducting a census as the colleague of Augustus , Tiberius Caesar set out for Illyricum (August, A

erius Caesar set out for Illyricum (August, A.D. 14). The health of Augustus grew worse and the end was near, heralded and acc

t party among the aristocracy old and new, built up with such care by Augustus to support the monarchy and the succession of his

o not seem to have been implicated in the matrimonial arrangements of Augustus the Calpurnii Pisones and the Cornelii Lentuli. L

was not enough to preclude rumours, and even risks. As the health of Augustus began to fail and the end was near, men’s minds w

er, paints an alarming picture of the crisis provoked by the death of Augustus . The exaggeration is palpable and shameless. 3

te. Certain formalities remained. On April 3rd of the previous year Augustus had drawn up his last will and testament. 4 About

of the Mausoleum. These were official documents. It is evident that Augustus had taken counsel with the chief men of his party

red and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndicate might appear preferable to a p

xsecuturos. ’ PageBook=>439 The business of the deification of Augustus was admirably expedited: there were awkward momen

of a freely chosen Princeps and the well-staged deception imposed by Augustus , the least honest and the least Republican of men

s for this emergency, a deed coolly decided eighteen months before. 1 Augustus was ruthless for the good of the Roman People. So

f one of his own blood. 2 That interpretation was not meant to shield Augustus but to incriminate the new régime. ‘Primum facinu

princeps’ for spiritual regeneration as well as for material reform. Augustus claimed that a national mandate had summoned him

f the tragedy had little of the traditional Roman in their character. Augustus paid especial honour to the great generals of the

ed state. Both were damned by the crime of ambition and ‘impia arma’. Augustus , like the historian Tacitus, would have none of t

rtal had ascended to heaven. Though bitterly reviled in his lifetime, Augustus would have his reward: si quaeret Tater Urbiunm

ensorial office and with the aspirations of conservative reformers. 4 Augustus claimed both to revive the past and to set standa

andards for the future. In this matter there stood a valid precedent: Augustus inexorably read out to a recalcitrant Senate the

ignity of a senatorial family imposed a rigorous limit upon its size. Augustus therefore devised rewards for husbands and father

o promote physical strength and corporate feeling in the Roman youth, Augustus revived ancient military exercises, like the Lusu

res for the propagation of correct sentiments about the government. 1 Augustus awarded commissions in the militia equestris to m

e Roman citizens: nil patrium nisi nomen habet Romanus alumnus. 4 Augustus stepped in to save the race, imposing severe rest

the institution of the cult of the Lares compitales and the genius of Augustus at Rome, and by priesthoods in the towns. 6 Pag

io 55, 8, 6f.), cf. ILS 9250. On this and on the municipal worship of Augustus , see L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Empe

e, was Lepidus, the pontifex maximus, living in seclusion at Circeii. Augustus did not strip him of that honour, ostentatious in

ay the reward of merit, was merely a prize in the game of politics. Augustus scorned to emulate his predecessors Caesar gainin

State and new resources of patronage. In 28 B.C. the Senate entrusted Augustus with the task of repairing all temples in the cit

geNotes. 447 1 Odes 3, 6, 1 ff. 2 Ib. 1, 2, 29 f. 3 At least by Augustus , Res Gestae 10: ‘eo mor|[t]uo q[ui civilis] m[otu

e than has sometimes been believed. 4 It will suffice to observe that Augustus for his part strove in every way to restore the o

Suetonius, Divus Aug. 41, 1. 4 Odes 3, 24, 9. PageBook=>449 Augustus appealed to the virtues of a warrior race. No sup

ered: sit Romana potens Itala virtute propago! 1 The New State of Augustus glorified the strong and stubborn peasant of Ital

t, pleasure-loving aristocracy of Rome. Among the intimate friends of Augustus were to be found characters like Maecenas, childl

ment in the hands of an uncompromising party of puritan nationalists. Augustus himself came of a municipal family. To his orig

t were homely: his religion and even his superstitions were native. 1 Augustus was a singularly archaic type. 2 Not indeed witho

loving hand. For the respect due to aristocracy was traditional, and Augustus was a traditional member of the Italian middle cl

ally repugnant to sentiment. It was pietas, the typical Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfaction that he had

was slow in operation and due to other causes than the legislation of Augustus ,2 for luxury, so far from being abated, was quite

day were perhaps imposed by a mysterious revolution of taste. 3 If Augustus was disappointed in the aristocracy, he might ref

’ and in loyalty to the State. Agrícola was the civil servant of whom Augustus might well have dreamed. PageNotes. 455 1 Sue

t des Rômer turns, 171 ff. 3 Aen. 1, 282, quoted on one occasion by Augustus (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 40, 5). 4 Cf. the remark

aristocrat was an exemplar of virtue and integrity. The Principate of Augustus did not merely idealize consul and citizen of the

e patent vice or rapacity of the greater novi homines, the friends of Augustus : the lesser crawled for favour, ignobly subservie

ancient Roman virtue and Hellenic culture. Under the Principate of Augustus the village as well as the small town received of

nce available concerning the legions of the West in the Principate of Augustus , it may be presumed that men from Spain and Narbo

, cf. 499 f.) rates the social status of the legionary in the time of Augustus far too high. 3 Indirect arguments can be used.

ions could be raised. As a partial remedy for the lack of legionaries Augustus enrolled numerous freed slaves in separate format

he foreign and frontier policy of Rome, but to the patriotic pride of Augustus . In dejection he thought of making an end of his

adows the sad fate of literature under the Empire. When the rule of Augustus is established, men of letters, a class whose hab

atic exploitation of literature on the grand scale. That was left for Augustus . Propaganda outweighed arms in the contests of th

g of the poets at an early stage and nursed them into the Principate. Augustus himself listened to recitations with patience and

e, the continuity of Roman history and its culmination in the rule of Augustus . As he wrote early in the poem, nascetur pulchr

but no contemporary could fail to detect in Aeneas a foreshadowing of Augustus . Like the transference of Troy and her gods to It

e Principate; and all three were on terms of personal friendship with Augustus . The class to which these men of letters belonged

, Horace and Virgil had private and material reasons for gratitude to Augustus , that fact may have reinforced, but it did not pe

and to maturity in the period of the Revolution; and they all repaid Augustus more than he or the age could give them. Horace

rutus’ father had been besieged at Mutina by Pompeius. In the time of Augustus , Mediolanium preserved with pride the statues of

hearing the army of the Roman People described as ‘Italians’: hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar. 4 PageNotes. 46

ations of Mr. G. E. F. Chilver. 4 Aen. 8, 678. PageBook=>466 Augustus was singularly fortunate in discovering for his e

ed the art altogether. Ovid, his junior by about ten years, outlasted Augustus and died in exile at the age of sixty. Ovid in hi

3 It was not merely improper verse that incurred the displeasure of Augustus . Poetry, it was agreed, should be useful. Ovid ac

tract was not meant to be taken seriously it was a kind of parody. Augustus did not see the joke. Like the early Germans depi

ieved a nobler repute than to be known as the home of an erotic poet. Augustus did not forget. It was in vain that Ovid interspe

s mistake to which the poet refers was probably trivial enough. 2 But Augustus was vindictive. He wished to make a demonstration

impression that injured morality was being avenged. The auctoritas of Augustus was enough. 3 Ovid received instructions to depar

y at games, shows and triumphs. As a showman, none could compete with Augustus in material resources, skill of organization and

ng descendants in three generations. 4 Even slaves could be commended Augustus set up a monument in honour of a girl who had pro

actress was produced at games vowed and celebrated for the health of Augustus ; 6 and a rhinoceros was solemnly exhibited in the

booths of the Roman People. 7 When Lepidus at last died in 12 B.C., Augustus assumed the dignity of pontifex maximus. To witne

maximus. To witness the induction or rather to confer the grant, for Augustus restored election to the People, in pointed contr

. 1 Other materials were available. The loyal citizen might gaze upon Augustus in the shape of the young revolutionary leader, r

expressed the spirit of the national programme. In 13 B.C., when both Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the provinces, with

tingly recalled by the Temple of Mars Ultor and the adjacent Forum of Augustus . 3 This was the shrine and the setting where the

ch be needed, that Dux was disguised but not displaced by Princeps. Augustus was Divi filius. The avenging of Caesar had been

y cease. A more enduring instrument of power was slowly being forged. Augustus strove to revive the old religion: but not everyb

he people to himself from taking the form of honours almost divine. Augustus was not a god, though deification would come in d

n to the government and seconded the dynastic and monarchic policy of Augustus : a noticeable spread and intensification of the c

t up a replica of the famous shield recording the cardinal virtues of Augustus . 1 Many loyal towns possessed their own copies of

ltars at Tarraco and Narbo were dedicated to the cult of the numen of Augustus . 5 Italy and the provinces of the West had swor

he region, natives and Roman citizens alike, swore by all gods and by Augustus himself a solemn and comprehensive oath of loyalt

eration, with honours like the honours due to gods. In Egypt, indeed, Augustus succeeded Ptolemy as Ptolemy had succeeded Pharao

they were granted: policy and system cannot be discovered. Once again Augustus stands revealed as the deliberate founder of mona

blican sentiment becomes more and more lavish and ornate. Not only is Augustus , like his predecessors, a god and saviour; not on

ratitude and homage. Galatia builds a temple for the joint worship of Augustus and the Goddess Rome. 2 Asia is incited by that

In the East, Roman citizens joined with Greeks in their worship of Augustus as a god. The West was different. The Roman towns

rusade. To this end Drusus dedicated at Lugdunum an altar to Rome and Augustus where deputies from the peoples of Comata could g

It was a neat calculation. The different forms which the worship of Augustus took in Rome, Italy and the provinces illustrate

were inspired with a fanatical yet rational devotion to the person of Augustus and to the house of Caesar. No less comprehensibl

l Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for he was deposed by Augustus and subsequently banished. 1 Kings and tetrarch

a put down. Ten years later, when Archelaus the ethnarch was deposed, Augustus decided to annex Judaea. Quirinius, the legate of

;477 In Gaul, where the freedman Licinus extorted huge revenues for Augustus , the introduction of a regular assessment (13-12

e absent. Other subject peoples could show more authentic grievances. Augustus intended to keep firm control over provincial gov

olence. Few trials of offending governors are recorded in the time of Augustus : one of them reveals what Asia had to suffer from

s. It took courage to assail openly the leading men in the State; and Augustus will have preferred to condone the vices or the r

hould be restored from exile. 5 Too prudent or too grateful to attack Augustus , the plebs could visit their disfavour on the mor

8 Velleius 2, 79, 5. 9 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 22 f. PageBook=>479 Augustus , the patronus of the plebs, could answer for thei

e sake of peace, the Principate had to be. That was admitted. But was Augustus the ideal Princeps? 3 PageNotes. 479 1 Tacitu

PageBook=>480 That might be doubted. The person and habits of Augustus were no less detestable than his rule. Of his mor

ely advertised by his successors, but by no means widely distributed. Augustus alleged that in the Civil Wars he had put to deat

had imported from his municipal origin. The person and character of Augustus and of his friends provided rich material for gos

wits preferred to risk their heads rather than forego a jest. 3 For Augustus it was inexpedient to suppress any activity that

Tiberius was alarmed at the frequency of libellous publications, but Augustus reassured him, pointing to the real impotence of

who proposed in the Senate, with moving and patriotic language, that Augustus should be hailed as pater patriae (2 B.C.) Poll

put forward the name of the relegated Triumvir Lepidus. Questioned by Augustus , Labeo stood his ground and carried his point Lep

m of speech cost him promotion he did not rise above the praetorship. Augustus gave the consulate to his rival, Ateius Capito, t

uld still provide scope for oratory, ambition and political intrigue. Augustus was invulnerable. Not so his friends: a trial mig

Asprenas, the brother-in-law of P. Quinctilius Varus and a friend of Augustus , was arraigned on a charge of poisoning, attacked

, defended by Pollio and rescued through the personal intervention of Augustus , who came to the court and sat there. 2 He did no

rosecuted for adultery. They were roughly handled by the prosecution. Augustus intervened on their side, with salutary rebuke of

us intervened on their side, with salutary rebuke of their enemies. 3 Augustus did not forget his friends and allies: he was abl

recorded utterances or the ‘imperatoria brevitas’ of the Res Gestae. Augustus detested alike the splendid and pompous oratory o

le hercule eveniat verbis, nisi rem sequuntur. ’ PageBook=>485 Augustus and Pollio were crisp, hard, unsentimental men. A

ok=>485 Augustus and Pollio were crisp, hard, unsentimental men. Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purpo

aining that they would be read after his death. 4 The last years of Augustus witnessed stern measures of repression against no

porary political literature provided the cause and the fuel. Thus did Augustus have his revenge, imitating the Greek Timagenes,

aullus Fabius Maximus. 2 But Cassius was vulnerable and widely hated. Augustus ordered an inquiry under the law of maiestas. Fab

ternity the authors of the proscriptions,5 survived the Principate of Augustus . He was prosecuted under Tiberius by a client of

ainst oppression and despotism. 6 His works were condemned and burnt. Augustus was able to prevent his domination from being sta

erial Roman historiography, flattery and detraction. 1 Horace assured Augustus that the envy incurred by the great ones of earth

ssuming and indispensable Seianus:4 his whole account of the reign of Augustus is artfully coloured by devotion to Tiberius, wit

tain court scandals is matched by his depreciation of the generals of Augustus who encroached upon Tiberius’ monopoly of militar

involved in his ruin. With the accession of Caligula, the enemies of Augustus and of Tiberius enjoyed a brief and illusory cons

l and authentic record to show what they thought of the Principate of Augustus . They were preserved, pampered and subsidized by

the name was a Junius Silanus by birth. Likewise to the Principate of Augustus belongs the last consul of the ancient patrician

ported Pompeius. Their main line lapsed with Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus , but the name supplied one collateral consul then

s of the patriciate, were revived from long obscurity by Caesar or by Augustus , either to resplendent fortune or to a brief rena

action of serviceable marriage alliances and lasted into the reign of Augustus produced no more consuls after that time. That

of principle, some of the nobiles failed to reach the consulate under Augustus . The son of P. Servilius Isauricus lived on in du

s Hortalus, the grandson of the illustrious orator, was subsidized by Augustus and encouraged to bring up a family: Tiberius ref

493 1 Ann. 2, 37 f. 2 Alleged paramours of Julia, the daughter of Augustus , see above, p. 426. 3 Ann. 4, 13: ‘adultus inte

t be delayed, but not denied for ever. The complex marriage policy of Augustus transmitted a peculiar and blended inheritance to

t generations. 1 But Nero was not the last survivor of the blood of Augustus . The Junii Silani, connected already with the Aem

on, paid full penalty for the exiguous trickle of the divine blood of Augustus in their veins and enriched the scandalous histor

regained distinction and power through the patronage of Caesar and of Augustus . Of the Fabii, Persicus, the illustrious friend o

s the house of Sulla extinct an obscure grandson in the Principate of Augustus produced consular sons. 6 PageNotes. 496 1 Ne

eius Magnus, inherited from the Scipiones, avoided entanglements with Augustus and kept on good terms with Tiberius, acquiring a

ay to the possession of ancestors. As has been shown, the marshals of Augustus , the flower of Italy, did not respond to his nati

hrough marriage or adoption, with a new consular stock of the time of Augustus , the Aelii Lamiae. 7 The last Lamia was consul in

ennobled in the Triumviral period. Though missing the consulate under Augustus , they were favoured by subsequent emperors, down

hree times consul. Vitellius was the son of a knight, procurator of Augustus . When he died after a brilliant career of service

nce Plancus. 3 One of his sons married Junia Calvina, of the blood of Augustus ; 4 the other enjoyed a brief tenure of the Princi

f Augustus; 4 the other enjoyed a brief tenure of the Principate that Augustus had founded. Ambition, display and dissipation,

evolutionary origins. In the first decade of his constitutional rule, Augustus employed not a single nobilis among the legates w

was not lost. Nero was the descendant of Ahenobarbus, of Antonius, of Augustus . Vespasian’s nobility was his own creation. The F

arose the dreaded tribe of prosecutors and informers. The position of Augustus was so strong that the evil found little encourag

and political or financial agents of the government, not merely under Augustus but even with Pompeius and Caesar. Once again,

ms against the State. But Cato was worshipped as a martyr of liberty. Augustus conceived a genial device for thwarting the cult,

itous reply when his friend Seius Strabo asked his opinion of Cato. 2 Augustus composed a pamphlet on the subject, which he was

k with regret to the freedom enjoyed under the tolerant Principate of Augustus . 2 Discontent with their own times drove them to

ere comparatively immune. But for that, the aristocratic partisans of Augustus would have illumined history with a constellation

or from panegyric he was bloodthirsty, overbearing and extravagant. 2 Augustus himself had to intervene, prohibiting one of his

bilissimae simplicitatis iuvenem Cn. Domitium. ’ PageBook=>511 Augustus set especial store by the patriciate. The last re

dispensation. Pollio himself lived on to a decade before the death of Augustus , tough and lively to the end, Messalla with faili

ng on the stability of the new régime when the power was to pass from Augustus to Tiberius, remarks that few men were still aliv

blicam vidisset? ’1 His purpose was expressly to deny the Republic of Augustus , not to rehabilitate anarchy, the parent of despo

duty and national patriotism. With the Principate, it was not merely Augustus and his party that prevailed it meant the victory

he nobiles there can have been few genuine Republicans in the time of Augustus ; and many of the nobiles were inextricably bound

s his comment on Tiberius. It was no less true of the Principate of Augustus rather more so. To be sure, the State was organiz

gave birth to its own theory, and so became vulnerable to propaganda. Augustus claimed to have restored Libertas and the Republi

to sit. ’ PageBook=>519 Such was the ‘felicissimus status’, as Augustus and Velleius Paterculus termed the Principate, th

Velleius Paterculus termed the Principate, the ‘optimus status’ which Augustus aspired to create and which Seneca knew as monarc

nt too far when he spoke of ‘dux sacratus’. 3 But Dux was not enough. Augustus assumed the irreproachable garb of Princeps, beyo

ial or conventional, were already there. It was not until 2 B.C. that Augustus was acclaimed pater patriae. Horace hints at it l

th it that of protector: optime Romulae custos gentis. 5 And so Augustus is ‘custos rerum’; 6 he is the peculiar warden of

Italiae dominaeque Romae! 7 Greeks in the cities of the East hailed Augustus as the Saviour of the World, the Benefactor of th

le was justified by merit, founded upon consent and tempered by duty. Augustus stood like a soldier, ‘in statione’ for the metap

er command relieved him, his duty done and a successor left on guard. Augustus used the word ‘statio’: so did contemporaries. 3

Cicero, in derision of his pretensions, the ‘Romulus from Arpinum’. 5 Augustus , however, had a real claim to be known and honour

]. ’ 2 E. Köstermann, Philologus LXXXVII (1932), 358FT.; 430 T. 3 Augustus , in Gellius 15, 7, 3; Velleius 2, 124, 2; Ovid, T

was, and his position became ever more monarchic. Yet with all this, Augustus was not indispensable that was the greatest trium

uld have survived, led by Agrippa, or by a group of the marshals. But Augustus lived on, a progressive miracle of duration. As t

te. It was firm, well-articulated and flexible. By appeal to the old, Augustus justified the new; by emphasizing continuity with

heerful, could bear the burden with pride as well as with security. Augustus had also prayed for a successor in the post of ho

ble of Empire. It might have been better for Tiberius and for Rome if Augustus had died earlier: the duration of his life, by ac

en by an illness that might easily have been the end of a frail life, Augustus composed his Autobiography. Other generals before

4 Sulla had been ‘Felix’, Pompeius had seized the title of ‘Magnus’. Augustus , in glory and fortune the greatest of duces and p

s, bears the hall-mark of official truth: it reveals the way in which Augustus wished posterity to interpret the incidents of hi

save for Tiberius, whose conquest of Illyricum under the auspices of Augustus is suitably commemorated. 2 Most masterly of al

document even a hint of the imperium proconsulare in virtue of which Augustus controlled, directly or indirectly, all provinces

head of the Roman State. Yet one thing was certain. When he was dead, Augustus would receive the honours of the Founder who was

€™, JRS XXIV (1934), 43 ff. CUNTZ, O. ‘Legionare des Antonius und Augustus aus dem Orient’, Jahreshefte XXV (1929), 70 ff.

FOWLER, W. WARDE. Roman Ideas of Deity. London, 1914. FRANK, T. ‘ Augustus and the Aerarium’, JRS XXIII (1933), 143 ff.

R Papers XIV (1938), 1 ff. ——— ‘Galatia and Pamphylia under Augustus : the governorships of Piso, Quirinius and Silvanu

Gallus’, CQ XXXII (1938), 39 ff. ——— ‘The Spanish War of Augustus (26–25 B.C.)’, AJP LV (1934), 293 ff. —â€

. Stuttgart, 1926. VOLKMANN, H. Zur Rechtsprechung im Principat des Augustus . Münchener BeitrÃ.ge zur Papyrusforschung und an

rosopographical, and it is draw up according to gentilicia, save that Augustus , members of his family, and Roman emperors are en

Aelius Lamia, L., wealthy knight, 81 f. Aelius Lamia, L., legate of Augustus in Spain, 329, 333; addressed in an Ode of Horace

anizes a demonstration, 478. Aemilia Lepida, great-granddaughter of Augustus , 432, 495. Aemilia Lepida, wife of Galba, 386.

ex. Pompeius, 228, 269, 299, 349 f., 377; his son, 492. Aeneas, and Augustus , 462 ff., 470, 524. Aeneid, as an allegorical p

213, 233; as a senatorial province, 314, 326 f., 330, 394; wars under Augustus , 339, 394, 401; governors, 110, 189, 213, 239, 24

physician, 335. Apollo, 101, 241, 256, 463; as protecting deity of Augustus , 448, 454. Apollonia, Octavianus’ friends at, 1

husband of Octavia, 129. Appuleius, Sex. (cos. 29 B.C.), nephew of Augustus , 129, 378, 421, 483; proconsul of Spain, 303, 309

ing, 457 f.; specialization in, 355, 395 f.; removed from politics by Augustus , 353; loyal to the dynasty, 476. Arpinum, 86.

od, 223, 259 ff.; as a senatorial province, 328, 394, 395; worship of Augustus , 473 f.; governors, 103, 111, 136, 220, 266 f., 3

8. Atilii, 84. Atina, 89, 194. Atius Balbus, M., grandfather of Augustus , 31, 112. Atticus, see Pomponius. Attius Tullus

and senator, 81. Aufidius Lurco, of Fundi, 358. Augustales, 472. Augustus , the Emperor, his origin and political début, 112

Aurelius Cotta, L, (cos. 65 B.C.), 64, 135, 164. Autobiography of Augustus , 176 f., 191, 204 f., 225, 332, 464, 484, 522.

Brutus, see Junius. Buildings, of viri triumphales, 241, 402; of Augustus , 404. Burebistas, Dacian king, 74. Caecilia Att

cellus, C. (cos. 49 B.C.), 43, 45. Claudius Marcellus, C, nephew of Augustus , 219, 341, 342, 347, 369, 378, 491; death of, 389

f., 300 f., 365 f., 476 f.; status of, 412; their part in the cult of Augustus , 474. Clients, duties towards, 57, 70, 157. C

tical loyalty, 157; revived among the aristocracy, 377. Coinage, of Augustus , 323, 406. Coins, as propaganda, 155, 160, 469

Concordia, 363. Concordia ordinum, 16, 81, 153, 321; achieved by Augustus , 364. Confiscation, by Caesar, 76 f.; by the Triu

rion, 355. Consilia, of the Princeps, 408 ff. Conspiracies, against Augustus , 298, 333 f., 414, 426 f., 432, 444, 478; in gene

16, 325; respect for, 101, 316; regarded as obsolete in 32 B.C., 285; Augustus in relation to, 314 ff., 520 ff.; a façade, 11 f.

B.C., 197; in 33 B.C., 243 f.; in 27 B.C., 327 f., 388; controlled by Augustus , 388 f.; as proconsuls, 326 ff., 383; as legates

olled by Augustus, 388 f.; as proconsuls, 326 ff., 383; as legates of Augustus , 327, 330, 393 ff.; employment in Rome, 403 f.; a

us, 36; under the Triumvirs, 188, 199 f., 243 ff., 372; controlled by Augustus , 325, 370 ff.; age for, 369; qualifications, 374

iracy of, 414, 420. Cornelius Dolabella, misses the consulate under Augustus , 377. Cornelius Dolabella, P. (cos. suff. 44 B.

; disapproval of political dynasts, 9, 442, 515; on Libertas, 155; on Augustus , 3; on the Restoration of the Republic, 324 f.; o

gladiator, 503. Cusinius, M. (pr. 44 B.C.), 91. Custos, as title of Augustus , 519 f. Cyprus, given to Egypt, 260, 272; under

province of the Liberators, 119, 126; under Antonius, 266, 298; under Augustus , 328, 357, 399; governors, 266, 298, 399; edicts

vective, Propaganda, Vice. Deification, of Caesar, 53, 202, 471; of Augustus , 522, 524. Deiotarus, the Galatian, 108, 259.

, 51 ff., 77; abolition of, 107; of the Triumvirs, 3, 188; refused by Augustus , 339, 371. Didia Decuma, from Larinum, 361. Did

s, 30, 263; Caesar, 53 ff., 263; Antonius, 263, 273; Octavianus, 233; Augustus , 305, 469 ff., 519, 524; for Gaius and Lucius, 47

to soldiers, 125, 126, 177, 187, 204, 284, 352. Drusus, stepson of Augustus (Nero Claudius Drusus), 340 f., 378, 395 Alpine c

Tiberius, 431. Drusus, son of Germanicus, 438. Duces, honoured by Augustus , 449, 470 f.; comparison with, 522. Dux, 288; a

y Augustus, 449, 470 f.; comparison with, 522. Dux, 288; as used of Augustus , 311 f., 519. Dynasts, political, their habits

in, 30, 74, 76, 261; of Caesar, 262; of Antonius, 262 f., 300 f.; of Augustus , 300 f., 365 f., 473 f., 476; arrangements of Ant

tonius, 260 f., 272 f.; annexed, 300; wealth of, 290, 304, 380; under Augustus , 314, 357; garrison, 356; property held there, 38

gustus, 314, 357; garrison, 356; property held there, 380; worship of Augustus , 474; Prefects of Egypt, 300, 338, 357, 358, 367,

; an essential part of Libertas, 152; under the Triumvirs, 246; under Augustus , 482 ff.; decline of, 487 ff., 507. Fruticius,

, 76. Gaius, the Emperor, see Caligula. Gaius Caesar (grandson of Augustus ), 392, 412, 420, 427; honours for, 417, 472, 474;

f.; death, 430. Galatia, in the Triumviral period, 259, 260; under Augustus , 391, 394; annexed, 338, 476; governors, 338, 398

476; governors, 338, 398 f.; legionary recruits, 295, 457; worship of Augustus , 474. Galba, the Emperor, 1, 105; as a courtier

; under the Triumvirate, 189, 207, 210, 213, 292; in the provincia of Augustus , 313; governors, 110, 165, 187, 202, 210, 239, 29

239, 292, 302 f., 329, 339, 378; taxation of, 410, 476 f.; loyalty to Augustus , 474 f.; chieftains admitted to the Senate, 501.

., no, 165; under the Triumvirate, 189, 207, 292; in the provincia of Augustus , 326; surrendered to the Senate, 339, 395; govern

rs, 199 ff.; of Octavianus, 234 ff., 327 f.; of Antonius, 266 ff.; of Augustus , 329 f., 397 ff.; military experience of, 395.

splanted by Aelius Catus, 400 f. Gibbon, E., salubrious estimate of Augustus , 3; on the advantages of hereditary monarchy, 513

ors of, 36, 110, 165, 332 f., 401, 433 f., 438, 503; extent of, under Augustus , 395, 401 see also Spain. Hispania Ulterior, go

r, governors of, 34, 64, 72, 110, 166, 213, 332 f., 401; status under Augustus , 395, 401 see also Spain. Histonium, 360, 361.

esar, 318; on Varro Murena, 334; his Odes anticipate reforms, 339; on Augustus , 443, 392, 519; on the Claudii, 390, 443; the Car

Imperium proconsulare, 29, 38, 313 f., 336 f., 416, 428, 431, 523; of Augustus , 313 f., 336 f., 406, 412. Inimici, 13, 61, 288

period, 223 f., 260; Cleopatra’s designs on, 260 f., 274; annexed by Augustus , 357, 394, 412, 476. Judas, the Galilaean insur

Julia, daughter of Caesar, 34, 36, 38, 58, 100. Julia, daughter of Augustus , 358, 378; married to Marcellus, 341; to Agrippa,

f.; alleged enormities, 426; in exile, 494. Julia, granddaughter of Augustus , disgrace and exile of, 432, 468, 494. Julia Livi

Julia Livilla, daughter of Germanicus, 499. Julian the Apostate, on Augustus , 2. Julii, 25, 64, 68, 70, 84, 493, 494, 495.

us Caesar. Julius Caesar (Octavianus), C. (cos. suff. 43 B.C.), see Augustus . PageBook=>551 Julius Caesar, L. (cos. 64

Claudius Marcellus (cos. 50 B.C.), 134. Junia Calvina, descendant of Augustus , 495, 501. Junii, 19, 85, 163, 244, 492, 495.

Junius Silanus, M. (cos. A.D. 46), ‘the golden sheep’, descendant of Augustus , 1, 439, 495. Jurists, 374, 375, 411 f., 482 f.

, 345; political activities of, 385, 422 f., 425, 427; influence over Augustus , 414. Livia Medullina, daughter of M. Furius Ca

ian, 6; on Camillus, 305; Caesar, 317; Alexander, 441; relations with Augustus , 317, 464; as a ‘Pompeianus’, 317, 464; his style

homo and friend of Tiberius, 363, 434 f. Lucius Caesar (grandson of Augustus ), 379, 420, 427; betrothed to Aemilia Lepida, 379

s of Crassus, 308; a senatorial province, 314, 315, 328 ff.; taken by Augustus , 394, 400 f.; soldiers from, 295, 457; governors,

racies, access to, 11 ff.; under the Triumvirs, 196 f.; provisions of Augustus , 369 ff.; dispensations, 369, 3731 417 f.; see al

; helps Octavianus, 131. Matius, C., the younger, 71. Mausoleum, of Augustus , 305, 438, 522. Media, Antonius’ invasion, 264

tavianus, 237, 238 f.; on the side of Antonius, 222, 269 f., 282; and Augustus , 368, 379, 419 f., 479; in relation to the consul

404 f.; of ideals, 506; detestation of Agrippa, 344; rancour towards Augustus , 479 ff., 490 ff.; their survival largely fraudul

his origin, 92; descendants, 500. Nonius Asprenas, (L.), friend of Augustus , 483. Nonius Asprenas, L. (cos. suff. A.D. 6),

ff., 243 ff.; partisans of Octavianus, 129 ff., 234 ff.; marshals of Augustus , 329 f., 392 ff.; usefulness of, 328, 397; promot

s of Augustus, 329 f., 392 ff.; usefulness of, 328, 397; promotion by Augustus to the consulate, 372 f.; ‘militaris industria’,

tor of Calpurnii, 85. Nursia, 83, 210, 212, 361. Octavia, sister of Augustus , 112, 378; marries Antonius, 217; mediates, 225;

5; divorce of, 280; her son Marcellus, 341. Octavia, half-sister of Augustus , 112, 378, 421. PageBook=>557 Octavianus,

ster of Augustus, 112, 378, 421. PageBook=>557 Octavianus, see Augustus . Octavii, 19, 83, 493. Octavius, the Marsian,

Caesarian partisan, 91, 200. Octavius, C., equestrian grandfather of Augustus , 112, 359. Octavius, C., father of Augustus, 35,

equestrian grandfather of Augustus, 112, 359. Octavius, C., father of Augustus , 35, 36, 112, 378. Octavius, M., Antonian parti

, 193, 359, 363; senators from, 91, 363; nomenclature, 93. Palace, of Augustus , 380; etiquette of, 385; palace faction, 386. P

iving in 33 B.C., 244; added by Octavianus, 244, 306, 376; created by Augustus , 382; decline of, 491 ff. Patriotism, spurious

Plebs, venality and Caesarian sentiments of, 100 f., 119 f., 142; and Augustus , 322, 370, 468 ff., 478. Plinius Rufus, L., par

os. 35 B.C.), 200. PageBook=>559 Pompeius Macer, procurator of Augustus , 356. Pompeius Macer, Q. (pr. A.D. 15), 367. Po

32; at Miletopolis, 30; at Mytilene, 263; Pompeius as a precedent for Augustus , 316; his posthumous reputation, 317, 442. Pomp

us, dignity of, 25, 68, 109, 232; retained by Lepidus, 447; assumedby Augustus , 469. Pontius Telesinus, Samnite leader, 87. Po

; Optimus princeps’, 519. Princeps senatus, 307. Principate, of Augustus , 1 ff.; powers of, 313 f., 336 f.; theory of, 315

, 8 f., etc.; inadequacy of principes in 43 B.C., 197; function under Augustus , 348, 379, 387, 392; prerogatives of, 322; loss o

eir moral reform, 442; rivals of Tiberius, 433 f.; in comparison with Augustus , 311, 404, 521 f. Privato consilio, 160, 163.

s’ control of senatorial provinces, 382, 406; provinces taken over by Augustus , 394, 406; control of, in A.D. 14, 437 f.; loyalt

nce of, 48. Reform, moral, the need for, 52 f., 335; carried out by Augustus , 339, 440 ff.; dubious features of, 452 f. Reli

East, 263, 273 f., 473 f.; religions, alien, 256, 448; control of, by Augustus , 411; reforms, 446 ff.; degree of genuineness, 44

3; true character of, 325, 351. Republicanism, in the Principate of Augustus , 320, 420, 506; true character of, 514; in northe

incipate, 318, 320, 335, 338 f., 420, 481 ff., 512 ff. Res Gestae, of Augustus , 438, 522 ff.; their literary style, 484. Res p

re, 93; senators from, 88, 195, 360, 361, 362 f.; condition of, under Augustus , 450. Sancus, Sabine god, 83. Sanquinii, local

iral period, 189, 213, 216; a senatorial province, 328; taken over by Augustus , 357, 394, 406; governors, 213, 216. Sardis, ho

57, 394, 406; governors, 213, 216. Sardis, honours the grandsons of Augustus , 474. Saserna, 131 see also Hostilius. Satire,

Libo Drusus, M. (pr. A.D. 16), 425. Scutarius, veteran and client of Augustus , 353. Seianus, see Aelius. Seius Strabo, L., fr

of Augustus, 353. Seianus, see Aelius. Seius Strabo, L., friend of Augustus , 358, 506; praefectus praetorio, 411, 437; family

, 110 f., 163 ff.; increased by Triumvirs, 196 ff.; recruitment under Augustus , 358 ff., 370 ff.; transformation during the Empi

Citerior, 333; proconsul of Illyricum, 329, 390, 429; as a friend of Augustus , 376; origin, 362; his wife, 379; descendants, 43

ain in 39–27 B.C., 227, 239, 292, 302 f., 309, 327; as a provincia of Augustus , 313, 326; conquest of, 332 f.; provincial divisi

n the Triumviral period, 214 f., 223 f., 266 ff.; in the provincia of Augustus , 313, 315; Agrippa sent there, 338; governors, 35

n, imposed by Triumvirs, 195 f.; by Octavianus, 284, 354; remitted by Augustus , 351; new taxation, 352, 411. Teidius, Sex., ob

ius Dio, 154; by Sallust, 248; by Pollio, 485. Tiberius, stepson of Augustus and Emperor (Ti. Claudius Nero), 229, 341, 39 f.;

l illusions, 143; political theory, 144 f., 318 f., 351; repute under Augustus , 318, 321, 484, 506, 520; general repute and rank

pped by the Julii, 68, 454. Vedius Pollio, P., equestrian friend of Augustus , 342, 452; activities in Asia, 410; scandalous lu

proconsul of Macedonia, 330; his consulate, 372; a personal friend of Augustus , 376; his. patronage, 384; long military career,

Viriasius Naso, P., Augustan senator, 361. ‘Virtues’, cardinal, of Augustus , 313, 334, 472 f., 481. Virtus, 57, 69, 146, 14

05, 386; his career of adulation, 501. Vitellius, P., procurator of Augustus , 356; his four sons, 361; allegations about his f

the proscriptions, 194 ff., 243, 290, 351; owned by the partisans of Augustus , 380 f., 452. Women, political influence of, 12

the political history and the marriage alliances of the Principate of Augustus , omits certain childless matches and does not car