ence a deliberately critical attitude towards Augustus. If Caesar and Antonius by contrast are treated rather leniently, the rea

of the historian Pollio—a Republican, but a partisan of Caesar and of Antonius . This also explains what is said about Cicero and

nd Stein. Especial mention must also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra (from which I have learned so much,

eed and by the failure of their armies at Philippi; and the memory of Antonius is overwhelmed by the oratory of Cicero, by fraud

ate of his political activity when he raised up Caesar’s heir against Antonius . The last year of Cicero’s life, full of glory an

volutionary period could be written NotesPage=>004 1 Plutarch, Antonius 56: δϵι γἀρ ϵἰς Kαίσαρα πἀντα πϵριϵλθϵȋν. PageB

passage of the Rubicon to the last battle in Spain. Then he followed Antonius for five years. Loyal to Caesar, and proud of his

renders entirely credible. 1 Pollio, the partisan of Caesar and of Antonius , was a pessimistic Republican and an honest man.

exercitu Caesaris. ’ Compare Appian, BC 3, 27, 103 (with reference to Antonius in 44 B.C.): ἡ δ βoυλὴ τήνδϵ τὴν Kϵλτιĸὴν ἀĸρóπoλ

rength of the opposing parties in command of votes at Rome. Moreover, Antonius and other adherents of Caesar, elected tribunes f

C 1, 4, 4; Velleius 2, 29, 2; 33, 3. For Caesar’s ambition, Plutarch, Antonius 6 (cf. Suetonius, Divus Iulius 30, 5): ρως ἀπαρƞγ

young men hostile to whatever party was in NotesPage=>062 1 C. Antonius (cos.63), A. Gabinius (58) and M. Valerius Messal

was not the only incentive, for Clodius’ widow, Fulvia, was his wife, Antonius his friend, Ap. Pulcher his enemy. 2 Caelius, the

-W IV A, 849 f.), became censor in 42 B.C. along with the consular C. Antonius (ILS 6204). PageBook=>066 in Gaul. The act

property brought in fifty million denarii: it was worth much more. 6 Antonius and the poet Q. Cornificius divided Pompeius’ tow

de or for profit. The patrician P. Sulla was joined by the nobilis C. Antonius and the obscure M. Cispius, a man of character an

opened its gates, and the citizens poured forth in jubilation to meet Antonius , Caesar’s man; and it was more than the obstinate

t come in the main from the noble or patrician elements in his party: Antonius from loyalty and Lepidus from NotesPage=>095

The Dictator left, and could leave, no heir to his personal rule. But Antonius was both a leading man in the Caesarian party and

o that. When the tyrant fell and the constitution was restored, would Antonius be strong enough to hold party and government tog

Forum with armed men. Lepidus and Balbus were eager for vengeance; 1 Antonius , however, sided with the moderate and prudent Hir

ff. PageBook=>098 On the morning of March 17th the Senate met. Antonius took charge of the debate, at once thwarting the

ecided to recognize the Dictator’s will, granting a public funeral. Antonius had played his hand with cool skill. The Liberato

them. Accident blended with design. The funeral oration delivered by Antonius (March 20th) may not have been intended as a poli

a se verba addidit. ’ An elaborate passionate and dramatic speech of Antonius is recorded by certain historians (esp. Appian, o

plans to make a violent demonstration against the Liberators neither Antonius nor the Caesarian party were securely in power. T

ing note), it would not prove, though it might support, the view that Antonius intended to cause trouble. D. Brutus writes: ‘quo

simus, cognoscite. heri vesperi apud me Hirtius fuit; qua mente esset Antonius demonstravit, pessima scilicet et infidelissima.

s urged. 3 But that was treason. They should not have left the consul Antonius alive. But there was no pretext or desire for a

no pretext or desire for a reign of terror. Brutus had insisted that Antonius be spared. 4 Had the faction of Brutus and Cassiu

ls and the acquiescence of the Senate were requisite. Of the consuls, Antonius was not to be had, Dolabella an uncertain factor.

studiously suppresses his favourite topic, the failure to assassinate Antonius . PageBook=>100 Hirtius and Pansa, honest

fied by distrust of his father-in-law and by financial subsidies from Antonius , while Hirtius expressed his firm disapproval. 3

sidies from Antonius, while Hirtius expressed his firm disapproval. 3 Antonius was apprised. When he requested that the bands of

yria, to brighter prospects, to the camps and the councils of Caesar. Antonius was an intrepid and dashing cavalry leader: yet a

ontrol of Italy more than once during the Civil Wars, in 49 B.C. when Antonius was only tribune of the plebs, and after Pharsalu

ster of the Horse: no evidence, however, that Caesar prized him above Antonius for loyalty or for capacity. Lepidus was the elde

y to the Dictator. But Lepidus was to take over a province in 44, and Antonius , elected consul for that year, would be left in c

in charge of the government when Caesar departed. Born in 82 B.C., Antonius was now in the prime of life, richly endowed with

of all, the national front and the uniting of Italy. The memory of Antonius has suffered damage multiple and irreparable. The

representation. Many of the charges levelled against the character of Antonius such as unnatural vice or flagrant cowardice are

common under Republic or NotesPage=>104 1 Apart from Plutarch, Antonius 10, the only evidence is Cicero, Phil. 2, 71 ff,

cero, Phil. 2, 71 ff, which betrays its own inadequacy. The fact that Antonius , unlike gallant young Dolabella, did not particip

lla had been a great nuisance in 47 B.C., during Caesar’s absence. If Antonius stayed in Italy, it was precisely because he was

rtue or personal liberty, accorded a wide indulgence. The failings of Antonius may have told against him but in Rome and in Ital

ffice and power at Rome. In the end it was not debauchery that ruined Antonius , but a fatal chain of miscalculations both milita

that was later. To gain a fair estimate of the acts and intentions of Antonius in the year of his consulate, it will be necessar

the direction of the State passed at once to the supreme magistrates. Antonius displayed consummate skill as a statesman. His ow

he same salutary policy. By force of argument and personal authority, Antonius brought the session of March 17th to terms of com

ing class and a firm control of affairs by the consuls. To this end Antonius the consul tolerated for a time the popular cult

punishing the impostor with death. The Liberators had fled the city. Antonius NotesPage=>105 1 Tacitus commends the volu

for Brutus was something more than a conventional or politic formula Antonius was never accused of dissimulation: the Caesarian

nsistency on this point. 2 It would not be paradoxical to assert that Antonius felt respect and understanding for Brutus, a Roma

ch was to seize and maintain primacy in the Caesarian party. No doubt Antonius desired them to be away from Rome: a temporary ab

oncord and public order. The Liberators were certainly a problem; yet Antonius was amicable, not exploiting his position unduly.

hese April days fortune seemed to smile upon the Roman State and upon Antonius . It had been feared that the assassination of Cae

s and private fortune of the Dictator, duly surrendered by Calpurnia, Antonius had ample reserves of patronage. Their employment

eastern wars, it might be doubted whether much was still at Rome for Antonius to take. The character and fate of the fund is pr

nce of the provisions of two agrarian laws passed in the consulate of Antonius . It is by no means clear that the behaviour of

onsulate of Antonius. It is by no means clear that the behaviour of Antonius went beyond the measure of the Roman party-politi

an in the Caesarian faction: power and patronage rested in his hands. Antonius restored an exile but only NotesPage=>107

ff. Cicero does not mention here, among the ‘Republican’ measures of Antonius , the removal from the People of the right of elec

riend Atticus in a matter concerning lands in Epirus. 4 On the whole, Antonius was distinctly superior to what Rome had learned

that posterity has been tempted to take of the ulterior ambitions of Antonius . In the light of his subsequent Caesarian policy

al contest for the dominion of the world, it was easy to pretend that Antonius strove from the beginning to set himself in the p

er at Rome as though the fate of Caesar were not a warning. Moreover, Antonius may have lacked the taste, and perhaps the facult

tation, from the authority of the office he held, the predominance of Antonius was a given and inescapable fact. Certain of his

f legality can only be branded as high treason. So far the plea for Antonius . Security and aggression are terms of partisan in

atives to Caesar’s autocracy. Chance and his own resolution had given Antonius the position of vantage. At first he seemed harml

ationem habere quam quicquam mali cogitare. ’ The convivial habits of Antonius and his parade of the grand and guileless manner

s now his: but he might have to fight to retain it. More than that, Antonius was consul, head of the government, and so unassa

ns. In the next year, with A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa as consuls, Antonius would have his province of Macedonia. But the pro

diplomatic and unreliable L. Munatius Plancus. For self-preservation, Antonius must build up support for the settlement of March

n passed in his consulate. For the sake of peace, the predominance of Antonius might have to be admitted by neutrals even by Rep

Caesarian party, there were rivals here and potential adversaries. Antonius had been no friend of Dolabella in the last three

mbiguous person by betrothing his daughter to Lepidus’ son. Moreover, Antonius could induce him to depart to his province. Lepid

from the governorship of Asia. 2 The alternative to the primacy of Antonius during his consulate was the free working of Repu

ompeius they might have tolerated for a time, or even Caesar, but not Antonius and young Dolabella, still less the respectable n

nd recruits and lying athwart the communications to Gaul and Spain. Antonius was ready to parry that danger he would take that

ceived Macedonia. Before the end of April, however, it was known that Antonius intended to propose on June 1st to take another p

on to Carrinas, Calvisius and Nonius Asprenas. Under these auspices Antonius departed from Rome (about April 21st) and made hi

ot to be disregarded, as the Liberators themselves were well aware. Antonius occupied himself with the allotment of lands and

sarian leaders, survived the War of Perusia and lived to prevail over Antonius in the end. The news of the Ides of March found

sted with the leaders of the Caesarian party. Foreseeing trouble with Antonius about the disposal of the Dictator’s property, ho

y announced that he accepted the adoption and persuaded a tribune, L. Antonius , the brother of the consul, to allow him to addre

d the ready money from the inheritance of Caesar to pay the legacies. Antonius answered with excuses and delays. 1 The Caesari

rought to book. To maintain power with the populace and the veterans, Antonius was forced into a policy that alarmed the Senate

merely a nuisance, not a factor of much influence upon the policy of Antonius . The consul had already decided to take for himse

, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy. Antonius had returned to Rome with an escort of veterans,

d. 3 The meeting of the Senate on June 1st was sparsely attended. But Antonius chose to get his command from the People. The ten

vinces, Syria and Macedonia, which had been assigned to Dolabella and Antonius some two months earlier, was now prolonged until

agrarian bill, of fairly wide terms of reference. More patronage: L. Antonius the tribune was to be president of a board of sev

ors remained, an anomalous factor. On June 5th, at the instigation of Antonius , the Senate appointed Brutus and Cassius to an ex

voted to the Dictator by the Senate and the diadem vainly offered by Antonius at the classic scene of the Lupercalia. 3 He was

an or NotesPage=>116 1 Namely, the two consuls, the tribune L. Antonius , the dramatic writer Nucula, Caesennius Lento, an

blic disorder and the emergence of a Caesarian rival might well force Antonius back again to the policy which he had deserted by

bably with honest intent, not merely to deceive; about the same time, Antonius delivered a speech before the People, friendly an

3 So much in public. What happened next is obscure. The enemies of Antonius , taking new courage, may have gone too far. It wa

Calpurnius Piso. The balance in politics seemed to be turning against Antonius : he would have to make a choice. Sanguine informa

Sanguine informants from Rome reported at Rhegium an expectation that Antonius might surrender his provincial command, that Brut

aris et praetorios ut adessent rogare, summam spem nuntiabant fore ut Antonius cederet, res conveniret, nostri Romam redirent. ’

d officers, ruinous to their interests. Remonstrance was addressed to Antonius : the military men urged him to treat Caesar’s hei

esar’s heir with loyalty and respect. Yielding to this moral suasion, Antonius agreed to a formal and public reconciliation with

o his doom on the field of Philippi. The same phantom bore heavily on Antonius and stayed the hand he would have raised against

or a subtle intrigue against the consul had been brought to nought. Antonius , for his part, had been constrained to an unwelco

heir stand upon their principles and their personal honour: they told Antonius that they valued their own libertas more than his

ke over the corn- commission voted on June 5th. Now, early in August, Antonius induced the Senate to grant them the harmless pro

Cassius, however, lingered in Italian waters for some time. As for Antonius , pressure from a competitor was now beginning to

t of the Caesarians already held office and preferment, were loyal to Antonius or to settled government, he must turn his hopes

towards the memory of the Dictator, to their apprehensions or envy of Antonius : through them he might hope to influence neutral

nsistent in the ancient authorities (Appian, BC 3, 31, 120; Plutarch, Antonius 16; Suetonius, Divus Aug. 10, 2; Dio 45, 6, 2f.).

. Caesar never let down a friend, whatever his character and station. Antonius imitated his leader which came easy to his open n

splendid and patrician nature of Caesar. He soon took the measure of Antonius : the Caesarian soldier was a warning against the

Octavianus were conscious and consistent. To assert himself against Antonius , the young revolutionary needed an army in the fi

ame of Caesar and the arms of Octavianus to subvert the domination of Antonius , and so destroy the Caesarian party, first Antoni

the domination of Antonius, and so destroy the Caesarian party, first Antonius , then Octavianus. But before such respectable ele

th his Caesarian and popular policy. In the Senate on September 1st Antonius proposed that a day in honour of Caesar should be

on the following day both Cicero and P. Servilius Isauricus spoke. 1 Antonius after delay retorted with a bitter personal attac

lute and not followed by action of any kind, was certainly a check to Antonius , revealing the insecurity of his position. The

e veterans and from Octavianus. In pursuance of his Caesarian policy, Antonius caused to be set up in the Forum a statue of Caes

let loose upon him a tribune, Ti. Cannutius by name. The exacerbated Antonius then delivered a violent speech, with abuse of th

, 1. 2 Ad fam. 12, 3, 1. PageBook=>124 later, a dark episode Antonius arrested at his house certain of the veteran sold

ed his innocence. The truth of the matter naturally eludes inquiry. Antonius did not press the charge perhaps it was nothing m

discredit the young adversary. Among contemporaries, many enemies of Antonius believed in the reality of the attempt and rejoic

joiced1 as though it suited the plans of Octavianus to rid himself of Antonius in this summary and premature fashion. To remove

To remove a rival was to remove a potential ally. 2 However it was, Antonius took alarm. Rome was becoming untenable. If he li

is consulate, set out for the East to secure the province of Syria. Antonius had already acted. There was a nearer danger, D.

was a nearer danger, D. Brutus holding the Cisalpina and cutting off Antonius from the precarious support of Lepidus his ally,

es, training them in warfare against Alpine tribes. This was serious. Antonius therefore resolved to take over one part of his c

pina, at once. Then Plancus would raise no difficulties about Comata. Antonius summoned D. Brutus to yield up his command. The t

utus to yield up his command. The threat of force would be necessary. Antonius set out for Brundisium on October 9th, proposing

te uncertain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius from returning to Rome, to cross the central moun

by Ti. Cannutius, the young man delivered a vigorous speech attacking Antonius , praising Caesar and asserting upon oath his invi

ve to win the honours and station of his parent. 3 The coup failed. Antonius was approaching with the Macedonian legions. The

the bribes of Octavianus were doing their work. To restore discipline Antonius ordered summary executions. Disturbing rumours br

sul. But the advantage passed in a moment. The meeting never occurred Antonius on receipt of grave news dashed out to Alba Fucen

taly, the legio Martia, declared for Octavianus and turned westwards. Antonius confronted the mutineers at Alba Fucens. They wou

apitol. It was later alleged that a consular was ready on the side of Antonius with a bill of attainder against Octavianus. 1 No

afford a fresh conflict with the Senate and a fresh rebuff. In haste Antonius proposed a vote complimentary to his ally Lepidus

Cassius, while Macedonia was assigned to his brother, the praetor C. Antonius . On the following day, after a solemn review at

ely been split and shattered: it was being rebuilt, this time against Antonius , by a hostile alliance of Caesarian and Pompeian

t Antonius, by a hostile alliance of Caesarian and Pompeian elements. Antonius had failed as a non-party statesman in Roman poli

ies had drawn the sword: naked force must decide. But not all at once Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavianus a public ene

he veterans in the private army of Octavianus would not stand against Antonius , the Caesarian general: yet Antonius was impotent

tavianus would not stand against Antonius, the Caesarian general: yet Antonius was impotent against the heir of the Dictator. On

rom the small town of Aricia! From dealing with D. Brutus, however, Antonius was impeded by no doubts of his own, by no disloy

of the camp, in the exhilaration of action. Brutus refused to yield. Antonius marched northward with Caesarian rapidity and ent

g of October the young man possessed a huge war-fund it might provide Antonius with an incentive to attack and despoil him. 1

of Caesar the Dictator and the various state moneys at his disposal. Antonius is charged with refusing to hand over money due t

ook=>131 Invective asserts, and history repeats, that the consul Antonius embezzled the sum of seven hundred million sester

which designate, with names and epithets, the senatorial partisans of Antonius as a collection of bankrupts and bandits, siniste

ent members were neutral, evasive, playing their own game or bound to Antonius ; and some of the best of the Caesarian military m

anus at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 33, 4): who impelled the legion to desert Antonius is not recorded. L. Egnatuleius, Antonius’ quaest

of craft and violence, extorts recognition as Caesarian leader beside Antonius , only eight men of senatorial rank can be discove

more respectable Caesarians, who were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius , alarmed at his power. In the first place, the co

the Caesarian party and so in the Roman State. They would gladly see Antonius curbed but not destroyed: they were not at all wi

vianus. Less is known about Pansa. Yet Pansa was no declared enemy of Antonius ; 4 and he had married the daughter NotesPage=&g

tions on behalf of the young Pompeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius , for he hoped through Antonius to get an early co

mpeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an early consulate for his own son. 5 Nor

>135 IN the Senate three men of consular rank had spoken against Antonius , namely L. Piso, P. Servilius and Cicero, and the

rvilia. Whatever the motive, his earliest acts caused discomfort to Antonius he criticized the policy of the consul on Septemb

, no news was heard of P. Servilius: like other consulars averse from Antonius but unwilling to commit themselves too soon, he k

than a patriot who boasted never to have been a party politician? As Antonius had once said to him, the honest neutral does not

was sorry. 4 The domination of the Caesarian faction in the person of Antonius appeared unshakable. At last, after long doubt an

f news and rumours from Rome. The situation appeared to have changed. Antonius gave signs of a readiness to conciliate NotesPa

ro refrained from attending the Senate on the first day of September. Antonius uttered threats. Cicero appeared on September 2nd

is observations were negative and provocative: they called forth from Antonius complaints of violated friendship and a damaging

s were destined never to meet. By venturing to attack the policy of Antonius , Cicero, it might be argued, came out into the op

Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparable feud with Antonius or to any definite line of action. The Senate had

hat the youth was to be encouraged and kept from allying himself with Antonius ; 3 in July, Octavianus became a fact and a force

tion of the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris and the consequent breach between Antonius and Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perha

sarian party: yet clearly of a kind to influence the public policy of Antonius . When he made his decision to return, Cicero di

ored in the Caesarian party. Again, in the first two speeches against Antonius , no word of the young Caesar: yet the existence o

real designs of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to stand against Antonius . Octavianus for his part exerted every art to win

more decisively confirmed than they were on March 17th; if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicero was all too oft

r the Dictator in his organization of the Roman Commonwealth. Nor was Antonius more susceptible. Cicero was constrained to lavis

be acquitted. Aware of the risks, he hoped to use Octavianus against Antonius and discard him in the end, if he did not prove p

ot prove pliable. It was Cato’s fatal plan all over again the doom of Antonius would warn the young man against aspiring to mili

mmoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle against Antonius , eager for war and implacable, he would hear no w

placable, he would hear no word of peace or compromise: he confronted Antonius with the choice between capitulation and destruct

famation like the invectives against Piso. The other speeches against Antonius , however, may be counted, for vigour, passion and

as well as to its author or its audience. There was another side not Antonius only, but the neutrals. Cicero was not the only c

. 25. PageBook=>147 recalled his career. His hostility towards Antonius was declared and ferocious. But Cicero’s politica

e surmised: yet Caesarians themselves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius , for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls

f raising up Caesar’s heir, through violence and illegal arms against Antonius , there were clearly two opinions. Octavianus marc

me. How different was gallant young Dolabella! 2 The supreme enormity Antonius , by demonstrative affection towards his own wife,

pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his stand against Antonius , acquires the temporary label of a good citizen,

us from Gadara, a town in high repute for literature and learning. 10 Antonius had attacked Dolabella, alleging acts of adultery

74 f. 3 Ib. 2, 77. 4 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4 (allegations made by Antonius and by Cassius of Parma). 5 In Pisonem, fr. 11

by changing his politics, betrays his true colours, as detestable as Antonius . From youth he had revelled in cruelty: such had

Decidius Saxa is derided as a wild Celtiberian:6 he was a partisan of Antonius . Had he been on the right side, he would have bee

. Caesar’s heir set forth to free Rome from the tyranny of the consul Antonius . 5 His ultimate triumph found its consecration in

uing the blood-feud and insisting on vengeance,4 whereas the disloyal Antonius was ready to compromise with the assassins of his

issis summae rei p. consulatis’(i.e. especially Cicero’s feud against Antonius ). 5 Ib. 10, 11, 3: ‘non me impedient privatae o

From personal loyalty they might follow great leaders like Caesar or Antonius : they had no mind to risk their lives for intrigu

the governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Though nothing could be done while Antonius was still consul, Cicero seized the chance to dev

ianus had no standing at all before the law, and Brutus was insecure. Antonius was patently in the right when summoning him to s

treason. 1 He demonstrated that if a private army was raised against Antonius , if his troops were mutinous and seditious, Anton

s raised against Antonius, if his troops were mutinous and seditious, Antonius could be no true consul of the Roman People. On t

rue consul of the Roman People. On the other hand, the adversaries of Antonius deserved full recognition, the soldiery recompens

he point? The fact that Cicero uses this argument to demonstrate that Antonius is not really a consul at all should excite suspi

e as well as in the Curia. 1 There he boldly inverted the protests of Antonius : Antonius, he said, was an assassin, a brigand, a

as in the Curia. 1 There he boldly inverted the protests of Antonius: Antonius , he said, was an assassin, a brigand, a Spartacus

e or rather, by a faction in the Senate and war against the proconsul Antonius . That prospect was cheerfully envisaged. What res

groups were conspicuously absent from the Senate that fought against Antonius . The assassins of Caesar had left Italy, and the

cts. Only one of the five was an obstacle to Cicero, or of service to Antonius , namely an old enemy, Q. Fufius Calenus, one of C

and the veterans of Caesar would lend ready aid to the suppression of Antonius , to the revival of the Republican and Pompeian ca

d Hispania Citerior. Where NotesPage=>165 1 The others were C. Antonius (cos. 63), C. Caninius Rebilus (cos. suff. 45) an

dus stood, if the word can be used of this flimsy character, was with Antonius , his ally in the days following the Ides of March

following the Ides of March; and he will have reflected that next to Antonius he was the most hated of the Caesarian leaders, h

o terms with the government in Rome a heavy blow for the Republicans. Antonius secured him a vote of thanks from the Senate. The

Antonius secured him a vote of thanks from the Senate. The enemies of Antonius soon entered the competition. One of the earliest

nequal. A scholar, a wit and an honest man, a friend of Caesar and of Antonius but a Republican, Pollio found his loyalties at v

d Pansa opened the debate. It lasted for four days. Calenus spoke for Antonius , Cicero for war; 1 and L. Piso twice intervened

along with the consuls, the direction of military operations against Antonius , with the title of pro-praetor. 2 Further, by a s

n when it ‘established the Republic upon a firm basis’. While consul, Antonius was clearly unassailable; when proconsul, his pos

eople. The extreme proposal in Cicero’s programme, the outlawing of Antonius , violated private as well as public law. As Piso

it would not do to condemn a Roman citizen unheard. At the very least Antonius should be brought to trial, to answer for his all

misdeeds. In the end the proposal of Q. Fufius Calenus, the friend of Antonius , was adopted. Envoys were to be sent to Antonius;

lenus, the friend of Antonius, was adopted. Envoys were to be sent to Antonius ; they were to urge him to withdraw his army from

government. This was a firm and menacing demand. For the friends of Antonius , however, it meant that a declaration of war had

niverso populo. ’ 2 Therefore it was legal until the legislation of Antonius (and of his agents) should have been declared nul

largely discredited by its partisan and unscrupulous employment, and Antonius perhaps maintained the validity of the Lex Clodia

fall of Mutina. Against that fait accompli nothing could be done, and Antonius , his rights and his prestige respected, might sho

As for the terms that the adversary would offer, he conjectured that Antonius might yield the Cisalpina but cling to Gallia Com

lia Comata. 2 Deceptive and dangerous there could be no treating with Antonius , for Antonius was in effect a public enemy and be

Deceptive and dangerous there could be no treating with Antonius, for Antonius was in effect a public enemy and beyond the law.

ot to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicero and Antonius . But he could not arrest the mobilization. Patrio

of their mission by Piso and Philippus. ’2 The conditions upon which Antonius was prepared to treat were these:3 he would give

ate originally named in the plebiscite of June 1st. The proposal of Antonius was neither unreasonable nor contumacious. As jus

s reserved on the plea of the consular L. Julius Caesar, the uncle of Antonius , an aged senator of blameless repute and Republic

r of blameless repute and Republican sentiments. Pansa supported him. Antonius was not declared a public enemy. But Cicero did n

news of sudden and splendid success. While the Senate negotiated with Antonius , Brutus and Cassius had acted: they seized the ar

legions from passing over. Such was the situation that confronted C. Antonius when he landed at Dyrrhachium to take over the pr

e of Macedonia at the beginning of January. Brutus quickly defeated Antonius , drove him southward and penned him up in the cit

emed assured in the end. Consternation descended on the associates of Antonius , on many a Caesarian, and on such honest friends

e East. The revolutionary change in the East alarmed the friends of Antonius : there was little time to be lost, for the beginn

so and Calenus carried a motion that an embassy be sent to treat with Antonius . Five consulars were appointed to a representativ

us and Plancus, acting in concert with each other and presumably with Antonius . Lepidus at least seems to have made no secret of

. Lepidus at least seems to have made no secret of his agreement with Antonius : Antonius suppressed, he would be the next of the

at least seems to have made no secret of his agreement with Antonius: Antonius suppressed, he would be the next of the Caesarian

pidus and Plancus, but spurning all thought of negotiation so long as Antonius retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an o

s retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an open letter sent by Antonius to Hirtius and Octavianus, spirited, cogent and m

Antonius to Hirtius and Octavianus, spirited, cogent and menacing. Antonius warned them that they were being used by Pompeian

they moved forward in the direction of Mutina, passing Bononia, which Antonius was forced to abandon; but Antonius drew his line

of Mutina, passing Bononia, which Antonius was forced to abandon; but Antonius drew his lines closer around Mutina. Octavianus

h his four legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome about March 19th. Antonius for his part planned to crush Pansa NotesPage=&

ing towards evening fell upon the victorious and disordered troops of Antonius and retrieved the day, no soldier in repute or in

n repute or in ambition, but equal to his station and duty. The great Antonius extricated himself only after considerable loss.

was the battle of Forum Gallorum (April 14th). 1 Seven days later, Antonius was forced to risk a battle at Mutina. He was def

efeated but not routed; on the other side, Hirtius fell. In the field Antonius was rapid of decision. On the day after the defea

lier, but now highly dubious. At Rome the exultation was unbounded. Antonius and his followers were at last declared public en

Mutina was deceptive and ruinous. The ingenious policy of destroying Antonius and elevating Caesar’s heir commended itself neit

Republic in northern Italy would have an easy task. So it might seem. Antonius broke away, moving along the Aemilia, on April 22

at Bononia, only to find that the consul had succumbed to his wounds; Antonius soon increased his lead, for his army was strong

rmies, might have been able to arrest hostilities after the defeat of Antonius , curb Caesar’s heir and impose some kind of settl

to cut off Ventidius and prevent him from marching westwards to join Antonius . Ventidius, an important but sometimes neglected

be discarded as soon as he had served the purposes of the enemies of Antonius . So at least he inferred from the measures passed

utus, resolved to stand firm, precarious though his own position was. Antonius might be destroyed hence ruin to the Caesarian ca

stroyed hence ruin to the Caesarian cause, and soon to Caesar’s heir. Antonius had warned him of that, and Antonius was uttering

ause, and soon to Caesar’s heir. Antonius had warned him of that, and Antonius was uttering a palpable truth. 2 On a rational ca

n a rational calculation of persons and interests, it was likely that Antonius would regain the support of Lepidus and Plancus.

likely that Antonius would regain the support of Lepidus and Plancus. Antonius and the Liberators might even combine against the

nista’ was a fair and pointed retort to his favourite appellation for Antonius , ‘gladiator’. 3 According to Velleius (2, 65, 1

tion for Antonius, ‘gladiator’. 3 According to Velleius (2, 65, 1), Antonius threatened Octavianus with this alternative. 4

Sextus Pompeius had already promised his aid to the Republic against Antonius . He was rewarded by a vote of thanks on March 20t

nd the triumph of diplomacy among the Caesarian armies of the West. Antonius marched westwards with rapidity and resolution by

mns along the narrow Ligurian road between the mountains and the sea. Antonius dispatched cavalry northwards again across the Ap

rection of Pollentia. Brutus fell into the trap and turned westwards. Antonius was able to enter Gallia Narbonensis unmolested.

was not long delayed. One of the lieutenants of Lepidus dispatched to Antonius during the War of Mutina remained in his company,

is. 1 In March, Lepidus urged the Senate to accept his mediation; and Antonius publicly asseverated that Lepidus was on his side

at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 30, 1). It was Q. Terentius Culleo who joined Antonius instead of opposing his invasion of Narbonensis.

ction but only because Lepidus was a Caesarian. The troops introduced Antonius into the camp, the Tenth Legion, once commanded b

earlier proposals for peace and concord. 2 It was on May 30th that Antonius and Lepidus carried out their peaceful coup. Th

ass of the Little St. Bernard. If Plancus had by now resolved to join Antonius , his design was subtle and grandiose to lure Brut

recruits. Plancus knew what recruits were worth. 4 A lull followed. Antonius was in no hurry. He waited patiently for time, fe

weak his forces were, and blamed upon the young Caesar the escape of Antonius and his union with Lepidus, reprobating his ambit

mbiguous Lepidus; further, his troops had been solicited by envoys of Antonius and Lepidus. 2 Pollio was bound by his personal

onius and Lepidus. 2 Pollio was bound by his personal friendship to Antonius ; and he now reconciled Plancus and Antonius. So P

is personal friendship to Antonius; and he now reconciled Plancus and Antonius . So Plancus joined the company of the ‘parricides

s for lack of heroism and lack of principle. They had no quarrel with Antonius ; it was not they who had built up a novel and agg

urface and on a partisan view, the extremest of evils. The enemies of Antonius deprecated bitterly the influence of the veterans

the result that they were described as ‘Madmen’ by the adversaries of Antonius . 1 They deserved a friendlier designation. The be

us unanimity of the Roman People and of all Italy’. 2 The energy of Antonius , the devotion of the Caesarian legions, the timid

tina. As the month of May wore on, rejoicing gave way to disillusion. Antonius had escaped to the West. Men blamed the slowness

ncidents. Already Cicero and Brutus had exchanged sharp words over C. Antonius , whom Brutus had captured in Macedonia. Cicero in

e was something highly distasteful in Cicero’s fanatical feud against Antonius . Brutus had not broken off all relations with M.

th a rebuke. 4 Octavianus was a greater danger to the Republic than Antonius ; that was the argument of the sombre and perspica

his insight. 5 The one to Atticus ‘what is the point of overthrowing Antonius to install the domination of Octavianus? Cicero i

s did not act until he had news of the session of November 28th, when Antonius deprived Brutus and Cassius of the praetorian pro

mented to eleven legions, the consul left Rome for the reckoning with Antonius , whom he could now face as an equal. Antonius had

for the reckoning with Antonius, whom he could now face as an equal. Antonius had been thwarted and defeated at Mutina. That wa

ted the Antonian captives with honour, sending one of the officers to Antonius with a friendly message, so it was alleged. 1 The

o Antonius with a friendly message, so it was alleged. 1 The union of Antonius and Lepidus cleared the situation; messages may t

instructed the other consul to revoke the decrees of outlawry against Antonius and Lepidus for Lepidus, too, had been declared a

en declared a public enemy. The last six months of the consulate of Antonius shattered for ever the coalition of March 17th, a

salpine Gaul again, with a brave front. In force of arms, Lepidus and Antonius could have overwhelmed the young consul. His name

o days of concentrated diplomacy decided the fate of the Roman world. Antonius when consul had abolished the Dictatorship for al

provide some indication of the true balance of power and influence. Antonius constrained the young Caesar to resign the office

were fervent Antonians; 1 M. Silanus, who had carried his messages to Antonius , soon fell away to the cause of the Republic. 2 T

colleague. For 41 B.C. were designated P. Servilius Isauricus and L. Antonius ; for 40 B.C., Pollio and Cn. Domitius Calvinus. T

tead, a daughter of Clodius and of Fulvia, hence the step-daughter of Antonius . 3 Of the provinces of the West, Antonius for t

ence the step-daughter of Antonius. 3 Of the provinces of the West, Antonius for the present assumed control of the territorie

assigned to him by the Senate earlier in the year for the war against Antonius . NotesPage=>189 1 Ad fam. 10, 21, 4. 2 A

ly. Varius Cotyla was left in control of Comata in 43 B.C. (Plutarch, Antonius 18): in 41 Ventidius and Calenus were there. 5

Africa Vetus in 44 B.C., remained there, loyal to the Senate against Antonius and refusing to recognize the Triumvirate. He the

rets there may have been to see a fine soldier and a Roman noble like Antonius reduced to such company and such expedients. For

noble like Antonius reduced to such company and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul h

none, and no merit beyond his name: ‘puer qui omnia nomini debes’, as Antonius had said, and many another. That splendid name wa

ghts. Plutarch’s figures range from 200 to 300 (Cicero 46; Brutus 27; Antonius 20) presumably senators. It is to be regretted th

f humanity were revolted when Lepidus sacrificed his brother Paullus, Antonius his uncle, the elderly and blameless Republican L

he had recently shown conspicuous kindness to the wife and family of Antonius the public enemy, thereby incurring blame in cert

was to stem its advance, to consolidate the existing order. Nor would Antonius and his associates have behaved as they did, coul

Dig. ib.): not to be identified with M. Barbatius Pollio, quaestor of Antonius in 40 B.C., cf. PIR2, B 50. PageBook=>197

Vatinius celebrates a triumph in 42 B.C.; 4 a Triumvir’s uncle, C. Antonius , becomes censor in the same year; then both disap

her novelty was the mysterious family of the Cocceii, which furnished Antonius with generals and diplomats and secured two consu

, 3: ‘vivet inter Ventidios et Canidios et Saxas. ’ 2 Demetrius for Antonius (Dio 48, 40, 5 f.), Helenus for Octavianus (Dio 4

across Macedonia, passed Philippi, and took up a favourable position. Antonius and Octavianus proposed to follow. Their colleagu

ind in nominal charge of Rome and Italy. The real control rested with Antonius , for one of his partisans, Calenus, seems to have

nst him. 5 Lack of ships frustrated an invasion of the island. As for Antonius , he was held up at Brundisium by a hostile navy u

s were cut: they must advance and hope for a speedy decision on land. Antonius pressed on: the young Caesar, prostrate from illn

in the East. Brutus and Cassius now took counsel for war. Even when Antonius joined Lepidus and Plancus, Brutus may not have a

and ruinous struggle was a potent argument for concord. Brutus and Antonius might have understood each other and compromised

and bring himself to inflict the penalty of death upon the brother of Antonius . When Brutus heard of the end of Cicero, it was n

red in health and never a soldier, he could not afford to resign to Antonius the sole credit of victory. The battle was indeci

n a marsh (Pliny, NH 7, 148). PageBook=>205 Caesarians, led by Antonius , broke through the front of Cassius and pillaged

k his own life. Virtus had proved to be an empty word. 2 The victor Antonius stripped off his purple cloak and cast it over th

and cast it over the body of Brutus. 3 They had once been friends. As Antonius gazed in sorrow upon the Roman dead, the tragedy

his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it Antonius , he said, might have been numbered with Cato, wit

ving of the Republican cause were led before the victorious generals, Antonius , it is alleged, they saluted as imperator, but re

Messalla. 6 After negotiation they made an honourable capitulation to Antonius , some entering his service. One of the friends of

e. One of the friends of Brutus, the faithful Lucilius, remained with Antonius until the end. 7 The rest of them, irreconcilable

mans had never fought such a battle before. 9 The glory of it went to Antonius and abode with him for ten years. The Caesarian l

s was to return to Italy to carry out the settlement of the veterans, Antonius to regulate the affairs of the East and exact the

writing, a necessary precaution, but no bar to dishonesty or dispute. Antonius now departed to the provinces of the East, leavin

avianus got no help. He was actively hindered by the other consul, L. Antonius , who, aided by the faithful and imperious Fulvia,

lame upon Octavianus, insisting that a final decision be reserved for Antonius for the prestige of the victor of Philippi was ov

n alliance of Caesarians and Republicans as he had stirred up against Antonius nearly three years earlier. In alarm he sent his

na of Volaterrae, and L. Cocceius Nerva, who was a personal friend of Antonius , on an urgent mission to Syria. 3 Caecina returne

3 Caecina returned without a definite message, but Nerva stayed with Antonius . NotesPage=>208 1 It is impossible to disc

a great political family, cf. Münzer, P-W VII, 283 f.) Further, L. Antonius has been idealized in the account of Appian, wher

oth sides mustered troops and seized temple- treasures. The consul L. Antonius retired to the strong place of Praeneste in the n

soldiery took a hand Caesarian veterans from Ancona, old soldiers of Antonius , sent a deputation and arranged a meeting of the

when they had liberated Rome from the domination of a faction. But L. Antonius did not hold the city for long. He advanced north

turned in time and their combined armies succeeded in dealing with L. Antonius , that was the least of his difficulties. He might

on NotesPage=>209 1 Appian, BC 5, 23, 92 ff. According to Dio, Antonius and Fulvia derided the soldiers, calling them βου

s, of skirmishes and sieges. C. Furnius sought to defend Sentinum for Antonius : Salvidienus captured the town and destroyed it u

s Gallus, but was forced to a capitulation. 5 These were episodes: L. Antonius was the central theme. He sought to break away to

ius or uncomplimentary addresses to Fulvia and to the bald head of L. Antonius . 2 No less outspoken was the propaganda of the pr

ncipals. Octavianus in verses of ‘Roman frankness’ derided the absent Antonius (not omitting a Cappadocian mistress) and insulte

as a strong distaste for war: it would be plain folly to fight for L. Antonius and the propertied classes of Italy. Pollio, Pl

, leaving Perusia to its fate. After a final and fruitless sortie, L. Antonius made a capitulation (late in February?). Octavian

or freedom. Octavianus imposed a crushing fine. 4 The generals of Antonius dispersed. Along with Fulvia, Plancus fled to Gre

obarbus, whose fleet controlled the Adriatic, and won his support for Antonius . 5 The partnership in arms of the young Caesar,

lution, the most eminent and the most experienced of the partisans of Antonius had collapsed, two consulars, the soldier Ventidi

desolation and despair. But Italy was encompassed about with enemies. Antonius was NotesPage=>212 1 Dio 48, 14, 4; Appian

eneral Carrinas was faced by the invasion of a Moorish prince whom L. Antonius and Fulvia had incited; 2 in Africa the ex-centur

d. But Pompeius, as was soon evident, was already in negotiation with Antonius . Once again the young Caesar was saved by the f

ctavianus returned towards the end of the summer, it was to find that Antonius had come up from the East and was laying siege to

of the Gallic legions, the odds of war were on the side of the great Antonius . NotesPage=>213 1 Dio 48, 30, 7. 2 Appia

’s intestine wars. He exacted nine years’ tribute, to be paid in two. Antonius distributed fines and privileges over the East, r

ender account of her policy. 2 Cleopatra was alert and seductive. 3 Antonius , fresh from the Cappadocian charmer Glaphyra,4 su

esarian party, received confirmation in her possessions and departed. Antonius , making necessary arrangements in Syria and Pales

into Syria and reduced the governor, Decidius Saxa, to sore straits. Antonius arrived at Tyre. Of trouble in Italy, the most di

ween his own adherents and the Caesarian leader. 5 The paradox that Antonius went from Syria to Egypt and lurked in Egypt, whi

her not NotesPage=>214 1 Appian, BC 5, 4, 15 ff. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 25. 3 It will not be necessary to repeat Plutar

ight well seem to cry out for an explanation. It was easy and to hand Antonius was besotted by drink, the luxury of Alexandria a

icity perhaps do less than justice to the loyal and open character of Antonius , his position as the colleague of Octavianus and

he dead of winter. Of the earlier stages of the dissensions in Italy, Antonius was well apprised. He could not intervene the con

. 4 All parties had plenty to excuse or disguise after the event; and Antonius , if adequately informed, may still have preferred

ed. The Parthian menace was upon him, but the Parthians could wait. Antonius gathered forces and sailed for Greece. At Athens

Tarn, CAH x, 41 f. 4 There was even a theory that Octavianus and L. Antonius were acting in collusion, forcing on a war to fac

vus Aug. 15). 5 So E. Groag, Klio xiv (1914), 43 ff. He argues that Antonius committed a serious and irreparable error of poli

(Appian, BC 5, 52, 217): they brought with them Julia, the mother of Antonius , who had fled to Sicily. Ti. Claudius Nero and hi

ame to Greece about this time. PageBook=>216 include Pompeius, Antonius agreed to armed co-operation. When he set sail in

enobarbus, superior in strength, was descried bearing down upon them. Antonius drove on: Plancus was afraid. Ahenobarbus struck

drove on: Plancus was afraid. Ahenobarbus struck his flag and joined Antonius . 1 He had already been secured by Pollio. 2 Bru

ecured by Pollio. 2 Brundisium, the gate of Italy, refused to admit Antonius . He laid siege to the city. Then Sex. Pompeius sh

achieving recognition with Republican help against the domination of Antonius , deserted and proscribed his associates before a

and stood forth as the revolutionary leader, unveiled and implacable. Antonius , however, a former public enemy, was now invading

the proscriptions, of Philippi, of Perusia. With this moral support Antonius confronted his Caesarian rival. For war, his pros

had tried to defend the landed class in Italy from the soldiery; and Antonius himself had been inactive during the War of Perus

in inducing the veterans from the colonies to rally and march against Antonius ; some turned back. 4 Octavianus might command a m

e famished and unreliable, and he had no ships at all. Not merely did Antonius hold the sea and starve Italy. NotesPage=>21

, BC 5, 53, 220. Appian may, however, be exaggerating the prestige of Antonius . PageBook=>217 Salvidienus with the armies

shes known. 1 Tentative negotiations followed. As a sign of goodwill, Antonius sent away Ahenobarbus, a compromising adherent, t

ll off his fleets. Serious conferences began. They were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men, for Octavianus

y the diplomatic Maecenas. L. Cocceius Nerva was present, a friend of Antonius but acceptable to the other party. 2 Under thei

to be common ground, available for recruiting to both leaders, while Antonius held all the provinces beyond the sea, from Maced

The compact was sealed by a matrimonial alliance. Fulvia, the wife of Antonius , had recently died in Greece. Antonius took in we

alliance. Fulvia, the wife of Antonius, had recently died in Greece. Antonius took in wedlock the sister of his partner, the fa

to anticipate the natural and desired consequences of the wedding of Antonius and Octavia. 7 Pollio the consul was Antonius’ ma

e province of Asia; 3 and immediately upon the conclusion of the pact Antonius sent his best general Ventidius to disperse the P

hat had menaced him. In a moment of confidence in their new alliance, Antonius revealed the treachery of Salvidienus; who was ar

he was assailed by the Liberators. 1 In the eyes of contemporaries, Antonius stood forth as the senior partner, overshadowing

y and devoted legions. His style of politics was passing out of date. Antonius , however, was still the victor of Philippi; milit

tly on his side. The complacency of the dynasts and the nuptials of Antonius were soon clouded by disturbances in the city of

far as concerned the senatorial and equestrian orders, the primacy of Antonius seemed firm enough governing his provinces were t

r of a party. The majority of the Republicans were now on the side of Antonius . After Philippi, Valerius Messalla, Bibulus and o

Valerius Messalla, Bibulus and others transferred their allegiance to Antonius , who, though a Caesarian, was one of themselves,

Italy. Having the best men of both parties in sympathy or alliance, Antonius began with a formidable advantage. It waned with

ange. Octavianus went to Gaul for a brief visit, Lepidus to Africa. Antonius departed for the eastern provinces with his young

glected during the Civil Wars and demanded attention. After Philippi, Antonius left L. Marcius Censorinus as proconsul of Macedo

virn (Diss. Strassburg, 1892); A. E. Glauning, Die Anhängerschaft des Antonius und des Octavian (Diss. Leipzig, 1936). See furth

Leipzig, 1936). See further below, pp. 234 ff.; 266 ff. 3 Plutarch, Antonius 24. 4 CIL 12, p. 50. PageBook=>223 the n

achium. 1 The Dardani will also have felt the force of the Roman arms Antonius kept a large garrison in the Balkans, perhaps sev

3 But the Balkan peninsula was in no way the chief preoccupation of Antonius . Eastwards the Empire was in chaos. The War of

War of Perusia encouraged the Parthians to invade Syria and prevented Antonius from intervening. Led by Pacorus, the King’s son,

of the nomads was transient. Brundisium freed the energies of Rome. Antonius at once dispatched Ventidius against the enemy. W

08; 524. Not that Sosius was there all the time he governed Syria for Antonius in 38–36. 4 Dio 48, 26, 5; Strabo, p. 660; BMC,

gations that Ventidius had taken bribes from the prince of Commagene. Antonius arrived and received in person the capitulation o

for prestige and for security, against the Parthians. After Samosata, Antonius left legions in the north; and in 37 B.C. his mar

of the vassal kingdoms certain arrangements had already been made by Antonius . During the course of the following year they wer

one place the territories and kingdoms according to the ordination of Antonius . 5 The predominance of Antonius was secured and

doms according to the ordination of Antonius. 5 The predominance of Antonius was secured and reinforced; but the execution of

it advisable or necessary to make war upon Sex. Pompeius. He invited Antonius to come to Italy for a conference in the spring o

onius to come to Italy for a conference in the spring of the year 38. Antonius arrived at Brundisium, but not finding his collea

sting, incurred ruinous disaster (38 B.C.) and had to beg the help of Antonius , sending Maecenas on a mission to Greece. Antoniu

to beg the help of Antonius, sending Maecenas on a mission to Greece. Antonius , who wished to have his hands free of western ent

15, 4, 4. 3 Dio 49, 22, 3 f., &c. 4 Ib. 49, 24, 1; Plutarch, Antonius 34; Strabo, p. 501. 5 Below, p. 260. PageBook

260. PageBook=>225 The winter passed, and in the spring of 37 Antonius sailed with a large fleet from Athens to Italy. O

ful and suspicious, the dynasts met at Tarentum. Both the patience of Antonius and the diplomacy of Maecenas were exhausted. At

and her husband or so at least it was alleged, in order to represent Antonius in an aggressive mood and in an invidious light.

te. The consuls for 32, designated long in advance, were adherents of Antonius , Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Sosius. But five

e was constrained to support the war against Pompeius. From his fleet Antonius resigned one hundred and twenty ships against the

mise of twenty thousand legionary soldiers. He never received them. Antonius departed. Before long the conviction grew upon hi

f later notoriety. 2 The accounts in Dio 48, 54, 1 f. and Plutarch, Antonius 35, are clearly hostile to Antonius, deriving fro

in Dio 48, 54, 1 f. and Plutarch, Antonius 35, are clearly hostile to Antonius , deriving from the Autobiography, cf. F. Blumenth

e of that. Further, from duty to his ally and to the Caesarian party, Antonius had lost the better part of two years, sacrificin

eatedly three years before, by fortune, by Fulvia and by Salvidienus. Antonius had rejected those offers. As yet, however, nei

stige were gravely menaced and there was work to be done in the East. Antonius departed for Syria. From Corcyra in the late summ

t, with another woman. But that was not yet apparent, least of all to Antonius NotesPage=>226 (No Notes) Ch. XVII THE R

f Fufius Calenus and the fatal error of Salvidienus. The compact with Antonius gave standing, security and the possession of the

Rome. While some reverted again to Pompeius, many took service under Antonius and remained with him until they recognized, to t

artial in every sense of the term. Nero had already left Pompeius for Antonius (Suetonius, Tib. 4, 3). 2 Official phraseology,

f the proscribed, who, along with Libo conducted Julia, the mother of Antonius , to Greece in 40 B.C., or his son, C. Sentius Sat

Ti. Claudius Nero, who had fought for Caesar against Pompeius, for L. Antonius and the Republic in the War of Perusia. With her

was connected with certain eminent Republicans now in the alliance of Antonius , above all Ahenobarbus; 2 and his own son was bet

ove all Ahenobarbus; 2 and his own son was betrothed to a daughter of Antonius . Again, Republicans in the company of Sex. Pompei

epublicans in the company of Sex. Pompeius might be able to influence Antonius or Lepidus: they had done so before. For Octavian

us there subsisted the danger of a revived Republican coalition under Antonius , Lepidus and Pompeius, banded to check or to subv

him. Hence the need to destroy Pompeius without delay. For the moment Antonius was loyal to the Caesarian alliance; but Antonius

lay. For the moment Antonius was loyal to the Caesarian alliance; but Antonius , who came to Brundisium but departed again withou

Brundisium but departed again without a conference, gave him no help. Antonius disapproved, and Sex. Pompeius for his part belie

p. Antonius disapproved, and Sex. Pompeius for his part believed that Antonius would not support his colleague. The young man

31 Caesar’s heir was damaged and discredited. The military glory of Antonius was revived in the triumph which his partisan Ven

iplomacy of Maecenas. Lacking either of them he might have been lost. Antonius was induced to come to Tarentum in the spring of

of the following year (37). The uneasy alliance was then perpetuated. Antonius lent fleets and admirals L. Calpurnius Bibulus, M

Atratinus; 2 and Lepidus was conciliated or cajoled, perhaps through Antonius . Octavianus now had the ships. He needed crews

p. 11, 515 f.; Greek Coins, Sicily, 61; 95). 3 His misfortunes gave Antonius sufficient matter for ridicule (quoted in Suetoni

quoted in Suetonius, Divus Aug. 16). PageBook=>232 generals of Antonius . Gradually and relentlessly they hunted him down,

father-in-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s cause and made peace with Antonius , some entering his service. 1 At last Titius capt

the propaganda and the sentiments that might serve him later against Antonius , winning for personal domination the name and pre

The most prominent of them, Pollio, Ventidius and Plancus, were with Antonius . Octavianus had two and two only, the military me

were dead: the young leader was short of partisans. The compact with Antonius , his presence in Italy, the advantageous alliance

fore the assassination, was a loyal Caesarian, at first a partisan of Antonius . 5 L. Cornificius (cos. 35) was the astute career

only by inscriptions (Syria xv (1934), 33 ff.), may have been sent by Antonius to help his ally and may have passed before long

fought for liberty at Philippi and was proud of it. He then followed Antonius for a time, it is uncertain for how long. 5 The y

ii in Lucania (ILS 893 a). 5 Messalla may have come with ships from Antonius as did Bibulus and Atratinus. He is not attested

, he already gave signs of becoming equal if not superior in power to Antonius . These aristocratic careerists, like the dynastic

vanquished of Philippi and of Perusia were more amicably disposed to Antonius ; and his Republican following, already considerab

nce at Rome, was in a position of distinct advantage over the distant Antonius . He easily found in the years that followed the m

Africa. 1 A powerful Caesarian oligarchy grew up, while the party of Antonius , by contrast, became more and more Pompeian. Th

of Sicily and Africa disturbed the balance of power and disconcerted Antonius . Three dynasts had held the world in an uneasy eq

rew daily less as Octavianus emancipated himself from the tutelage of Antonius ; and Octavia had given Antonius no son to inherit

ncipated himself from the tutelage of Antonius; and Octavia had given Antonius no son to inherit his leadership of the Caesarian

ader he needed to show the soldiery that he was the peer of the great Antonius in courage, NotesPage=>239 1 In the years

ay in the East; Octavianus chose to safeguard Italy. The victories of Antonius paled with distance or might be artfully deprecia

risked his person with ostentation and received honourable wounds. Antonius must not be allowed to presume upon his Caesarian

hadowed the magnificence of Rome under the monarchy. More artful than Antonius , the young Caesar built not only for splendour an

should the Republicans and Pompeians come back from the East, should Antonius demand lands for the veterans of his legions, sho

ian officer on the staff of Pollio when he governed the Cisalpina for Antonius (41-40 B.C.). 4 To Pollio fell the duty of conf

mnius Eutrapelus), better known as Cytheris, formerly the mistress of Antonius . Her subsequent attachments have not been recorde

ine years in splendour and power. He had probably gone eastwards with Antonius soon after the Pact of Brundisium:1 how long he r

h poetry, completing his Eclogues while Pollio governed Macedonia for Antonius . It was about this time, in the absence of Pollio

en the pastoral poet celebrated in mystical splendour the nuptials of Antonius , the peace of Brundisium and the end of all the w

d in 35 B.C.,4 harbingers of trouble before or after the contest with Antonius . Rome had witnessed a social revolution, but it h

r a servile world, in the guise of divinity, Caesar’s heir as Apollo, Antonius as Dionysus. 5 It was by no means evident how the

ew order, some in resignation, others from ambition. Ahenobarbus with Antonius , Messalla and other nobles in the alliance of Cae

ers won the friendship of Caesar’s heir without needing to break with Antonius a sign and portent of the unheroic qualities that

n hardly have foretold the power and splendour of the future monarch. Antonius was absent from Italy, but Antonius was the senio

splendour of the future monarch. Antonius was absent from Italy, but Antonius was the senior partner. His prestige, though wani

ued to Octavianus. It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlier situation. Octavianus was no

IUS IN THE EAST PageBook=>259 AFTER Brundisium the prestige of Antonius stood high, and his predominance was confirmed by

when that office lapsed, Antonian consuls would be in power at Rome. Antonius had already lost the better part of two years not

hians Rome required new rulers for the future in the eastern lands. Antonius discovered the men and set them up as kings witho

pect for family or dynastic claims. NotesPage=>259 1 Plutarch, Antonius 36. 2 Strabo, p. 569; IGRR IV, 1694. 3 Strabo

them all: a loss if destroyed, a risk to annex, a problem to govern. Antonius resolved to augment the territories of Egypt. To

rapacity of Egypt’s Queen: again and again she sought to extort from Antonius portions of Herod’s dominions. 3 NotesPage=>

of his kingdom, to form a continuous territory northwards into Syria. Antonius refused to give her any more. These grants do n

sore point and pretext for defamation. For Cleopatra the donations of Antonius marked the resurgence of the Ptolemaic kingdom in

and reckoned as the beginning of a new era. 1 But the relations of Antonius and Cleopatra were not merely those of proconsul

oman politics, the rival Caesarian leader or even the parent himself. Antonius now acknowledged paternity. The mother bestowed u

e of Philadelphus. It has been argued that precisely on this occasion Antonius contracted a marriage with Cleopatra, reconstitut

t. 3 The fact is difficult to establish. From the Egyptian alliance Antonius hoped to derive money and supplies for his milita

men formed and propagated the public opinion of the Hellenic world. Antonius went farther. During the War of Mutina he publicl

influential dynasts over all the East, friends of Rome and friends of Antonius . A ruler endowed with liberal foresight would see

, quid agat, vivat denique an mortuus sit, quis aut scit aut curat? ’ Antonius also complained of the execution of Caesar’s Thes

manifest, son of Ares and Aphrodite, universal saviour of mankind. 3 Antonius advertised the favour he enjoyed from Dionysus; a

gladness and succour to humanity. Before the eyes of the Greek world Antonius could parade imperially, not only as a monarch an

life regal and lavish ’Antonius the great and inimitable’. 4 Thus did Antonius carry yet farther the policy of Pompeius and Caes

ng the Roman to lean more heavily on the support of eastern allies. Antonius set out upon his great campaign, leaving Syria in

a: a private inscription): ’Aντώνιὸν μέγαν | κἀμὶμητὸν. Cf. Plutarch, Antonius 28. | PageBook=>264 Roman army reached Cte

geBook=>264 Roman army reached Ctesiphon, it might never return. Antonius proposed to march through a friendly Armenia, the

horse of Artavasdes, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Antonius took with him Titius, Ahenobarbus and others. 1 P

he uncle of Titius, may have seen service in this war on the staff of Antonius , though known for talents of another kind. 2 Sosi

to Phraaspa, the capital city of Media, some five hundred miles away. Antonius neglected to set a firm hold on Armenia by planti

ius Statianus and destroyed much of Antonius’ supplies and artillery. Antonius , lacking light horse, could not bring them to bat

, the legions struggled back to Armenia, saved only by the courage of Antonius and the steadiness of the veterans. As in the ret

us and the steadiness of the veterans. As in the retreat from Mutina, Antonius showed his best qualities in adversity. From Arme

d unfriendly testimony reckons them NotesPage=>264 1 Plutarch, Antonius 42 (Titius, as quaestor); 40 (Ahenobarbus); 42 (F

s for political advantage, to the discredit of their old general. 2 Antonius was delayed in the next year by the arrival of Se

y in valour and even in discipline. It would take time to train them: Antonius wanted the twenty thousand legionaries that Octav

ised to provide. The faithless colleague sent seventy ships: of ships Antonius had no need. Octavia was instructed by her brothe

brother to bring a body of two thousand picked men to her husband. Antonius was confronted with damaging alternatives. To acc

s, to the profit of her brother, whichever way the adversary moved. 3 Antonius was resentful. He accepted the troops. Octavia ha

northeast and some compensation for the disastrous invasion of Media. Antonius marched into Armenia, captured and deposed the tr

. Dellius subsequently became an historian (Strabo, p. 523; Plutarch, Antonius 59), possibly a very influential source for these

e II, 134 ff.), discountenancing sentimentality. PageBook=>266 Antonius betrothed his son Alexander Helios to Iotape, the

and the crisis in his relations with Octavianus became so acute that Antonius instructed Canidius to bring the army down to the

prosperity, with legions, cavalry, ships and treasure at his command, Antonius appeared the preponderant partner in a divided Em

e Balkans and on the Black Sea coasts. Nor was the preponderance of Antonius less evident in his following of Roman senators h

n rival leaders. NotesPage=>266 1 Dio 49, 40, 2. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 56. 3 On the provincial governors of Antonius,

40, 2. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 56. 3 On the provincial governors of Antonius , see L. Ganter, Die Provinzialver- waltung der Tr

attested in Syria in 31 B.C. (Dio 51, 7, 3), was perhaps appointed by Antonius . There is no evidence of any provincial commands

rva and a certain C. Cocceius Balbus had held official commands under Antonius ; 2 the amiable and diplomatic L. Cocceius, howeve

office and in favour, perhaps aspiring to primacy in the party after Antonius . 3 Titius, proscribed and a pirate on his own acc

eady designated for a consulate. 4 Prominent, too, in the counsels of Antonius was the eloquent Furnius, in the past an ally and

and Cassius in turn, and the elegant C. Fonteius Capito, a friend of Antonius , who journeyed from Rome to the conference of Tar

dius and M. Oppius Capito, obscure persons, and the two marshals whom Antonius had trained Sosius, the conqueror of Jerusalem, a

come consul. 3 He had charge of the correspondence and seal-ring of Antonius in 35 B.C. (Appian, BC 5, 144, 599). Plancus had

cos. suff. in 31 B.C. 5 P-W VII, 375 ff. He was governing Asia for Antonius in 35 (Dio 49, 17, 5; Appian, BC 5, 137, 567 ff.)

side, Seneca, Suasoriae 1, 7; Velleius, 2, 84, 2. He was employed by Antonius on confidential missions, to bring Cleopatra to T

ius on confidential missions, to bring Cleopatra to Tarsus (Plutarch, Antonius 25), in Judaea in 40 B.C. (Josephus, AJ 14, 394)

B.C. (Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 32 f.), he was sent on a mission to Egypt by Antonius in the following winter (Plutarch, Antonius 36).

on a mission to Egypt by Antonius in the following winter (Plutarch, Antonius 36). 7 M. Insteius from Pisaurum (Cicero, Phil.

eius from Pisaurum (Cicero, Phil. 13, 26) fought at Actium (Plutarch, Antonius 65). Q. Didius, attested as governor of Syria in

army commander in the invasion of media, oppius statianus (plutarch, Antonius 38). On the Oppii, cf. Münzer, P-W XVIII, 726 ff.

hcoming). On Sosius and Canidius, above, p. 200. PageBook=>268 Antonius had been a loyal friend to Caesar, but not a fana

ar and assassins yet unpunished, to find harbourage and alliance with Antonius . The Catonian faction, after fighting against t

c, striking coins with family portraits thereon. 1 Pollio won him for Antonius , and he served Antonius well. The alliance was fi

amily portraits thereon. 1 Pollio won him for Antonius, and he served Antonius well. The alliance was firm with promise for the

promise for the future his son was betrothed to the elder daughter of Antonius . Both parties had the habit of keeping faith. In

it of keeping faith. In birth and in repute Ahenobarbus stood next to Antonius in the new Caesarian and Republican coalition. An

nd Republican coalition. Another kinsman of Cato was to be found with Antonius , his grandson L. Calpurnius Bibulus, also an admi

PageBook=>269 The last adherents of Sex. Pompeius deserted to Antonius . 1 His father-in-law L. Scribonius Libo at once b

his half-brother, and Cn. Cornelius Cinna, his nephew, remained with Antonius to the end; 2 likewise minor characters, such as

nians and Pompeians do not exhaust the list of nobles in the party of Antonius . The consulars L. Gellius Poplicola (cos. 36 B.C.

son of the young Curio, loyal to his father’s friend, his step-father Antonius . 5 Other youthful nobiles among the Antonians wer

criptions. The admiral Atratinus served in Sicily in 36 B.C., sent by Antonius ; for his coins, BMC, R. Rep. ii, 501; 515 f.; abo

andson of M. Crassus (cos. 70 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius and then with Antonius (Dio 51, 4, 3). M. Octavius, admiral at Actium (P

th Antonius (Dio 51, 4, 3). M. Octavius, admiral at Actium (Plutarch, Antonius 65), perhaps a son of the consul of 76 B.C.: note

s and dead consuls. Hence no little doubt whether the motley party of Antonius with a variegated past, Caesarian, Pompeian and R

cause or rather the pretext was the policy which had been adopted by Antonius in the East and the sinister intentions thence de

ounce the strange pageantry that Alexandria witnessed in 34 B.C. when Antonius returned from the conquest of Armenia. 1 The Roma

atra. That was not all. Another ceremony was staged in the gymnasium. Antonius proclaimed Ptolemy Caesar true son of the Dictato

ndencies. Titles of kingdoms, not all of them in the power or gift of Antonius , were also bestowed upon the three children whom

was in reality the aggressor, his war was preceded by a coup d’état: Antonius had the NotesPage=>270 1 Plutarch (Antoniu

by a coup d’état: Antonius had the NotesPage=>270 1 Plutarch ( Antonius 54) and Dio (49, 41, 1 ff.) are lavish of detail.

1) fully exploited this attractive theme. They had no reason to spare Antonius . PageBook=>271 consuls and the constitutio

itution on his side. 1 It was therefore necessary to demonstrate that Antonius was Morally’ in the wrong and ‘morally’ the aggre

d be necessary further to speculate upon the policy and intentions of Antonius , the domination which Cleopatra had achieved over

ic and persuasive, but it is not history. Up to a point the acts of Antonius can be recovered and explained. When he disposed

shion, he did not go beyond the measure of a Roman proconsul. Nor did Antonius in fact resign to alien princes any extensive or

ppears both intelligible and workable. Of the Roman provinces which Antonius inherited in Asia, three were recent acquisitions

Cyprus from Roman control and resigned it to the kingdom of Egypt. 1 Antonius in his consulate decreed the liberation of Crete;

at does not prove the substantial identity of his policy with that of Antonius . There was Cleopatra. Antonius was not the King o

al identity of his policy with that of Antonius. There was Cleopatra. Antonius was not the King of Egypt,1 but when he abode the

us’ agents and to subsequent historians. It might be represented that Antonius was making provision for the present, not for a l

ion to Octavianus, his policy would hardly have differed from that of Antonius . The first man in Rome, when controlling the East

s of a king or a god. Years before, in the company of his Roman wife, Antonius had been hailed as the god Dionysus incarnate. 3

ff.). 2 See the just remarks of Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 152: Antonius was not βασιλύϛ. 3 W. W. Tarn, JRS XXII (1932),

aving no political consequences. By 33 B.C., however, the ambition of Antonius might have moved farther in this direction. He ha

and his ideas swerved from Rome under the influence of Cleopatra? If Antonius be denied a complete monarchic policy of his own,

There is no sign of infatuation here if infatuation there was at all. Antonius the enslaved sensualist belongs to popular and ed

wer of her imagination and her understanding. Yet that is not proved. Antonius was compelled to stand by Cleopatra to the end by

ruin. Rome, it has been claimed, feared Cleopatra but did not fear Antonius : she was planning a war of revenge that was to ar

at Rome and inaugurate a new universal kingdom. 4 In this deep design Antonius was but her dupe and her agent. Of the ability

e and legend, is another matter. It NotesPage=>274 1 Plutarch, Antonius 26: ὡϛ ἡ‘Aϕρὸδὶτη κωμάϛὸι παρ ά τὸν Δɩόνυαὸν ἐπ’

ϛ. 2 M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 103 f.; 144. 3 Plutarch, Antonius 57. 4 W. W. Tarn, JRS XXII (1932), 141; CAH x,

to invent a foreign danger that menaced everything that was Roman, as Antonius himself assuredly did not. 1 The propaganda of Oc

ctavianus magnified Cleopatra beyond all measure and decency. To ruin Antonius it was not enough that she should be a siren: she

must be made a Fury ‘fatale monstrum’. 2 That was the point where Antonius was most vulnerable, Roman sentiment most easily

eated belief turned the scale of history. The policy and ambitions of Antonius or of Cleopatra were not the true cause of the Wa

st and solemn form of a war of ideas and a war between East and West. Antonius and Cleopatra seem merely pawns in the game of de

m merely pawns in the game of destiny. 5 The weapon forged to destroy Antonius changed the shape of the whole world. NotesPage

e whole world. NotesPage=>275 1 Tarn (CAH x, 76) concedes that Antonius himself was not a danger to Rome. 2 Horace, Ode

yer, Hermes XXXIII (1898), 50; A. E. Glauning, Die Anhängerschaft des Antonius und des Octavian (Diss. Leipzig, 1936), 31 ff.

Antonius und des Octavian (Diss. Leipzig, 1936), 31 ff. 5 Plutarch, Antonius 56: ἔδєɩ γάρ єἰς Kαὶσαρα πάντα πєριєλθєîν. Ch.

year he delivered a speech before the Senate, criticizing the acts of Antonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto.

ch before the Senate, criticizing the acts of Antonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto. He took his stand upon

egality and upon the plighted word of covenants, which was a mistake. Antonius complained that he had been excluded from raising

us had deposed in arbitrary fashion a colleague in the Triumvirate. 2 Antonius had already professed readiness to lay down offic

iance with the Queen of Egypt. Then irony: the grandiose conquests of Antonius would surely be more than enough to provide bount

n enough to provide bounties or lands for the armies of the East. 4 Antonius consigned the statement of his acta and the deman

romayer, Hermes XXXIII (1898), 37 ff. 2 Dio 50, I, 3 ff.; Plutarch, Antonius 55. 3 Dio 49, 41, 6. 4 lb. 50, 1, 4; Plutarch

Plutarch, Antonius 55. 3 Dio 49, 41, 6. 4 lb. 50, 1, 4; Plutarch, Antonius 55. PageBook=>277 family scandal, and the

all Octavianus attacked Antonius’ devotion to drink and to Cleopatra. Antonius retorted it was nothing new, but had begun nine y

a ebrietate. 3 Poets and pamphleteers took the field with alacrity. Antonius asserted that Ptolemy Caesar was the true heir as

ical advantage; 5 he was soon to be requited with the consulate which Antonius should have held. Republican freedom of speech no

d ‘uxor’ or a clear solution of problems concerning the ‘marriage’ of Antonius . The women alluded to may be the wives of certain

uetonius, Divus Iulius 52, 2. 5 Pliny, NH 33, 50 an allegation that Antonius like an oriental monarch used vessels of gold for

nd intimate purposes. Messalla wrote at least three pamphlets against Antonius (Charisius, GL 104, 18; 129, 7; 146, 34). 6 The

rs after the date fixed for their expiry, as in 37 B.C. This was what Antonius did in 32 B.C. On the other, the statement and at

ate and took office on January 1st. They did not read the dispatch of Antonius , which they had received late in the preceding au

us:1 it is more likely that they were afraid to divulge its contents. Antonius asked to have his acta confirmed. Among them was

rgument in his favour. But Armenia was outweighed by the donations of Antonius to Cleopatra and her children, a vulnerable point

point for hostile attack if the Senate decided to discuss the acta of Antonius one by one, as when Pompeius requested confirmati

of peace. 2 Sosius took the lead and delivered a speech in praise of Antonius , with strong abuse of Octavianus; he proposed a m

o consuls, he spoke in defence of his own policy, accusing Sosius and Antonius . None dared to raise a voice against the Caesaria

ain on a fixed day, when he would supply documentary evidence against Antonius . The consuls in protest fled to Antonius, beari

cumentary evidence against Antonius. The consuls in protest fled to Antonius , bearing with them the unread missive. They were

enemy. In the next year he would be consul with Corvinus, instead of Antonius : one of the suffecti was to be Cn. Pompeius, a gr

say nothing of the recent ‘constitutional’ crisis of the consulate of Antonius and the War of Mutina. A more brutal stimulant wa

a bad sign that more than three hundred senators had decided to join Antonius , clear evidence of something more than desperate

ice of Triumvir, but retained the power, as was apparent, not only to Antonius , but to other contemporaries for Antonius, who, m

s was apparent, not only to Antonius, but to other contemporaries for Antonius , who, more honest, still employed the name, again

efore. 4 Furthermore, if the law and the constitution still mattered, Antonius had a valid plea both NotesPage=>279 1 Dio

lla. 4 Dio 50, 7, I. PageBook=>280 consuls were on his side. Antonius stood on the defensive and therefore, it might be

for the best. His enemy would soon have to make a ruinous decision. Antonius was at Ephesus; his army had recently been raised

he had been bribed. The compromising ally remained. In early summer Antonius passed from Ephesus to Samos and from Samos to At

os to Athens. Now it might seem that Cleopatra had finally triumphed. Antonius formally divorced Octavia. That act, denoting the

ould have ensued, Cleopatra or no Cleopatra. But the Queen was there: Antonius stood as her ally, whatever the nature of the tie

tood as her ally, whatever the nature of the tie that bound them. 3 Antonius had presumed too much upon the loyalty of a party

ot been NotesPage=>280 1 BMC, R. Rep. n, 526 ff. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 56. 3 On the question of the ‘marriage ‘of Anto

. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 56. 3 On the question of the ‘marriage ‘of Antonius , for a discussion see Rice Holmes, The Architect

cate the question which is perhaps in itself not of prime importance. Antonius , being a Roman citizen, could not at any time con

Cleopatra, however, was not the prime cause of the trouble. Next to Antonius stood the Republican Ahenobarbus and the old Caes

n and the prospects of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antonius should be Roman, not regal. Not so Munatius Planc

atra, pronounced her the winner in a famed if not fabulous wager with Antonius , and displayed his versatile talents prominently

his versatile talents prominently at court masques in Alexandria. 3 Antonius stood by Cleopatra. Ahenobarbus hated the Queen a

he effect must have been tremendous, alike in Rome and in the camp of Antonius . Yet he still kept in his company men of princi

ed in the company of Plancus and Titius. Neither sustained loyalty to Antonius nor rapid desertion were NotesPage=>281 1

picture of Plancus’ performance in the role of Glaucus. 4 Plutarch, Antonius 58; Dio 50, 3, 1 ff.; Velleius 2, 83. Dio is not

er, ‘in omnia et omnibus venalis’, had been detected in peculation by Antonius . PageBook=>282 qualities which men always

he defection of Plancus and Titius. Well primed with the secrets of Antonius , the renegades brought a precious gift, so it is

urgently required. They told him that the last will and testament of Antonius reposed in the custody of the Vestal Virgins. Nei

custody of the Vestal Virgins. Neither the attack upon the policy of Antonius in the East, nor the indignation fomented about t

al Virgins and read it out to the Senate of Rome. Among other things, Antonius reiterated as authentic the parentage of Ptolemy

ραμμένα διῆλθε καὶ παρεσημήατo τόπʋυϛ τινὰϛ εὐκατηγʋρήτʋνϛ (Plutarch, Antonius 58). The hypothesis of forgery, at least partial,

? and how easily could forgery be detected? PageBook=>283 that Antonius had abruptly left a court of law in the middle of

ius were not accorded general credence; and touching the testament of Antonius , many thought it atrocious that a man should be i

gned to fill the middle class with horror and anger. 3 The friends of Antonius were baffled, unable to defend him openly. Wild r

end him openly. Wild rumours pervaded Rome and Italy. Not merely that Antonius and Cleopatra designed to conquer the West Antoni

treason in his right mind. It was therefore solemnly asseverated that Antonius was the victim of sorcery. 6 Antonius for his p

ore solemnly asseverated that Antonius was the victim of sorcery. 6 Antonius for his part made no move yet. Not merely because

lation and the soldiery. Octavianus NotesPage=>283 1 Plutarch, Antonius 58. 2 Velleius 2, 83, 3. It was C. Coponius, an

n of the will is not given so much importance and effect by Plutarch ( Antonius 58 f.), while Velleius omits this attractive subj

άτʋϛ ἐϛ τὴν Aἴγυπτʋν μεταθήσει. 5 Ib. 5, 4. 6 Ib. 5, 3; Plutarch, Antonius 60. 7 Plutarch, Antonius 58. 8 Valuable evide

σει. 5 Ib. 5, 4. 6 Ib. 5, 3; Plutarch, Antonius 60. 7 Plutarch, Antonius 58. 8 Valuable evidence in Dio 50, 10, 3 ff.; P

h, Antonius 58. 8 Valuable evidence in Dio 50, 10, 3 ff.; Plutarch, Antonius 58. PageBook=>284 was compelled to secure

ble treatment of Bononia, a town bound by especial ties of loyalty to Antonius . 1 The ostentatious exemption of Bononia from the

f the year 32, the consuls and a show of legality were on the side of Antonius . An absurdity the Roman constitution was manifest

popularity. 2 Cicero, again, proclaimed the consensus Italiae against Antonius in the War of Mutina. 3 In vain it did not exist.

oldiers, captives from the disaster of Crassus (and by implication of Antonius ), could turn renegade and live in Parthia: mile

e brave sons and fair lands at the bidding of enemies of Caesar or of Antonius ? The Roman constitution might be endangered: that

fficult enough to enlist Italian sentiment. Italy had no quarrel with Antonius ; as for despotism, the threat of oriental monarch

the last month of his life, or the oath taken at Tibur to the consul Antonius in a public emergency. 2 The oath was personal

ius 84, 2 and 86, 1; Appian, BC 2, 144, 600 ff. (Caesar); 3, 46, 188 ( Antonius ). See the interpretation of Premerstein, Vont Wer

been little difficulty. Though many of the veterans had served under Antonius , they had received their lands from his rival, re

aracter, L. Visidius, had done for Cicero’s consensus Italiae against Antonius . 1 Many senators had fled to Antonius. Rival fact

ero’s consensus Italiae against Antonius. 1 Many senators had fled to Antonius . Rival factions in the towns could now emerge, se

corded a public funeral in Sulmo (CIL IX, 3082). PageBook=>290 Antonius , the Roman imperator, wishing to secure ratificat

he Empire, but a future ruler who could hope to hold it together. But Antonius victorious in war with the help of alien allies w

firm, the uncompromising Pollio. He had been a loyal friend of old to Antonius , of which fact Antonius now reminded him. Polli

Pollio. He had been a loyal friend of old to Antonius, of which fact Antonius now reminded him. Pollio in reply claimed that

s now reminded him. Pollio in reply claimed that in mutual services Antonius had been the gainer: his own conscience was clear

authority and the conduct of a patriotic war. He proceeded to declare Antonius stripped of his powers and of the consulate for t

and he was to wage Rome’s war as consul himself, for the third time. Antonius was not outlawed that was superfluous. On Cleopat

2 severed his amicitia, their feud was private and personal. But if Antonius stood by his ally, his conduct would patently sta

ns of army and fleet, but not perhaps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cleopatra—there could be

leven made up the garrison of Egypt, Cyrene, Syria and Macedonia. 1 Antonius could not take the offensive, for every reason, n

fleet and the army were tied to each other. For their combined needs, Antonius abandoned the Albanian coast and the western end

the Via Egnatia. That might appear an error: it was probably a ruse. Antonius proposed to leave the approach free to the enemy,

ht, not for a principle, but only for a choice of masters. In ships Antonius had the preponderance of strength; as for number

d been administered to the army of the West. Yet, in the last resort, Antonius might not need to appeal to the legions to stand

gainst invaders coming from Italy. If that was his plan, it failed. Antonius had a great fleet and good admirals. But his ship

of Ambracia, while the fleet under Agrippa captured certain posts of Antonius in the south and destroyed his lines of communica

of Antonius in the south and destroyed his lines of communication. Antonius concentrated his forces in the neighbourhood. The

were given the Roman franchise on enlistment by certain partisans of Antonius . Note also the inscription from Philae in Egypt (

y the consulate. 2 Even Ahenobarbus went, stealthily in a small boat: Antonius dispatched his belongings after him. 3 Plancus an

ught. The true story is gone beyond recall. It is uncertain whether Antonius designed to fight a naval battle for victory or t

atriumque aperitur vertice sidus. 7 NotesPage=>296 1 Plutarch, Antonius 59 (misdated, cf. Dio 50, 13, 8; Velleius 2, 84,

s desertion. He had previously been with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Plutarch, Antonius 63; Dio 50, 13, 6; Velleius 2, 84, 2; Suetonius,

4, 2; Suetonius, Nero 3, 2. He died shortly afterwards. 4 Plutarch, Antonius 63. Like Pompeius Magnus (SIG3 762), Antonius hop

terwards. 4 Plutarch, Antonius 63. Like Pompeius Magnus (SIG3 762), Antonius hoped for assistance from the Dacians. 5 For th

7), 1 ff. Against Tarn’s theory it can be argued, with Kromayer, that Antonius had already been severely defeated at sea, baffle

he commanders on either side are given by Velleius 2, 85, 2 Plutarch, Antonius 65; Dio 50, 13, 5; 14, 1. Also Appian, BC 4, 38,

ghting and comparatively few casualties. A large part of the fleet of Antonius either refused battle or after defeat was forced

either refused battle or after defeat was forced back into harbour. 1 Antonius himself with forty ships managed to break through

ers to march away through Macedonia, but in vain. He had to escape to Antonius . After some days the legions capitulated, an inte

a share of colonial assignments. 2 The chief author of treachery to Antonius in the naval battle (if treachery there was), and

ns, Arabs and Bactrians, led by a renegade in un-Roman attire, ‘varus Antonius armis’. Worst of all, the foreign woman— sequit

six in 28-26 B.C.) were fairly earned. Then came the reckoning with Antonius . In the summer of the year 30 B.C. Octavianus app

endered his four legions and passed into the service of the victor. 4 Antonius and his consort spent nearly a year after the dis

y plans and the last despondency before death. After brief resistance Antonius was defeated in battle. He took his own life. The

was the episode called the Bellum Alexandrinum. Cleopatra survived Antonius by a few days which at once passed into anecdote

orace, safe and subsidized in Rome. There remained the partisans of Antonius . Caesar had invoked and practised the virtue of c

ured, four were put to death, among NotesPage=>299 1 Plutarch, Antonius 77 ff.; Dio 51, II, 4 (Proculeius); Plutarch, Ant

1 Plutarch, Antonius 77 ff.; Dio 51, II, 4 (Proculeius); Plutarch, Antonius 79 (Gallus). Proculeius had been holding a naval

P. Canidius, the last of Antonius’ marshals, also perished. Loyal to Antonius , he shared in the calumny against his leader and

interests, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius, by Cassius, or by Antonius . Octavianus deposed a certain number of petty dyn

e was eager to attach to his own clientela. 6 As heir to the power of Antonius in the East he confirmed their titles when he did

. It had been an essential part of his propaganda to demonstrate that Antonius bestowed upon unworthy and criminal aliens the do

m professioni eius, qua semper usus erat, congruebat. ’ 3 Plutarch, Antonius 81. 4 Res Gestae 27: ‘Aegyptum imperio populi [

ering of the East, thirty years before. Precisely as in the system of Antonius , four men controlled wide realms and guarded the

, was quietly neglected in the East, where he inherited the policy of Antonius in order to render it more systematic. Temples de

rontier itself was not an urgent problem. Armenia had been annexed by Antonius , but Armenia fell away during the War of Actium.

abandon Armenia and one part of the north-eastern frontier policy of Antonius . His retreat from commitments in the East was uno

e to outshine all the generals of the Republic, Pompeius, Crassus and Antonius , in distant conquest, for glory, for aggrandizeme

of a patriotic people. The disaster of Crassus and the ill success of Antonius , even though not as great as many believed, were

onarchy and Trojan ancestry might provoke disquiet. When the Triumvir Antonius abode for long years in the East men might fear l

of Macedonia no link is known, save that each was once a partisan of Antonius . 3 Who had not been? Neither Gallus nor Crassus i

On the whole, better to say nothing of Caesar, or for that matter of Antonius , save as criminal types. The power and domination

y purpose; and the blame of his proscription was profitably laid upon Antonius , dead and disgraced. Augustus bore testimony: ‘Ci

us Silanus, of a variegated past, changing in loyalty from Lepidus to Antonius , to Sex. Pompeius and again to Antonius, thence t

ng in loyalty from Lepidus to Antonius, to Sex. Pompeius and again to Antonius , thence to the better cause. 3 The father of Norb

Two different conceptions were at war, recalling the rivalry between Antonius , the deputy-leader and political successor of Cae

quals had proved unsatisfactory and ruinous. Lepidus lacked capacity, Antonius cunning and temperance: Octavianus had been too a

ends from the camps of his adversaries until in the end, by stripping Antonius , it not merely swallowed up the old Caesarian par

ducing the roll of the Senate. Over three hundred senators had chosen Antonius and the Republic at the time of the coup d’état o

tentation of clemency and magnanimity, some of the minor partisans of Antonius may have been allowed to retain senatorial rank,

lvidienus a traitor to his friend and leader, Canidius for loyalty to Antonius , Saxa slain by the Parthians, Ventidius of a natu

ation and augmented yet more by Octavianus to finance his war against Antonius . 2 The spoils of victory and the revenues of the

Cornelius Scipio, three Cornelii Lentuli, L. Calpurnius Piso, lullus Antonius and the two Fabii Maximi. Most of them were entra

through a constrained and unconsummated union with a stepdaughter of Antonius and a political alliance with the unlovable Scrib

r to Augustus’ stepson Drusus. The chaste daughters of the profligate Antonius knew each a single husband only. Of the two Marce

rus. 6 Agrippa now lived in state, sharing with Messalla the house of Antonius . 7 Spacious pleasure-gardens attested the wealth

dignity of augur, which fell to M. Antonius when of quaestorian rank: Antonius was a noble. But Antonius required all Caesar’s i

ll to M. Antonius when of quaestorian rank: Antonius was a noble. But Antonius required all Caesar’s influence behind him: he wa

otal and their prestige had sunk still further except for the dynasts Antonius , Octavianus and Lepidus, only four of them find a

ndards and Roman soldiers surviving from the disasters of Crassus and Antonius ; and an expeditionary force commanded by the step

truggle witnessed a grandiose spectacle when the leading partisans of Antonius and Octavianus competed to adorn the city of Rome

opaganda of Octavianus had been merciless against Fulvia, the wife of Antonius ; and Rome had fought a national war against a pol

father of the princes; and Julia may well have found the accomplished Antonius more amiable than her grim husband. But all is un

grim husband. But all is uncertain if Augustus struck down Julia and Antonius , it was not from tenderness for Tiberius. It may

perhaps the son of that Lucilius who was the friend of Brutus and of Antonius . 1 Tiberius did not forget his own Republican and

itus, Ann. 4, 15: Lucilius the friend of Brutus, Plutarch, Brutus 50; Antonius 69. 2 Velleius 2, 101, 3. 3 C. Silius A. Caec

over Caesar in Virgil’s solemn exhortation against civil war. As for Antonius , he was the archetype of foreign vices ’externi m

his dignitas and his magnitudo animi, the candour and the chivalry of Antonius all these qualities had to be eradicated from the

bribery and popularity with the Roman mob, Lepidus through favour of Antonius , by a procedure condemned as irregular. 3 As in

himself was above reproach, even with discount of the allegations of Antonius , the scandal about Terentia and all the gossip th

aesar had been the battle-cry and the justification of Caesar’s heir. Antonius , on the other hand, was remiss, willing even to a

gious: he also applied it to the legions that had deserted the consul Antonius , ‘heavenly legions’. But the orator would have be

administered to the Eastern provinces when they were reconquered from Antonius . Later at least, soon after the territory of Paph

. Elsewhere in the East Augustus inherited from the dynasts Pompeius, Antonius and Caesar, along with their clientela, the homag

overnment. Caesar was saddled with the whole guilt of the Civil Wars, Antonius and Lepidus with the ultimate responsibility for

of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condoned the return of one o

; and men might still read without danger the opprobrious epistles of Antonius or the violent orations of Marcus Brutus. 1 The

among the earliest of the nobiles who fought at Philippi to pass from Antonius to Octavianus, the statement is not as daring as

ary wars. Messalla praised Brutus and Cassius; 1 but he reprehended Antonius in justification of his own adhesion to the bette

on to the better cause. Q. Dellius described the eastern campaigns of Antonius in which he had participated; 2 the disasters of

ampaigns of Antonius in which he had participated; 2 the disasters of Antonius will not have been underestimated. Even Agrippa t

the sense. 5 PageNotes. 484 1 Tacitus, Ann. 4, 34. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 59; Strabo, p. 523. 3 Pliny, NH 7, 148. 4 Sue

ough loyal or stubborn adhesion to lost causes Pompeius, Libertas and Antonius . Cato’s son fell at Philippi and the Porcii lapse

which the grandson of Caesar’s enemy contracted with the daughter of Antonius and Octavia. Of the family of Brutus, his sister,

e subsequent struggle, if the Liberators had prevailed at Philippi or Antonius at Actium, the ultimate result might have been mu

himself the last admiral of the Republic, Cn. Domitius stood next to Antonius for leadership in his party. To the Domitii, pr

he Claudii ruled. And in the end, by posthumous and ironical justice, Antonius and his admiral became the ancestors of emperors.

The lesson was not lost. Nero was the descendant of Ahenobarbus, of Antonius , of Augustus. Vespasian’s nobility was his own cr

for themselves and their families. Messalla changed sides, passing to Antonius after Philippi and from Antonius before long to O

. Messalla changed sides, passing to Antonius after Philippi and from Antonius before long to Octavianus. Along with Agrippa, Me

ong to Octavianus. Along with Agrippa, Messalla occupied the house of Antonius on the Palatine. 2 Pollio had been more intractab

are not mentioned by name but are consigned to contemptuous oblivion. Antonius is masked and traduced as a faction, the Liberato

f. Caesar: C. Marcius C. f. Figulus 63 M. Tullius M. f. Cicero: C. Antonius M. f. 62 D. Junius M. f. Silanus: L. Licinius L

42 M. Aemilius M. f. Lepidus II: L. Munatius L. f. Plancus 41 L. Antonius M. f.: P. Servilius P. f. Vatia Isauricus II 40

of M. Titius’, JRS XXIV (1934), 43 ff. CUNTZ, O. ‘Legionare des Antonius und Augustus aus dem Orient’, Jahreshefte XXV (

hen Republik. Berlin, 1912. GLAUNING, A. E. Die AnhÃ.ngerschaft des Antonius und des Octavian. Diss. Leipzig, 1936. GROAG, E

Admirals, of Sex. Pompeius, 228; of Octavianus, 230, 236 f., 297; of Antonius , 267 ff., 296; under the Principate, 397. Aecla

. (cos. 46 B.C.), 69, 94, 96, 97, 104, 126, 382, 482; in alliancewith Antonius , 109; his provinces, 110; behaviour in 43 B.C., 1

On monarchy, 516; as a viticultor, 451. Annius Cimber, adherent of Antonius , 132. Annius Milo, T., 39, 48. Annona, 37, 339,

e children, 422. Antonii, 19, 493, 494, 495. Antoninus Pius, 502. Antonius , son of lullus, the last of his line, 494. Antoni

inus Pius, 502. Antonius, son of lullus, the last of his line, 494. Antonius , C, (cos. 63 B.C.), 62, 65, 81, 165, 197. Anton

f his line, 494. Antonius, C, (cos. 63 B.C.), 62, 65, 81, 165, 197. Antonius , C. (pr. 44 B.C.), 126, 171, 183, 203. Antonius

65, 81, 165, 197. Antonius, C. (pr. 44 B.C.), 126, 171, 183, 203. Antonius , Iullus (cos. 10 B.C.), 373, 376, 378, 421, 494;

executed, 426; importance of, 427; his son, 494. PageBook=>537 Antonius , L. (cos. 41 B.C.), 115, 116, 189; his cognomen,

n the Perusine War, 208 ff., 215; pietas, 157, 208; his death, 211. Antonius , M. (cos. 44 B.C.), family and relatives of, 63,

; peace of Brundisium, 216 ff.; marriage to Octavia, 219; prestige of Antonius , 221 f.; actions in 39–37 B.C., 221 ff.; relation

300 f.; invasion of Media, 263 f.; ulterior designs, 273 ff.; acta of Antonius , 276, 278; breach with Octavianus, 276 ff.; testa

of Antonius, 276, 278; breach with Octavianus, 276 ff.; testament of Antonius , 282; actions in 32 B.C., 280 ff.; strategy, 294

4 f., 121 f., 150, 277, 442; descendants, 376, 493 ff. Partisans of Antonius , 132, 199 f., 222, 266 ff., 280 ff., 296, 299 f.,

in Spain, 110, 166; observations on the Battle of Mutina, 174; joins Antonius , 180; his conduct defended, 180 f.; in the proscr

229, 340; the Bellum Siculum, 230 ff.; in Illyricum, 240. Breach with Antonius , 276 ff.; position in 32 B.C., 277 f.; iuratio It

, escaped slave and senator, 196. Barbatius Pollio, M., quaestor of Antonius , 196. Bathyllus, favourite of Maecenas, 342, 486.

rth, 78, 81, 150 f., 350. Bithynia, allotted in 44 B.C., 103; under Antonius , 266; a senatorial province, 328; governors, 103,

his consulate, 221; as an admiral, 230; his priesthoods, 238; attacks Antonius , 283; in Spain, 292, 302 f.; repairs the Via Lati

o descendants, 498. Caninius Gallus, L. (cos. 37 B.C.), partisan of Antonius , 200, 266, 498. Caninius Rebilus, C. (cos. suff

Queen of Egypt, 6, 214, 259; relations with Caesar, 275; donations by Antonius , 260, 270, 300 f.; her rapacity, 260, 270; relati

by Antonius, 260, 270, 300 f.; her rapacity, 260, 270; relations with Antonius and the problem of their marriage, 261, 273 f., 2

emarks on contemporary history, 250; on the quarrel of Octavianus and Antonius , 258. Cornelius Scipio, paramour of Julia, 426,

487, 489. Crete, allotted to the Liberators, 119, 126; liberated by Antonius , 272; a senatorial province, 328. Cupra Maritim

s of, 406. Cyrene, as a province of the Liberators, 119, 126; under Antonius , 266, 298; under Augustus, 328, 357, 399; governo

Ode, 511; ‘desultor bellorum civilium’, 512. Demetrius, freedman of Antonius , 201. Demetrius of Gadara, freedman of Pompeius

vine honours, 53 f., 256; for Pompeius, 30, 263; Caesar, 53 ff., 263; Antonius , 263, 273; Octavianus, 233; Augustus, 305, 469 ff

, 234 f. Domitius Decidius, Narbonensian senator, 44. Donations, of Antonius , 260, 270, 300 f. Donatives to soldiers, 125, 1

t, the, clientela of Pompeius in, 30, 74, 76, 261; of Caesar, 262; of Antonius , 262 f., 300 f.; of Augustus, 300 f., 365 f., 473

f., 300 f.; of Augustus, 300 f., 365 f., 473 f., 476; arrangements of Antonius , 259 ff., 266, 271 ff.; opposition to the West, 2

us, demagogue and conspirator, 371, 402. Egnatuleius, L., quaestor of Antonius , 126, 132. Egypt, in relation to Pompeius and C

ion to Pompeius and Caesar, 37, 76; troops in, 111, 124; augmented by Antonius , 260 f., 272 f.; annexed, 300; wealth of, 290, 30

of the Pompeians, 73; support Octavianus in 44 B.C., 131; attitude to Antonius , 272 f., 290; welcome the Principate, 351; under

Emperor. Fleets, of Sex. Pompeius, 228; of Octavianus, 231, 295; of Antonius , 231, 294 f.; command of, under the Principate, 3

.C.), Caesarian partisan, 66, 94, 111, 126, 197; defends the cause of Antonius , 165, 167, 168, 172; rescues Varro, 193; in 42–40

, 110, 124, 126; a proposal about the province, 118; as a province of Antonius , 189; abolition of the province, 206 f., 209, 314

., 180; of the Triumvirs, 199 ff.; of Octavianus, 234 ff., 327 f.; of Antonius , 266 ff.; of Augustus, 329 f., 397 ff.; military

iotism, 440, 449; and Roman literature, 461. Greeks, conciliated by Antonius , 262 f.; derided by Juvenal, 490; in the Roman eq

es of March, 97 ff.; political prospects, 99 ff.; his friendship with Antonius , 98, 106, 203, 206; actions in summer, 44 B.C., 1

Lepidus, 178; with Sex. Pompeius, 189, 227; an Antonian, 268; deserts Antonius , 296; made a patrician, 382; illustrious and ill-

184; in campaign of Philippi, 203 ff.; end of, 205 f.; on the side of Antonius , 268 f.; descendants of, 492; their memory honour

Licinius Crassus, M. (cos. 30 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius, 269; with Antonius , 266, 269; deserts Antonius, 296; proconsul of Ma

. 30 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius, 269; with Antonius, 266, 269; deserts Antonius , 296; proconsul of Macedonia, 303, 308, 327, 349;

abrum of Caesar, 63, 71, 355; his wealth, 71, 380. Manius, agent of Antonius , 208, 209. Manlii, 10, 18, 357. Manlius Torqu

scribes his brother, 193; in the Perusine War, 210 ff., 215; flees to Antonius , 215 f.; as proconsul of Asia, 223; of Syria, 232

, 243 f., 257; on the side of Octavianus, 237, 238 f.; on the side of Antonius , 222, 269 f., 282; and Augustus, 368, 379, 419 f.

, 83, 210, 212, 361. Octavia, sister of Augustus, 112, 378; marries Antonius , 217; mediates, 225; sent back by Antonius, 226;

ugustus, 112, 378; marries Antonius, 217; mediates, 225; sent back by Antonius , 226; behaviour in 35 B.C., 265; divorce of, 280;

elps Servilia, 102, 192; in the proscriptions, 192 f.; relations with Antonius and Octavianus, 257; deathbed of, 257; his estate

litical, 154 ff., 208, 218, 256; poetry as, 251 ff., 460 ff.; against Antonius and Cleopatra, 270 f., 273, 275, 289, 305; in the

06 f., 217; government in the Triumviral period, 310; arrangements of Antonius , 266; allegiance in 32 B.C., 292; control of, aft

B.C.), father-in-law of Sex. Pompeius, 45, 213, 215, 221, 228; joins Antonius , 232, 269; his descendants, 424 f., 497. Scribo

19, 493. Sempronius Atratinus, L. (cos. suff. 34 B.C.), admiral of Antonius , 231, 269; deserts to Octavianus, 282; proconsul

Caesarian partisan, 64, 69, 94; proconsul of Asia, 109, 136; attacks Antonius , 123; his policy, 134, 135, 136, 147; praised by

rica, 189, 199, 213; his superstition, 256. Sicily, enfranchized by Antonius , 116, 272; seized by Sex. Pompeius, 189; conquere

n, 232, 264, 266, 267, 281; a city named after him, 281, 405; deserts Antonius , 281 f.; at Actium, 297; under the Principate, 32

eets Octavianus, 114, 141; in the summer of 44 B.C., 139 ff.; attacks Antonius , 123; relations with Octavianus, 141 ff.; policy

onian, 206, 222; joins Octavianus, 237, 238, 368; allegations against Antonius , 277; his consulate, 291; in Gaul and Syria, 302

nd early career, 71, 92; a ‘muleteer’, 92, 151; his early services to Antonius , 126, 176, 178; his consulate, 188; in Gaul, 189,

nia, notorious freedwoman, 252. Volumnius Eutrapelus, P., friend of Antonius , 195, 252. Volusenus Quadratus, C, Caesarian offi